Sarah Witty
Melbourne · Australian Labor Party · Australia
“Before entering parliament, I worked in the homelessness sector at Homes for Homes. I there helped to build a pipeline of more than $110 million for social and affordable housing. During my time, I worked with property developers and helped them to engage with the organisation and raise that money.”
“But what had happened to her was that she had experienced domestic violence. Her husband had stopped her bank account. She was living on a friend's couch and couldn't stay there any longer. I was completely shocked. It is also a reminder to me that homelessness can happen quickly and it can happen to anyone.”
“Today, I want to speak about housing, not as a market and not as a headline but as a place where a person can close the door and feel safe. Recently, I met with the Victorian Homelessness Fund. Since 1987, the fund has worked to provide long-term homes for women and children escaping domestic violence. Their model is practical.”
“Where a cancelled flight causes additional cost, the proposed scheme seeks to make sure airlines cover reasonable costs, such as meals, transport or overnight accommodation. This bill is also important because aviation is not experienced equally by everyone.”
“This bill is not pretending every flight will run on time. It is not pretending every disruption can be avoided, and it is not pretending aviation can be simplified by legislation alone, but it does something important.”
“The ombudsperson will provide a fair, accessible and independent external dispute resolution service for complaints about airlines and airports.”
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“We must continue expanding renewable generation, continue strengthening the grid, continue electrifying transport and buildings, continue supporting workers and communities through transition. Climate leadership is not abstract for my community. It's about whether a renter in Richmond can lower their power bill, whether a high-rise in Docklands can electrify affordably, whether a small business in South Yarra can rely on stable, clean energy and whether vulnerable residents are protected during extreme heat. The Albanese Labor government is building a clean energy transition that lowers emissions, strengthens the economy and delivers cost-of-living relief. The Annual Climate Change Statement 2025 shows that momentum.”
“Electricity emissions, once the largest and fastest growing source, have fallen sharply as renewable generation has surged. At the end of 2025, renewable accounted for over 50 per cent of electricity in the national electricity market, the highest share ever recorded. This is proof that policies of this government are working. Large-scale wind and solar capacity continues to expand, with gigawatts of new projects committed or under construction. Rooftop solar alone now sits on more than three million Australian homes, one of the highest per capita rates in the world. Battery storage is scaling rapidly. Grid-scale batteries are coming online to firm renewable supply, while household battery uptake is increasing as costs fall. But the work is not finished.”
“Under the Albanese Labor government, Australia is no longer seen internationally as a straggler. We are credible. We are constructive in global climate forums. We are engaging with Indo-Pacific partners. We are contributing to international emissions reduction efforts. That credibility strengthens trade, investment and diplomatic relationships. The Annual Climate Change Statement 2025 confirms that the Albanese Labor government's approach is working—emissions are trending down; renewables are at record highs; electric vehicles are accelerating; targets are legislated; policy architecture is in place. The statement confirms that Australia's emissions are now significantly below 2025 levels and continuing to trend down.”
“When the Albanese Labor government strengthens building standards, invests in energy efficiency and speeds up electrification, we are not only cutting emissions but protecting public health. A well-insulated, electrified apartment is safer in a heatwave. A city powered by renewables has cleaner air. A grid strengthened by storage is more resilient. The statement reinforces that climate action is economic reform. Clean energy investment is flowing into advanced manufacturing, battery technology, critical mineral processing and research. Melbourne is well positioned to benefit from that. Our universities are leading climate science and clean tech research. Our engineers and designers are building new systems. Our workforce is ready to participate in that clean energy economy.”
“That is why the government continues to push for solutions that reflect dense-city realities—policy settings that work for renters, apartment dwellers and small businesses operating in high-density environments. Climate action must be inclusive. If it only works for detached homes, it is incomplete. The statement also documents the climate impacts Australia is already experiencing: rising temperatures, more frequent extreme heat and changing weather patterns. In Melbourne, extreme heat is not imaginary. When I visit the Carlton Urgent Care Clinic, health professionals speak about the impact of heatwaves: breathing difficulties, dehydration, vulnerable older residents struggling in poorly insulated rented apartments. Climate policy intersects directly with health policy.”
“In inner-city electorates like mine, those challenges have unique characteristics. How do we unlock rooftop solar for renters? How do we electrify high-rise apartment buildings built decades ago? How do we integrate community batteries into dense neighbourhoods? How do we scale EV charging in shared car parks and CBD precincts? These are the conversations my office has every week with residents, sustainability advocates and local businesses. The people of Melbourne care deeply about climate action. They expect ambition. They expect integrity. And they expect their federal government to continue to lead on this transformative agenda.”
“That shift has been supported by the introduction of national fuel efficiency standards, which send a clear signal to manufacturers and consumers alike that Australia is serious about transport decarbonisation. In Melbourne, that shift is visible. Apartment buildings are installing charging infrastructure, rideshare fleets are electrifying and small businesses are transitioning delivery vehicles. Transport emissions are a significant part of our national profile. The Albanese Labor government's reforms are beginning to shift that trajectory, but the statement is also honest about the scale of the task ahead. It outlines the sectors where deeper reductions are required. It highlights the need to continue accelerating renewable development to expand storage, modernise distribution networks and electrify buildings and transport at scale.”
“When we expand renewable supply through Renewable Energy Zones, we are building the generation and infrastructure that cities like Melbourne depend on. Renewable Energy Zones are transforming how Australia produces power, concentrating large-scale wind and solar in areas with strong resources, then delivering that clean electricity into urban demand centres. For Melbourne, that means ensuring that transmission upgrades, grid modernisations and storage investments keep pace so the clean energy being generated across the country flows efficiently into our homes and businesses. The Albanese Labor government is delivering those structural reforms, and the statement makes clear that the trajectory is rising. Electric vehicle uptake is accelerating strongly. EVs now account for a growing share of new car sales in Australia.”
“That matters not just for emissions but for households because when renewable generation increases, wholesale electricity prices are pushed down. When we invest in storage and transmission, reliability strengthens. When we reduce exposure to volatile fossil fuel markets, we stabilise energy costs. This is climate action aligned with cost-of-living relief, and in Melbourne that matters deeply. In Melbourne, most people live in apartments. Many rent. Many are deeply aware of both the climate challenge and the cost-of-living pressures they face. When wholesale prices fall because of record renewable generation, that benefits renters and apartment dwellers as much as anyone. When we strengthen energy efficiency standards and electrification policies, that reduces bills and improves comfort in older buildings.”
“That progress is not accidental; it is the result of deliberate policy choices made by the Albanese Labor government. This government legislated a 43 per cent emissions reduction target by 2030. This government enshrined net zero by 2050 in law. This government strengthened the safeguard mechanism so that Australia's largest industrial emitters must reduce pollution year after year. This government created the Net Zero Economy Authority to ensure workers and communities are supported through the transition. This government is not stopping there. For too long, climate policy in this country was marked by delay and division. Under the Albanese Labor government, it is marked by delivery. The statement confirms that renewable energy is now supplying a record share of Australia's electricity.”
“The Annual climate change statement 2025 is more than a legal requirement; it is an accountability document. It sets out in clear terms how Australia is tracking against our legislated climate targets, explains how our emissions are expected to change over time, outlines sector-by-sector progress and confirms that the Albanese Labor government is delivering the most serious climate action this country has ever undertaken. The statement shows that national emissions are lower than when we came to office. It shows that renewable electricity generation has reached record highs, the highest share ever recorded in Australia. It shows that coal fired generation continues to decline, large-scale solar and wind are expanding and storage is scaling to support a more reliable grid.”
“Acknowledgement must always be matched with action, and closing the gap is how we make that action real. Debate adjourned.”
“The implementation plan sets out actions. Our task now is to ensure those actions translate into measurable change. It means embedding accountability mechanisms. It means transparent reporting. It means ongoing dialogue with the Coalition of Peaks and other First Nation representatives. It means recognising that closing the gap is a long-term endeavour that goes beyond electoral cycles. Each year, on the anniversary of the national apology, we reflect on the words spoken in the main chamber in 2008. But reflection is not enough. Closing the gap is the work of turning apology into policy and policy into progress. We owe it to the stolen generations, we owe it to children growing up today and we owe it to the integrity of this parliament.”
“Closing the gap is not about charity; it's about equity. It's about ensuring that Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children have the same opportunities as any other child in Australia and that those opportunities are grounded in pride of culture and identity. As we consider this annual report, we must resist the temptation to reduce it to a scoreboard. The numbers matter deeply, but they do not tell the whole story. The story is also one of resilience, innovation and strength. Across the country, First Nations leaders are designing solutions in health, education, housing and economic development. Young people are reclaiming language. Elders are guiding cultural renewal. Communities are leading climate adaptation on country. This is extraordinary expertise and leadership to partner with, if we are willing.”
“We must scrutinise whether funding aligns with rhetoric, we must ensure that policy settings do not undermine the very outcomes we seek to achieve, and we must be willing to adjust course when communities tell us something is not working. Importantly, we must approach this work with humility. For too long, former governments assumed that they knew best. The national agreement recognises that expertise resides in community. Our role is not to dictate solutions but to support them. There is also a broader national conversation to be had about reconciliation and justice. Closing the gap does not exist in isolation from debates about truth and treaty. These are interconnected threads in a larger story about how we all share this country. A nation cannot reach its full potential while leaving part of its population behind.”
“In February, I had the privilege of spending time with Stolen Generations survivors visiting Canberra for the anniversary of the national apology. Listening to their stories reinforced something simple but profound: healing requires more than remembrance; it requires material change. It means ensuring that children grow up strong in culture and community and that families have safe homes. It means making sure that elders are supported to pass on language and knowledge. It means governments honouring their commitment not just in speeches but in budgets and in legislation. The Closing the Gap framework gives us a road map, but a road map is only useful if we follow it. As legislators, we must hold ourselves accountable.”
“Too often, data has been extracted from communities without being returned in a useful way. Data sovereignty matters. Communities must have access to, and control over, information about their own people. It also includes reforming how governments measure success. Success cannot simply be defined by service outputs. It must be defined by whether communities feel heard, respected and empowered. I want to acknowledge the role of organisations, such as the Healing Foundation, which support Stolen Generations survivors and walk alongside them on their healing journeys. Their work reminds us that closing the gap is not only about stats; it's about healing, justice, restoring what was taken and rebuilding trust.”
“When we talk about life expectancy, we are talking about years of life lost—years not spent with family, not spent sharing culture, not spent contributing to community. When we talk about early childhood development, we are talking about whether children start school confident in who they are, supported in their language and culture. When we talk about incarceration rates, we are talking about lives disrupted and communities carrying the weight of systematic injustice. The path forward must be guided by truth-telling. We cannot close the gap without understanding how it was created: through laws that discriminate, forced removals and policies that sought to erase culture. Structural inequity does not dissolve through goodwill alone. It requires structural reform. That includes reforming how we collect and share data.”
“What will work is sustained long-term investment in community controlled organisations. What will work is genuine power-sharing, not consultation after the fact but co-designed from the outset. What will work is embedding cultural capability across government so that every department understands its role in advancing equality. The implementation plan outlines actions across portfolios—that is welcome—but implementation must be more than a document; it must be a living partnership. We must also confront the uncomfortable truth that progress does not occur in a straight line. Some targets have gone backwards. The reality is deeply concerning, but it is not reason for retreat. It is a reason for urgency. Behind every statistic is a child, a parent, a grandparent. Behind every target is a human story.”
“We know that community led education initiatives improve engagement and attendance. We know that justice reinvestment programs reduce the number of people in jail and help communities thrive. So the question before us is not whether the evidence exists; it is whether we have the discipline and political will to follow it. In the electorate of Melbourne, I see the strength of Aboriginal led organisations every day. I see the power of community, of connection, of culture. I also see the impact of underinvestment and funding models that make long-term planning harder than it needs to be. If we are serious about closing the gap, then short-term pilot programs are not enough. Competitive funding rounds that pit organisations against one another will not suffice. Policy development in isolation from community will not work.”
“These are not failures of community; they are failures of systems—systems designed without First Nations voices at the centre. The most important reform underpinning the National Agreement on Closing the Gap is the commitment to shared decision-making. Governments alone cannot and should not determine the path forward. The four priority reforms—formal partnerships and shared decision making, building the community controlled sector, transforming government organisations, and improving data and information sharing—exist because First Nations leaders demanded a different way of working. And they were right. We know that, when programs are designed and delivered by Aboriginal and community controlled organisations, outcomes improve. We know that culturally safe health services lead to better health outcomes.”
“In 2008, when the National Apology to the Stolen Generations was delivered by then prime minister Kevin Rudd, it marked a watershed moment in our history. Words of apology to the stolen generations were spoken on behalf of this parliament and this nation. But, as powerful as those words were, they were never meant to stand alone. Acknowledgement must always be matched with action. The annual report makes clear that, while there has been progress in some areas, too many targets remain off track. Too many Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children are still overrepresented in out-of-home care. Too many families continue to experience preventable health inequities. Too many communities lack access to safe housing, quality education, culturally appropriate services and economic opportunity.”
“I first want to acknowledge the traditional owners of the land and pay my respects to elders past, present and emerging. I rise today to speak on the Closing the g ap annual report and the implementation plan tabled before this House. This report is not simply a collection of statistics; it is a measure of our national character. It asks whether we are prepared to confront hard truths, listen deeply and act with consistency and courage in partnership with First Nations people. Closing the gap was never meant to be a slogan. It is a commitment born from generations of advocacy by Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander leaders, communities and organisations who have long demanded that governments move beyond symbolism to structural reform.”
“From 1 July 2027, the entitlement threshold will rise to $45,000. This aligns with the top of the second income tax bracket. The maximum payment will increase to reflect increases in the super guarantee. This means more people will receive support, it means more low-income workers will keep more of what they have earned, and it means retirement savings will stay in the accounts of the people doing the work. That is what equity looks like in a tax system. I am honoured to represent the electorate of Melbourne. It is a city of shift workers, students who work while they study, casual and part-time workers, carers, nurses, researchers, teachers, hospitality staff, retail workers and early childhood educators. It is a city built on contribution. When I am in the community I hear it constantly.”
“It was designed so that a person who works hard, who pays rent and bills and who shows up year after year can retire without fear. It was designed so that ordinary working Australians can build security over time—week by week, pay by pay, year by year. That is the moral foundation of super, and this bill protects that foundation. The second part of this bill matters just as much, and in many ways it matters more for the community I represent. This bill strengthens support for low-income workers through the low-income super tax offset, LISTO, and it exists for a reason. It exists because low-income workers can end up paying more tax on their super contributions than they pay on their wages. That is not fair, and for too long the threshold settings have not kept pace with broader tax and super settings.”
“If you have less than $3 million in super, nothing changes—not the rate you pay on earnings, not the treatment of your contributions and not the structure of super for you or your family. This reform is targeted at the very top end of the system, and it is modest. It affects less than half of one per cent of Australians with super accounts. That is what we are debating. It is easy in this place for debates to become abstract. It is easy for the loudest voices to turn a targeted adjustment into a cultural war. This is a question of purpose. This is a question of legitimacy, because, if a system built for working people becomes skewed towards the already secure, it loses public confidence, and super must never lose public confidence. Super was designed for dignity.”
“They exist so that ordinary working people can build for their retirement over time. But those concessions must be sustainable, they must be justified, and they must be targeted fairly. Right now, too large a share of earning concessions flows to those at the very top end of the system. This bill adjusts the concession tax treatment for super earnings on amounts above a very high limit. From the 2026-27 income year, earnings on super balances below $3 million will not change. Earnings on balances between $3 million and $10 million will be taxed at up to 30 per cent. Earnings on balances above $10 million will be taxed at up to 40 per cent. I want to say this clearly because it matters. If you have less than $3 million in super, this change does not apply to you.”
“The objective is to preserve savings to deliver income for a dignified retirement, alongside government support, in an equitable and sustainable way. That purpose matters, because systems only endure when they stay true to why they were created. If super is used to build up excess wealth instead of being used to provide income in retirement, confidence erodes, and, when confidence erodes, working Australians pay the price. This bill restores that confidence. It does that in two clear ways. First, it better targets tax concessions for those with very large balances. Second, it strengthens support for low income workers so that super works for the people it was meant to serve. Super tax concessions are deliberate policy choice. They exist to encourage people to save for retirement.”
“Superannuation is not a privilege; it's a promise. It is the promise that if you spend a lifetime working, contributing, caring and building this country you will not be faced with insecurity at the end of it. That promise was not accidental. It was built. It was built by the union movement, built by working people who knew that dignity in retirement should not be reserved for the fortunate few, built by Labor governments who were prepared to back working Australians with a system that endures. The Treasury Laws Amendment (Building a Stronger and Fairer Super System) Bill 2026 and the Superannuation (Building a Stronger and Fairer Super System) Imposition Bill 2026 not only defend that promise; they strengthen it. Super has a purpose. It is not ambiguous. It is not optional. It is not whatever the market decides it is.”
“That is Melbourne at its best. We are a city that gathers, a city that creates spaces for people to belong, a city that knows community is not just a word; it is something we build through action. Motherhood is not meant to be done alone. It grows stronger when communities wrap around it. To every mum who walked and everyone who came in solidarity, thank you. You remind us that connection changes everything and that a child should be brought up by the community, not just by one person.”
“Recently I joined more than 500 mums and supporters walking in solidarity through the heart of Melbourne to shine a light on something that we do not talk enough about: motherhood loneliness. The walk, organised by Mum Walk, was simple and powerful—mums with prams; babies bundled up; and partners, friends and grandparents walking alongside them. Conversations began between strangers and, within minutes, turned into connections because the early months and years of motherhood can feel isolating. You can be surrounded by people and still feel alone. You can be constantly needed and still miss adult conversation. Shared understanding and real community—what I saw was connection being built in real time. I saw women swapping numbers. I saw laughter cutting through exhaustion, and I saw communities forming step by step.”
“That is a government that stands, fights and delivers for working Australians, and that is a government I am proud to be part of.”
“In Melbourne, betrayal would be doing nothing. Betrayal would be telling renters in Fitzroy that the market will sort it out. Betrayal would be telling young people in Collingwood to accept lifelong debt. The Albanese Labor government rejects that approach. We are cutting student debt while investing in productivity. We are making medicines cheaper while protecting Medicare. We are backing housing supply so Melbourne does not become a city only the wealthy can afford. I represent a city that organises, mobilises and demands fairness. Melbourne does not want slogans; Melbourne wants delivery, and that is what the Albanese Labor government is providing—practical relief, long-term reform and relentless action for working people. That is not betrayal; that is a government standing shoulder to shoulder with the people of Melbourne.”
“In Melbourne, residents have saved more than $18.8 million on cheaper medicines. We have strengthened Medicare; opened urgent care clinics, including in Carlton; backed increases to minimum and award wages; delivered back-to-back increases in Commonwealth rent assistance; provided cheaper child care; extended TAFE; and supported apprenticeships in housing and construction. This is not a government standing back; this is the Albanese Labor government getting on with the work, rebuilding and delivering. Let us be honest about the alternative. Under the former coalition government, real wages went backwards, bulk-billing fell, housing supply stalled and energy policy was paralysed. They had 10 years to prepare the grid, 10 years to strengthen housing supply and 10 years to protect Medicare. They did not. That speaks of betrayal.”
“We are delivering more than 150,000 cheaper home batteries nationwide, helping households store cheap solar power and permanently lowering bills. This is not a short-term fix. This is a structural reform that reshapes the system. The Albanese Labor government has never claimed energy reform alone would solve cost-of-living pressures. That is why this government's response has been broader and relentless. Tax cuts for every Australian taxpayer are already flowing, with two further rounds legislated. By 2027-28, the average annual cut will be around $2,548. We cut student debt by 20 per cent, the largest reduction in Australian history. In my electorate alone, more than 36,000 people carry student debt. That cut means thousands of dollars wiped away from each and every one of them. The Labor government reduced the PBS co-payment to $25.”
“The Albanese Labor government inherited a system where 24 of 28 coal-fired power stations had announced closures without a proper replacement plan. There was a decade of stalled transmission projects, a decade of policy chaos and denial. That is the context. The Albanese Labor government acted strongly, with three rounds of energy bill relief, caps on runaway coal and gas prices, and record investment in cheaper renewable energy and storage. Wholesale electricity prices fell by around a third last quarter. That matters in Melbourne, where renters and families feel every change. We are reforming the energy rules so that the market works better for customers, not just retailers; tightening the default market offer; cracking down on unfair fees; and ensuring hardship customers are placed on the best available plan.”
“'Betrayal'—it is a dramatic word. It is meant to suggest abandonment. It's meant to suggest indifference. But I represent Melbourne. I know what indifference looks like! I saw it before I entered this parliament. As a CEO of a not-for-profit, I worked with families across Melbourne who had never asked for help before—parents in Carlton, South Yarra and Abbotsford, workers and professionals. They were people who had always paid their bills. When the power bill rose, the rent rose and the grocery bills crept higher, the numbers stopped adding up. What I learned on the front line is simple: governments' choices matter. When government steps up, families steady. When governments drift, families fail. Energy prices have been volatile; that is true. But they did not rise in isolation.”
“This bill recognises that the measure of a nation is not how it speaks about children but how it structures power to protect them. It recognises that listening is not enough without action and that action is not enough without accountability. The Albanese Labor government is choosing to act, to build a permanent, independent institution that stands with children, listens to them and insists that governments do better. That is the spirit of this bill. It is a commitment to truth, to responsibility and to the belief that every child deserves safety, dignity and a real chance to thrive. I am proud to support this bill. I am proud of the actions taken by the Albanese government. On behalf of Mat and other kids that I've met in my care, I commend this bill to the House.”
“At its heart, this bill asks a simple question of this parliament and of every government in this country: when systems fail children, who is accountable? For too long, the answer has been unclear. Responsibility has been spread thin, passed sideways or lost between jurisdictions. Children have paid the price for the ambiguity. Families have carried the consequences. Communities have absorbed the harm. This bill changes that. It draws a clear line of responsibility. It creates a national voice that cannot be ignored—a commissioner whose job is not to manage headlines, but to tell the truth about how our systems are working and who they are working for. It says that Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children are not invisible. They are central to the future of this country.”
“It demands honesty, it demands follow through, and it demands that children remain at the centre of everything, even when the findings are uncomfortable. But that is what leadership looks like, and that is what the Albanese Labor government is demonstrating—a willingness to act, a willingness to build and a willingness to be held to account. When you get it right for children, everything else follows. Families are stronger, communities are safer and the nation is more just. This bill says clearly that First Nations children matter, their voices matter, their safety matters and their futures are not negotiable. It says we will no longer accept systems that harm more than they heal and that we are prepared to build the structures needed to do better, not just now but for generations to come.”
“The Albanese government has backed this commitment with funding to ensure the commissioner can deliver on its statutory responsibilities. This legislation also supports every Closing the Gap target relating to children and young people. Closing the Gap will not be achieved by aspiration alone. It requires accountability, it requires coordination, and it requires systems that listen to the children they serve. This bill strengthens the national framework needed to address the issues that overwhelmingly affect Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children, including out-of-home care and youth detention. It will give us a mechanism to see clearly where systems are failing and to act deliberately to change them. This is not an easy bill. It does not promise quick fixes.”
“The current national commissioner, Adjunct Professor Sue-Anne Hunter, has played a central role in its development. As she has said, the statistics are grim, but our children are not statistics. They are our future, and they must be the centre of everything we do. Since the national commission was established in January 2025, we have seen what focused national leadership can deliver. The commissioner has built relationships with Indigenous community run organisations, convened national networks, advised on policy reform and developed child-safe frameworks to ensure engagement with children is respectful, safe and culturally grounded. This bill ensures that work is not temporary. It ensures it is protected, strengthened and properly resourced.”
“The commissioner will engage with international human rights mechanisms, including the relative United Nations bodies, to ensure Australia meets its obligations to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children and young people. This is not external scrutiny for its own sake. It's about internal discipline and about ensuring our actions match our values and our commitments are real. This bill has been shaped through extensive consultation. First Nations advocates have called for a legislated national commissioner for decades. More than 70 organisations united behind this call. Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander leadership has informed the design of this legislation at every stage. The agreed minimum standard for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children commissioners is embedded in the bill.”
“The national commissioner will have the power to conduct research, to inquire into systemic issues and to make recommendations to government. They will be able to advocate, to report to parliament and to ensure that findings are not quietly ignored. Transparency matters because reforms only happen when evidence is visible and responsibility cannot be avoided. The bill also provides the commissioner with information-gathering powers, including the ability to require responses from government agencies. These powers will ensure that, when questions are asked, governments must answer. This legislation strengthens Australia's human rights framework.”
“This is the point where policy meets lived experience, because the bill speaks directly to what happens when systems fail children. It speaks of what happens when care becomes transitional rather than relational. It speaks to the long consequences that follow children into adulthood when safety, stability and trust are taken away too early. Those experiences are not isolated. They echo through communities across this country. Too often, interventions happen without listening. Too often, decisions are made without cultural safety. Too often, systems measure success by process rather than by whether a child is actually safer, stronger or more secure. This bill creates the conditions for that to change.”
“They are people with rights. The functions of the national commissioner reflect that principle—to promote the rights, interests, development, safety and wellbeing of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children and young people, to support them to speak, to be heard and to shape the decisions that affect their lives, to lift up their strengths, not just catalogue their trauma. All too often, the views of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children and young people are not heard in the decisions that affect their lives. The commissioner will have the power to engage directly with children and young people in ways that are safe, culturally appropriate and trauma informed, to listen carefully, to hear what systems miss and to carry these voices into the heart of government decision-making.”
“Instead, the commissioner will do the work that no single jurisdiction can do alone. They will draw together threads. They will identify patterns of failure. They will challenge silos. They will insist that responsibility does not dissolve when it crosses a border. The commissioner will work alongside state and territory children's commissioners, guardians and advocates and alongside other Commonwealth roles, including the National Children's Commissioner and the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Social Justice Commissioner. This is coordination with purpose, collaboration with intent and national leadership where fragmentation has failed At the heart of this bill is a fundamental shift in how we see children. Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children are not problems to be fixed or risks to be managed.”
“Behind every number is a child like Mat navigating instability, a family under pressure, a community absorbing loss. Behind those numbers are systems that intervene late, escalate quickly and rarely stop to ask whether they are doing more harm than good. We cannot keep managing crisis without confronting cause. We cannot keep cycling children through systems that were never designed to help them flourish. And we cannot keep calling incremental changes success while these inequalities remain entrenched. That is why the Albanese government has chosen to act. This bill is not about language; it's about leverage. It's about building structures that force acknowledgement and enable reform. The national commissioner will not replace existing services or override state and territory responsibilities, nor should they.”
“As the Minister for Social Services said when introducing this bill, this legislation delivers a permanent independent statutory agency with the necessary powers to improve the lives of Indigenous children and young people today and into the future. Those words matter. Independence matters. Permanence matters. Power matter. What has been missing for far too long is a national voice focused solely on Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children with the authority to expose systemic failures and the standing to demand better. The scale of the challenge before us is confronting. Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children are 11 times more likely to be in out-of-home care and 27 times more likely to be in youth detention than non-Indigenous children. These are not just statistics; they are signals that something is deeply wrong.”
“They are produced by systems that fragment responsibility, deflect accountability and, too often, fail to listen. This bill is about naming the failure and acting to change it. The Albanese Labor government made a clear and deliberate commitment to improve life outcomes for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children and young people. This bill delivers on that commitment by establishing a legislated, independent and empowered national commissioner, supported by a national commission with real authority—not a symbolic role, not a temporary arrangement, but a permanent statutory body with the power to inquire, advocate, coordinate and report to parliament.”