Zali Steggall
Warringah · Independent · Australia
“These amendments don't prevent the government from reforming the NDIS. They don't prevent the government from managing costs and they don't prevent the government from improving sustainability, but they do ensure that participants can seek reassessment when their plan no longer meets their needs.”
“The NDIS was built on a simple promise that Australians with disability would have access to the reasonable and necessary supports they needed to live with dignity, participate in the community and exercise choice and control over their own lives. The NDIS must be sustainable. It must be well governed.”
“If a decision has a practical effect of cutting a participant's support, then it should be treated as it is: a decision that affects that participant. Put simply, if your funding is significantly cut, you should have review rights. The third amendment deals with the review rights where funding is significantly reduced.”
“I rise to recognise the incredible work of some incredibly passionate women at the Arise Foundation and to call for greater investment in recovery and healing for women leaving violence. For too many women, the crisis does not end when they leave.”
“Reform must not mean that people are pushed away from work, study or volunteering because the supports that make participation possible have been overlooked by a system that has become more and more automated. The first amendment deals with plan reassessment.”
“by leave—I move amendments (1) to (4) as circulated in my name together: (1) Schedule 1, item 21, page 9 (line 22), at the end of subsection 48A(1), add: ; and (e) alternatively to paragraphs (a) to(d), the participant demonstrates that: (i) the supports are no longer available; or (ii) the plan is insufficient to meet the participant's r…”
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“It could be a political policy or a government inclination that the government of the day does not like. This event is not defined. So one of my first amendments is to define this event to be limited to military conflict because, we know, this can be used in so many ways. We have to be really clear, when the assistant minister talks about how Australia wants to reserve the right of who comes and who stays, about how we don't want people overstaying, that people have already jumped through hoops to get these temporary and visitor visas. These are students or people who are coming for specific events to visit relatives—not direct relatives but relatives. It might be for funerals or weddings. These are significant events that people have absolutely jumped through procedural hoops to attend.”
“Let's be really clear. This legislation is hypocritical and deeply concerning. This is Trump politics. Of course, what we're clearly seeing from this government is that, if you're a high-profile person and a minister from the government can get a photo opportunity, then we will show some leniency, thoughtfulness and compassion. To everybody else, we're shutting the gate and acting in a way that is, I can only say, despicable. This legislation is so hypocritical, it gives sweeping new powers to suspend the use of valid temporary visas for entire groups of people based on changing global circumstances. I want to be really clear. The legislation does not define 'event'. This can be, in this instance, a military conflict. In future it could be a natural disaster. It could be a famine.”
“(8) Schedule 1, item 6, page 8 (line 9), omit "in writing", substitute "by legislative instrument" (9) Schedule 1, item 6, page 9 (after line 28), after subsection 84E(2), insert: (2A) If a temporary visa held by a non-citizen comes into effect again because of subsection (2): (a) the visa is extended by a period equal to the period for which it was not in effect because of the relevant arrival control determination; and (b) the Minister must seek advice as to what compensation should be paid to the non-citizen. (10) Schedule 1, item 6, page 9 (before line 29), before subsection 84E(3), insert: (2B) If an arrival control determination applies to a non-citizen, the Commonwealth must compensate the non-citizen in full for any travel, visa processing and other reasonable related costs incurred by the non-citizen because of the determination.”
“(5) Schedule 1, item 6, page 7 (after line 20), after subsection 84C(4), insert: (4A) An arrival control determination does not apply in relation to a non-citizen at a particular time if, at that time, the non-citizen is currently in transit travelling to Australia under a temporary or visitor visa. (6) Schedule 1, item 6, page 7 (line 21), omit "(3) and (4)", substitute "(3), (4) and (4A)". (7) Schedule 1, item 6, page 7 (line 25), after "may", insert ", by legislative instrument,".”
“I ask leave of the House to move amendment 1 and amendments 3 to 10 as circulated in my name together: (1) Schedule 1, item 6, page 4 (after line 22), after paragraph 84B(2)(a), insert: (aa) the event or circumstance is an armed conflict; and (ab) Australia has not caused or contributed to, and is not causing or contributing to, the event or circumstance; and (2) Schedule 1, item 6, page 5 (lines 26 and 27), omit subsection 84B(8). (3) Schedule 1, item 6, page 5 (line 32) to page 6 (line 2), omit subsection 84B(10), substitute: (10) The Minister may exercise the power in subsection (1) only once in relation to: (a) a particular event or circumstances; or (b) a particular class of non-citizens. (4) Schedule 1, item 6, page 6 (lines 8 to 13), omit subsection 84B(13).”
“To the Prime Minister: a far-right activist group—the organisation to which, incredibly, the husband of the Special Envoy to Combat Antisemitism donated—recently platformed abhorrent claims that Angela Merkel's politics did more damage to Germany than Nazis and Adolf Hitler. Shockingly, also in attendance was former prime minister and director of Fox Corporation Tony Abbott and current sitting Liberal senators. ADVANCE astroturfs and spreads misinformation to gain support for a dangerous far-right agenda. Will the government urgently guardrail against this with truth-in-political-advertising laws and ban the use of generative AI and deepfakes in political advertising?”
“The old debate, jobs versus environment, is outdated when we have the choice of stewardship that supports biodiversity, cultural heritage, climate resilience and sustainable regional economies. Protecting the Takayna forest is a serious climate policy. Old forests and peat-rich soils lock away carbon built up over long timescales. Once disturbed, emissions are released and recovery takes decades to centuries. Credible analysis suggests that, in this forest, over 100 billion tonnes of carbon are sequestered, which equates to $15 billion in offsets. Rather than wasting billions of taxpayer dollars on carbon capture and storage, let's lock in high-integrity natural carbon stores by protecting the Takayna forest.”
“Recently I ran 37 kilometres through the forest in Takayna to experience firsthand its beauty, with massive trees spanning like sentinels of time. It made one thing very clear: some places are too important to gamble with, because once you fragment them you can't simply rebuild what took thousands of years to form. I call on the government to accelerate and support the World Heritage listing of the Takayna forest to ensure enduring protection of this incredible area. It's an ancient environment doing the quiet work for our planet, acting as a carbon sink that's absorbing the excesses of our modern economies. It's a nationally significant Aboriginal cultural landscape with an exceptional concentration of cultural heritage sites.”
“Right now, we don't even have longitudinal data to understand the complexity of intimate partner violence over time. Of the 131 measures tracked under the current national plan, only 32 per cent currently have a data source. So how are we even going to know that the other measures are on track? Without robust, widely available data, we can't accurately measure the promised outcomes of the national plan. We have to confront systems abuse. Child support, tax, family law processes—too often they are used as tools for coercion and control. Women should not have to enter dangerous conflict situations to receive payments or entitlements to take care of children. So, whilst there is some progress, there is so much more to be done on this issue.”
“I'm told a far-reaching inquiry can compel evidence across agencies and jurisdictions and expose where systems are failing, where funding is not reaching the front line and how perpetrators exploit loopholes in our system. I believe strongly that a royal commission would elevate this crisis to a national priority alongside other issues examined by royal commissions. The commission itself can also be strengthened as a statutory authority with expanded powers to gather timely information, data and evidence. We also have to fix the issue of data on this issue. It's insane that we still don't have clear data across our country. The commission points to the need for better monitoring, review mechanisms and transparent public reporting.”
“We know alcohol is such a massive driver, but it's clear this government is still, I would argue, captured by big business and vested interests because, despite clear guidelines, we are not prioritising the recommendations of the Murphy report and banning gambling advertising, for example. The commission makes many recommendations, but it lacks the power needed to really hold the government and states and territories to account. Without the power to compel information from consistent public reporting, it's hard to genuinely hold government to account. I've been calling for a royal commission into domestic violence and femicide because we see, for so many other issues, that it elevates the issue to an area of significance. It sends a clear signal that this is a priority for the government. Instead, what we're seeing is a mixed response.”
“Despite many submissions, they're being forced to downscale their operations because they have funding shortfalls, and I don't hold much hope that they are going to be funded in the upcoming budget. I really hope I am wrong. We must address these key drivers. I've repeatedly backed calls for a ban on gambling advertising and far stronger regulation of alcohol. The evidence is so clear that alcohol and gambling ads fuel violence. We know that incidents of domestic violence spike by 40 per cent during major sporting events. If the government are serious about prevention—and members of government have made great speeches here—then they have to act on the obvious drivers. We cannot continue to have gambling advertising peppered through our system that is leading to this crisis getting worse and impacting young men.”
“The reforms also include a major uplift in safe, affordable housing options for women and children fleeing violence. Of course, at the moment, too often they have to choose between safety and poverty, so unfortunately stay in unsafe environments. They include fixing systems that enable economic abuse and coercive control, including the broken child support system and the weaponisation of administrative processes. The government is complicit currently under the child support system with coercive economic control of single parents. They include a focus on prevention, including early intervention programs for men and boys and support for services like the Man Cave and Mentoring Men.”
“The insights align with reforms that I've been consistently advocating for in this parliament and previously, including increasing and sustaining the funding for frontline services, so the capacity of these services aligns with the community need. We are still so far from the actual need. They include a national domestic violence offender register to support a disclosure scheme similar to Clare's Law; stronger, nationally consistent approaches to sentencing; AVO enforcement; and appropriate electronic monitoring for high-risk offenders. We take a preventive approach when it comes to terrorism. Why are we not taking a preventive approach when it comes to this domestic terrorism of women? It has to be shifted; the dial has to shift in this way.”
“Secondly, we must embed lived experience and centre the voices of those who have been most impacted in that decision-making. That includes having things like a youth advisory council. It means co-designing with Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander women, people with disability, multicultural communities and LGBTQIA+ people. Thirdly, the commission highlights how disconnected our social services and institutions are. Family law, child protection, police, health and housing are all systems that intersect in the lives of victims-survivors, yet too often they operate in isolation, in their own silos. The commission calls for coordinated implementation and delivery mechanisms across government, across all those services.”
“We're now also seeing evolving threats—technology facilitated abuse, nudify apps, stalking tools, deepfakes and the rise of the online 'manosphere', radicalising boys and young men with misogyny. While investments have increased, we cannot confuse expenditure with effectiveness. As I've said before in this place, it's not good enough to say, 'But we've spent record amounts,' or, 'We've spent more than the other side,' if the dial is not shifting in terms of outcomes. The commission highlights critical insights that must guide our next steps. Firstly, prevention must begin in childhood. We need respectful-relationships education early and emotional literacy. Education at universities matters too. Programs like Consent Labs play a really important role in creating change.”
“The Northern Beaches Women's Shelter has faced demand from more than 70 women per day, most of whom have had to be turned away because they don't have the capacity. So this yearly report reinforces all of those statistics on a national front. Our systems remain fragmented, too often underresourced, and the result is predictable harm. In Australia, one in four women has experienced intimate partner violence since the age of 15. Almost half of all women hospitalised for assault were injured by someone they knew or trusted. That is the most astounding statistic. And 39 per cent of people accessing homelessness services are there because of domestic and family violence. At the end of 2025, we saw an increase in the number of sexual assaults reported to police and a 14 per cent increase of women experiencing economic abuse.”
“They are staffed by extraordinary people who show up every day to protect women and children. Last year, I convened a domestic and family violence roundtable with frontline organisations, and we heard from the Northern Beaches Women's Shelter, Mary's House, Women & Children First, the Women's Resilience Centre, Dalwood Spilstead, LocalKind and St Vincent de Paul. Despite different service models, they all described the same problem—women and children are waiting too long for help and in the most dangerous moment, which is when they're trying to leave. They are often having to be waitlisted. Police in our area tell me domestic and family violence is their most frequent call-out. In Warringah alone, more than 450 domestic and family violence assaults were reported last year.”
“We must move beyond fragmented responses and embrace coordinated, accountable delivery. The report sets out priority actions for the seven years remaining in the National Plan to End Violence against Women and Children—only seven years for that plan; remember that. We need prevention beginning in childhood and stronger implementation mechanisms, and we must strengthen the commission itself so we can gather the information needed to monitor progress and outcomes. If not, it is only words; that plan will not deliver its stated outcome. It's what I've been saying in this parliament since my maiden speech in 2019. Domestic violence is a major health and safety crisis, and we must treat it with the urgency that it demands. In Warringah, the electorate has five women's shelters.”
“The Domestic, Family and Sexual Violence Commission's yearly report to parliament is a sobering reminder that, while Australia has plans and strategies, we are still failing to deliver the safety and protection that women and children deserve. Domestic and family violence remains a national emergency, and we are still not seeing a mobilisation of resources and decision-making by government as it does for other issues. One woman is murdered every week in Australia, and, sadly, children are too, though not quite at the same rate. Some 2.3 million Australian women have experienced violence from an intimate partner. Nearly 60 per cent of women who are now single mothers have experienced partner violence. So, yes, Australian women are angry. I'm one of them. The commission is clear.”
“This is not ideology; this is sensible economic management. My time is up, but there is so much more we can talk about. From a national security perspective, we know it is existential and urgent that we address this and do more. I urge the government to get real and actually do more.”
“As we approach the next budget, I am calling for at least one-quarter of one per cent of GDP to be invested annually into climate risk reduction. We don't blink an eye when we talk about the percentage of GDP to be invested in defence. Well, our domestic defence, our risk to climate, needs that same focus. Natural disasters already cost nearly $40 billion a year—about two per cent of GDP—and it's projected to nearly double by 2060. Investing in adaptation saves money. For every $1 spent, we save about $11 in future losses. So if we want to talk about sensible economic management, it must include investment in adaptation and resilience. I've proposed a detailed plan of how we can strengthen building codes, invest in local government capacity, protect wetlands and dunes, and make climate risk disclosures standard in financial decisions.”
“I can assure the members in this place from regional communities that they will be bearing the brunt of it, and then we will see the endless need for emergency disaster relief packages which we simply will not be able to afford. We know you won't be able to have insurance; insurance will be unaffordable for many. We will see spikes in heat-related illness and biodiversity loss. Billions in spending on disaster recovery will become the norm. Sustainable economic management is not possible without addressing climate risks. In 2022 alone, climate fuelled disasters cost Australia $30 billion, and the cost will only rise. What's missing from the picture is serious investment in adaptation and resilience. The National Climate Risk Assessment last year outlined the threats, but since then nothing: no funding, no serious plan.”
“I compare it to nuclear SMRs—it's this great big hope on the horizon that never delivers but costs a bomb. Why are we continuing to talk about that most expensive, uncertain technology? Why is the government still not protecting native forests and putting an end to native forest logging? Last November, the Minister for Climate Change and Energy, Chris Bowen, admitted that based on current global emissions the world is on track to 2.8 degrees of warming. That is diabolical. For Australia, it means bushfires like Black Summer could happen nearly every year, days over 50 degrees in Sydney and Melbourne will be common, storms and floods will reshape our coasts and the Great Barrier Reef will be lost forever.”
“I urge the expert panel to ensure its interim report, due in June this year, meaningfully progresses the issue of methane reporting, monitoring and measuring, especially in the oil and gas sector. Meanwhile, we can't forget native forests—powerful natural carbon sinks that protect biodiversity. They still lack the adequate protection from logging and other threats. It is mind-blowing that we are heading into a budget period where I believe further millions or billions of taxpayer dollars are going to be wasted on carbon capture and storage when the best carbon sink capacity, our native forests, is just being ignored. Millions are poured into unproven carbon-capturing projects that continue to fail to meet benchmarks, but—and they continue to excuse high emissions—it's a 'unicorn technology'.”
“Reducing methane is a huge necessity and opportunity, yet the government action to ensure that it is properly measured has not been progressed. If we can't measure methane emissions, how are we going to reduce them or at least acknowledge that they are there? In 2023, the Climate Change Authority made recommendations to improve how Australia measures and reports methane emissions, as part of the NGER Act review. The government has agreed to those recommendations, fully or in principle, and set up an expert panel to examine the issue. But, two years on from that review, we haven't heard a peep. Progress has been painfully slow. Meanwhile, those emissions are continuing and we are continuing to cook!”
“These allow polluting industries to continue business as usual, and, in fact, the government continues to approve coal and gas projects that then rely on offsets, so we are continually putting fuel on the fire. Offsets have a role for hard to abate sectors, but they cannot be used to justify continuing to increase emissions and continuing with polluting industries like coal and gas. We have to ensure that we don't replace genuine low-emissions transformation with the use of offsets. We can't overlook, of course, the problem of methane, a greenhouse gas that is 80 times more potent than carbon dioxide over its first 20 years. It is absolutely responsible for the increases in warming that we are currently seeing, and yet you don't hear a peep about methane from anyone in government.”
“Last year, the Climate Change Authority released decarbonisation plans for six sectors of the economy, but, disappointingly, the authority did not set specific, binding targets for each sector. We need clear sectoral plans for all of these areas. Without those targets, there is no accountability and companies or governments can ignore the guidance without consequences. Voluntary targets rarely drive the urgent change needed to meet Australia's climate goals and don't give businesses a clear signal to plan for cleaner operations over the long term and meaningful investment. The other issue of great concern I referred to is that Australia's net zero strategy relies too heavily on carbon offsets.”
“Australia has committed to cutting emissions by between 62 and 70 per cent by 2035, based on 2005 levels, and I know that many members of government want a pat on the back for that because it certainly is better than the woeful ignorance of the opposition and their complete lack of policy or commitment to our biggest threat. But the reality is that only the upper end of that 2035 target is even remotely within the range of science and what is needed to actually keep the temperature increase under two degrees. We urgently need to accelerate emissions reduction, especially around transport, agriculture and industry. Right now, only the energy sector is doing the heavy lifting.”
“Climate change is a cost-of-living issue that drives up your power bills and insurance costs as disasters become more and more frequent and severe and disrupt food production, transport and many other aspects. It's also a problem of intergenerational equity. It steals opportunities from the next generation, leaving them with a heavy carbon debt, this existential threat, and a very heavy burden to bear. Governments are not moving fast enough to protect all Australians from the climate risks ahead. The climate change statement shows that Australia needs to accelerate its action to meet even just its 2030 emission target. Our emissions are falling but not fast enough.”
“Stormwater systems overflowed, turning roads into rivers. Passengers were rescued from stranded cars. Residents were forced to evacuate, returning days later to soaked homes and damaged belongings. Insurance premiums were absolutely tested and stressed. This is experienced in many coastal communities. It's a sobering reminder of what happens in Warringah and many places in Australia and what we are going to face as it worsens. We know impacts are going to cascade, compound and escalate. We know these storms will get more severe. A warming climate with warmer temperatures means greater amounts of humidity in the atmosphere, leading to a year's worth of rain falling in short periods. Too often our infrastructure is not equipped to cope. But the risks go far beyond just worsening disasters.”
“We also continue with a flawed system when it comes to monitoring and measuring methane emissions, and spending on adaptation is woefully inadequate. Even Australia's military and intelligence experts warn that climate change is an existential threat to human civilisation and say the government refuses to face up to that challenge. So the reality is clear. This government must urgently strengthen both mitigation and resilience to protect Australians from the climate risks ahead. In January, my electorate of Warringah and nearby areas were hit by violent summer storms, heavy rain, pounding winds and flash flooding that upended people's lives and disrupted business. The economic impact of disruption is the piece that doesn't get talked about, but it is a very vital piece. Torrential downpours swamped streets and homes.”
“Every Australian has felt the effects of our warming climate, whether they realise it or not and whether they accept it or not. We've all experienced sweltering summer nights that won't cool down. We see grocery and power bills climbing and insurance premiums soaring. Beaches are disappearing to coastal erosion. Communities are flooding. We see the Great Barrier Reef, repeatedly, bleaching and dying. We see droughts getting worse, and we see storms and flooding getting worse. But the question is: are we responding fast enough as a nation? The Annual Climate Change Statement reveals the answer, and it is clearly no, despite all the things said by the government members. Australia is at risk of missing its emissions target. We rely too much on offsets instead of cutting pollution at its source.”
“If we compare that to what we're seeing in Australia, the difference is stark. In Australia the approach has been to just throw more people in jail—adult time, adult crime—no matter the cost to our economy and to our society. We are making the problem worse. I urge us to be real, when we talk about closing the gap, about the policies that actually make a difference. Don't just put on a bandaid. It's convenient and populist to prey on people's fears, but that does not do anything about actually making the problem better. There are so many areas we can talk about when it comes to closing the gaps, but, for me, my focus overwhelmingly has to be a focus on the rights of the child and, in particular, on young Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children, who are at the moment being absolutely let down by Australia.”
“Between 2008 and 2022, Scotland has recorded a 92 per cent reduction in the number of children and young people prosecuted in courts and a 97 per cent reduction in 16- to 17-year-olds sentenced to custody. And Scotland has gone further by embedding children's rights in law. The rights in the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child are legally protected and enforceable in Scotland. This should happen in Australia, and it should happen here at Commonwealth level because that will override absolutely inhumane laws that are happening at state and territory level. It has also ended the practice of holding children in young offender institutions. Reforms commencing 28 August 2024 meant children could no longer be remanded or sentenced to prisons, instead being placed in smaller, trauma informed, secure care settings.”
“Where Commonwealth funded services interact with children—health, early childhood, disability supports and family violence responses—the plan should specify who is responsible for outcomes and how progress is being tracked in relation to children. If we want proof that a different approach can work, we should look to, for example, Scotland's whole-system approach, which deliberately diverts children from prosecution, from incarceration and from criminality. What we've seen across the country is shameful. The policies around adult crime, adult time are shameful approaches. When you look at Scotland's whole-system approach, it shows how you can do this well. They focus on early intervention. They coordinate responses across police, education, health and social services. The outcomes have been dramatic.”
“When early childhood development is worsening, that tells us that kids are starting school already behind, and catching up later is harder and more expensive. When adult imprisonment worsens, it affects families, children's stability, economic participation and community safety. A high-stakes game plan for children should look like prevention. We must invest early in maternal and child health, family supports, education, housing, food and security. We need to strengthen Aboriginal community controlled child and family services so families can get culturally safe supports early before statutory systems come in, and we should measure progress by whether children are safer and remain connected to kin, culture and country.”
“We can make 2026 the year of structural change, not just more well-intentioned announcements and initiatives. I would argue the stakes are highest for children. We must put children's rights at the centre of the response, not just add-ons. Under the Convention on the Rights of the Child, governments must treat the best interests of the child as a primary consideration in decisions affecting children. This connects to Closing the Gap's child protection target, target 12—by 2031, reduce the overrepresentation of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children in out-of-home care by 45 per cent. But national reporting shows this target is actually worsening. Warning lights in the national data are not abstract. When out-of-home care is worsening, that means more children separated from family, kin, culture and country.”
“The national apology on 13 February 2008 acknowledged the deep harms inflicted on Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples, especially the Stolen Generation, and there was a commitment to action across those key areas, yet we are falling behind. The Productivity Commission's annual data shows the worsening outcomes in particular areas, including adult imprisonment, which is target 10; children in out-of-home care; suicide; and children developmentally on track. That means some targets are being achieved, but so many system-level indicators are telling us the pace and scale of change is falling far short. The first step to tackling these problems is being honest about where the failures are and why, and a credible plan begins with the truth.”
“These are just a few ways in which a RAP can be a meaningful engagement with First Nations. Closing the Gap today sits under the National Agreement on Closing the Gap, developed in partnership between governments and Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peak bodies. The agreement includes four priority reforms that focus on transforming systems—formal partnerships, building community controlled sectors, transforming mainstream agencies, and shared access to data, with 19 national socioeconomic targets tracked through the Productivity Commission's information repository and dashboard. This matters because the evidence is blunt. As of the July 2025 data release, only four targets were assessed as being on track, and several key targets are worsening.”
“It also applies to constituent liaison officers in my dedicated correspondence team, which has direct connections with First Nations organisations and proactively engages with them when undertaking individual case work. It also applies to events, and of course we have a welcome to country and acknowledgement at all events, including guest speakers and youth ambassadors, ensuring we have that truth-telling and acknowledgement. It also applies across our grants process, with individual case-by-case grant identification and writing support, including letters of support. It also applies through employment pathways, and we are looking at a First Nations intern and work experience program being implemented as part of our rolling Warringah and Canberra intern program.”
“Our response to all forms of racism, including white supremacy, must be strong, consistent and unequivocal, because there is no place for hate in a country serious about closing the gap. If we are a country where Australian values include equality, then closing the gap is a priority. My electorate office in Manly has taken the initiative and proactively developed a reconciliation action plan—I encourage all other members of parliament to consider that for their own office operations—to embed First Nations consultations, stories and lived experience into the everyday work of our office. This applies across legislation; we regularly engage with Indigenous representative bodies in Warringah and nationally so that the views of Indigenous Australians are captured in the way my office considers legislation.”
“In the 2023 Voice referendum, Warringah voted overwhelmingly yes, at nearly 60 per cent, for recognition of a voice, because if we can't learn from the past, including the lessons of exclusion and harm, we can't make the changes we need for the future. That's why recent events are so alarming and must be raised in this context. The alleged attempted bombing at the Perth Invasion Day rally on 26 January 2026, now treated as a terrorism matter, was a stark reminder that racism escalates into violence. It sits alongside a broader, deeply concerning rise in white supremacist and Neo-Nazi activity, including incidents targeting First Nations people and places of cultural significance.”
“2026 marks the 18th anniversary of the national apology, delivered in parliament on 13 February 2008. It was a formal acknowledgement of the profound harm done to stolen generations by government policies. Anniversaries matter because they remind us that the apology was never meant to be the end of the story but the start. It was meant to be the beginning of that commitment to undo that harm, and of a different relationship built on truth, healing and action. Closing the gap: Commonwealth annual report 2025 and Commonwealth implementation plan 2026 shows us whether the 2008 apology is being matched by system change, genuine partnership and measurable progress, especially for children and families. In Warringah, our community has shown it wants to walk forward as an ally.”
“I acknowledge the Ngunnawal and Ngambri peoples as the traditional custodians of the Canberra region where the Australian parliament meets. I pay my respects to their elders, past and present, and I extend that respect to all Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people here today. Closing the Gap is not a slogan or a line item. It is a whole-of-government obligation, an obligation on all Australians, to change outcomes by changing how government works—shared decision-making, community control and accountability. The Commonwealth annual report 2025 shows practical progress in communities in jobs, essentials, housing, health, rangers and education, but the national data says we are not moving fast enough where it matters most, especially on justice, safety and children. My remarks today land in a significant national moment.”
“We can see that it is that representation of Australia on the world stage that is a benefit to all Australians when it comes to tourism and how the rest of the world thinks of Australia. You look at a country like Norway—such a small nation yet such incredible results, which shows what good programs and good government supports for that can do. We're about to start the Paralympic Games, and I have from Warringah two incredible athletes competing: Ben Tudhope, going to his fourth Paralympics, in the snowboard cross; and Dave Miln, who is debuting in the para biathlon. I wish them the best of luck. All of Warringah and Australia will be watching the whole team.”
“I need to celebrate that we have had a record-breaking representation of the Australian team at the Milan Cortina Winter Olympic Games. Our winter Olympians have just done something extraordinary. As a nation that is not always associated with winter sports, we have nonetheless won six medals, including three gold, two silvers and a bronze. It was an incredible feat by so many. Obviously, from my perspective it was great to watch, but we need to be aware that pride alone doesn't buy lift passes or ice time, coaching time or world-class preparation, and winter sports still receive far less financial support than summer sports do, especially proportional, when we see those results. The gap should close.”
“This can't just be legislation to look like you're addressing a problem but not actually in practice meaningfully changing mobile coverage to ensure all communities have access to triple zero.”
“The Optus triple zero outage last year painfully showed us that lives depend on the integrity and reach of telecommunications. Lastly, I can give a personal example. I enjoy doing long-distance trail events, often in very remote areas of national parks. I have taken it upon myself to actually buy a mini GPS satellite device to ensure I am trackable and can be contactable by family. But that is not something that is the norm. That is not something that people in regional or remote communities should be having to do. There should be this underlying basis of essential infrastructure when it comes to mobile coverage. So I will support this legislation. As I said, I will support the amendment from the member for Indi. But I want to be very clear to the government that this has to work in practice.”
“They will be hit the hardest and they will be the most reliant upon a triple zero service that works to make sure they can be safe. There is no doubt, as I have repeated often in this place, we are still so far from doing the investment in resilience and adaptation that is necessary to keep Australians safe in light of the kind of climate escalated events that are going to occur. It is essential that the government starts focusing on investing in that safety piece for Australians. That starts with making sure mobile coverage is available and accessible to all. The bill is not about guaranteeing perfect 5G everywhere—I accept that—but it is about establishing a modern, universal service baseline for voice and SMS outdoors so Australians are not left without a lifeline simply because of geography.”