Lori Idlout
Nunavut, Nunavut · Liberal · Canada
“Ullukkut , Uqaqtittiji . June is National Indigenous History Month, a time to celebrate the cultures, languages, histories and contributions of first nations, Inuit and Métis peoples.”
“Uqaqtittiji , with June being National Indigenous History Month, I remind all Canadians to celebrate the stories, culture, strengths and brilliance of indigenous peoples across Canada.”
“Uqaqtittiji , I think that one thing we all agree on is that the Conservatives are really good at spreading misinformation and disinformation. They have Canadians believing that the bill, if introduced the way it is, would make it possible for someone to be charged just for reading scripture or sharing their faith.”
“Uqaqtittiji , I am glad that the hon. member mentioned the importance of reinstating the Attorney General's consent before charges proceed. I wonder if he could explain why that oversight is so important, especially given that we are being told, during these debates, about Conservatives doing this and Liberals doing that.”
“Uqaqtittiji , I would like to thank the minister for her excellent presentation and for explaining very clearly why this bill is so important. I wonder if she could share with us what this means for the people who will be impacted by this legislation and why it is so important for them to be able to enact their own legislation.”
“Uqaqtittiji , I was raised in a system designed to eradicate my identity as an Inuk. While I have had my struggles, as many Inuit and indigenous peoples have, we continue to show our strength and practise our traditions. We still speak our indigenous languages, use our practices and celebrate our successes.”
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“Pam Palmater, stated at the indigenous and northern affairs committee that: There have been no [less] than 10 Supreme Court of Canada cases that said you can't use consultation as a delay. You can't use financial costs by the federal government. None of these excuses are at play. They also say that you cannot use an incremental approach to get rid of section 15 discrimination, and that's exactly what this is. Why are they doing it? Well, it's unjust enrichment on Canada's part, because the longer they delay making these amendments, the less money they have to spend on people who should rightfully be included, and then they insulate themselves from liability with non-liability clauses, and that's wrong. The other thing that I think is really important to remember is that millions of people aren't going to be added.”
“The Chiefs of Ontario support amendments that, as stated in the media, “aim to address its longstanding inequities and remove discriminatory language that should never have existed.” They further call on the federal government to “work directly with First Nations to create a framework that allows them to fully control their own membership, free from restrictive federal oversight, with decisions recognized as authoritative for all purposes.” Instead, the Liberals are opting to consult on how to remedy the issue of the second-generation cut-off. They have stated their so-called concerns about the huge increase of potential members that would happen if Bill S-2 passed. A leading expert, Dr.”
“The delay tactics are so clear to indigenous peoples that we have responses like the one from the Union of British Columbia Indian Chiefs, who stated that they will not participate in the consultations on the second-generation cut-off. They explained, “The consultation process is a clear conflation of status, membership, citizenship, and self-government, which are all separate legal issues”.”
“They violated the rights of indigenous peoples as required under the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. They did not receive the free, prior and informed consent of indigenous peoples. (1020) Now, in Bill S-2 , the Liberals want to do consultations on how to remedy this issue, stating that there is a “range of potential pathways”. All of a sudden, they worry about whether Bill S-2 would be charter-compliant. The Assembly of First Nations supports Bill S-2. In fact, it calls upon the federal government to “immediately and without delay end any and all sex- and race-based discrimination in the Indian Act” in its December 2025 motion in response to Bill S-2.”
“I remind Parliament that these amendments, like Bill C-38, were only in response to court cases against the federal government. I am struck by the stark contrast of pace the Liberal government chooses to make, depending on whether it respects indigenous peoples rights. Very clearly, we see the contrast in how the Liberal government fast-tracked Bill C-5 , the One Canadian Economy Act. Bill C-5 became enshrined in Canadian law in record time. It received royal assent on June 26, 2025, only one year and two months after the election. First nations, Métis and Inuit all called for the federal government to slow down to give indigenous peoples time to understand the potential impact of Bill C-5 . The Liberals ignored these calls and used House procedures to ensure a quick passage.”
“Second, Indigenous Services Canada, in 2023, reported that it was beginning a co-development consultation process to address the second-generation cut-off. Third, the Assembly of First Nations provided a brief in 2020 that said, “Enfranchisement had an impact on all subsequent generations of people. It did not matter if an individual was voluntarily, or involuntarily enfranchised—subsequent generations could not appear on band lists or on the Indian register as status Indians.” Fourth was Nicholas v. Canada in 2011, which required the tabling of Bill C-38 . Fifth was Bill S-3 's final report to Parliament in December 2020. Sixth were the amendments to the Indian Act, including Bill C-31 in 1985, Bill C-3 in 2010 and Bill S-3 in 2017.”
“Gwen Brodsky, Mary Eberts and Shelagh Day. In their work, they remind us of the National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls report in 2019, where the call for justice 1.2(v) calls on Canada to eliminate gender discrimination in the Indian Act. It is clear that the Liberal agenda is to delay the passage of Bill S-2 and the Senate amendments by using the need to consult on the “how” and the “range of potential pathways” that need to be consulted on, which I heard during the indigenous and northern affairs committee meeting in February when Lori Doran, director general, individual affairs, Department of Indigenous Services, appeared. Some of the work that has occurred to fix the discrimination in the Indian Act includes but is not limited to the following: First, Bill C-38 was tabled in the 44th Parliament.”
“Uqaqtittiji , I would like to thank the minister for sharing her time with me on this important bill, Bill S-2 , to amend the Indian Act. Bill C-38 , from the last Parliament, was a bill that I could not support at the time because of the inequities that first nations would continue to have. However, the NDP supports the Senate amendments to Bill S-2 and hopes that the bill will pass quickly. It is about time to finally make sure that first nations women and children get the justice they deserve. I thank the Indian Act Sex Discrimination Working Group for its tireless work and advocacy. Its members are role models of what it means to never give up. The working group consists of Sharon McIvor, Jeannette Corbiere Lavell, Cora McGuire-Cyrette, Marjolaine Étienne, Chief Judy Wilson, Dr. Pamela Palmater, Dawn Lavell-Harvard, Dr.”
“Uqaqtittiji , I thank the minister for her important presentation. Does the minister support the amendments that were made by the Senate committee on this study? They made very important amendments that would help to equalize first nations rights so that they are on par with Canadians' rights.”
“Having said this, Uqaqtittiji, if you seek it, you will find unanimous consent for the following motion that, notwithstanding any standing order or usual practice of the House, Bill S-228 , an act to amend the Criminal Code regarding sterilization procedures, be deemed read a second time and referred to a committee of the whole, deemed considered in committee of the whole, deemed reported without amendment, deemed concurred in at report stage and deemed read a third time and passed.”
“So when I became 29 I married, and my husband and I wanted to have children. I was not aware what had happened until I was seeing a doctor in a fertility clinic to find out why I wasn’t getting pregnant.... That’s when I was told I had had a partial hysterectomy. That is the story of Louise Delisle. We have a responsibility to prevent obstetric violence. We have to make sure we see the link between racism and the forced practice of coerced sterilization in Canada that exists. Much work has been done by Senator Boyer that must be honoured. We must continue to stand with survivors. To all Inuit, first nations and Métis, I say to speak up. Their voices matter. They can help make a difference. They can help make sure that we have a better future.”
“I don’t want to see this girl back here again having kid after kid and going through this and maybe worse. We won’t be in this position again,” he said. I had no idea what he was talking about. I was in labour and I was 15 years old, but what I found out was he had done something that would prevent me from having any more children. This was never discussed with me or my mother, who was my guardian while I was in hospital. It was never discussed. My mother was not allowed in the room with me when I was giving birth, which was also something traumatic. The hardest thing for me was to come home without my daughter. Because I was 15 years old, like I said, I had to give her away. I couldn’t provide for her. Whatever the doctor did to me, I was not able to have children again in my life...”
“I had to leave school because I began to show, and actually my principal was the one who informed my mother that I was with child. Because I was so young, I had no idea what this all meant and how to handle this. Of course my daughter was taken away because I was so young, and I was the eldest of seven children living in a very poor home. I remember her birth. I remember the pain during her birth. I also remember a Black woman being in the room with me as a nursing assistant. I remember, through all the pain, that she got into an argument with the doctor who was delivering my daughter. I remember her voice to this day and the sternness in her voice when she said, “You can’t do that. You need permission to do that.” The doctor said, “Too late.”
“The Standing Senate Committee on Human Rights reported: In Igloolik, 26% of women between the ages of 30 and 50 were sterilized. In Naujaat, formerly known as Repulse Bay, almost 50% of women in the 30 to 50 age group were sterilized. In Gjoa Haven, 31% of women had been sterilized. More than 25% of women in Chesterfield Inlet and Kugaaruk had been sterilized. Those are the only ones that were well documented, but we know that there were a lot more. (1710) I share as well the story of Louise Delisle from the report, “The Scars That We Carry”. Louise shared: I was very young when I had my daughter. I was 15 years old. My parents were not parents whom I could come to and tell them that I was pregnant, so this was a traumatic time for me in my life, and I told no one.”
“The CMA supports Bill S-228 , which would make it clear that performing medical acts without free, prior and informed consent constitutes aggravated assault. The bill would define a sterilization procedure as any intervention that permanently prevents reproduction, regardless of whether it is technically reversible. The offence would be serious and could carry a maximum penalty of 14 years in prison. Unfortunately, sterilization of indigenous women is not a practice of the distant past, as others have said in this room. There are ongoing class action lawsuits representing hundreds of indigenous women who were sterilized without their consent, and reports of forced and coerced hysterectomies and sterilizations performed on Black women, people with disabilities and intersex people.”
“I thank the Survivors Circle for Reproductive Justice for their years of work. Finally, I thank the Standing Senate Committee on Human Rights, who studied this important issue and tabled a report entitled “The Scars That We Carry: Forced and Coerced Sterilization of Persons in Canada—Part II” in July 2022. Far too many Canadians are still ignorant as to how Canada treated indigenous peoples. Senator Boyer has worked since around 2017 bringing this to light. At least 12,000 indigenous women, girls and two-spirit people were forcibly or coercively sterilized between 1971 and 2018. This practice is reported as far back as the 1920s. This bill is important because if passed, it would criminalize sterilization procedures in the Criminal Code. Today, I met Dr. Margot Burnell, president of the Canadian Medical Association.”
“Uqaqtittiji , I am very pleased to represent Nunavut in supporting Bill S-228 . First, I would like to thank the very strong people, who may or may not be in this room, who are sharing their strength with us today: Jackie, Sylvia, Heather, Germaine, Chasity, Nicole, Lois, Nilak, Susan, Harmony, staff and volunteers. I also thank the MP for Haliburton—Kawartha Lakes , and I thank Senator Boyer for her decades of commitment to this work. Survivors of the horrific procedure of forced or coerced sterilization against first nations, Inuit and Métis have endured so much, and this is another example of a genocidal policy that has tested our strength. I thank Senator Boyer for her decades of commitment to this work. I was her student in law school when I first heard about just how deep this issue was across Canada.”
“Uqaqtittiji , I agree with the member in that amendments were needed, and they continue to be needed. I wonder if he can express whether the Conservatives will support the amendments that were tabled by the MP for Saanich—Gulf Islands .”
“Uqaqtittiji , the first nations caring society created Have a Heart Day. I attended an event held at the Meridian Theatres at Centrepointe. There were about 15 schools with around 700 students at this beautiful event. Originally started in 2012, this campaign has students write letters to the Prime Minister regarding injustices towards indigenous peoples. Will the Prime Minister honour these calls and finally act to give equity to indigenous peoples in Canada?”
“Uqaqtittiji , the sensationalism that the media shares is creating fear that is not necessary, and the focus needs to be on addressing violent offenders. I hope that with the way the bill is, it would not be overgeneralizing the people who would be most impacted. We have heard that bail works right now and that people who are violent offenders are kept in, and that is what the target needs to be of the bill. That is not what it is at this point.”
“Uqaqtittiji , the fact that the member has stated that the government has not had data to develop the bill confirms what I have been saying: The bill was not based on evidence. I agree that we need to make sure we have better prevention programs. The best way to do that is to make sure we do not keep more people in jail, which the bill intends to. That is what we need to focus on. As the Criminal Lawyers' Association has said, there is a crisis, but it is in detention not on release.”
“Canadians deserve a criminal justice system rooted in fairness and facts, not political theatre. We need real solutions backed by evidence. The NDP calls on the government to stop, listen and consult, especially with people who are experts and people who are most impacted by these laws. Democracy is best served when many voices are heard, not just one. That is why a stronger progressive presence in Parliament matters. When New Democrats speak up, critical issues like evidence-based justice, civil liberties and the rights of indigenous and marginalized people are not ignored. Canadians did not ask for a Conservative agenda, but that is what we are getting when Liberals and Conservatives rush bills like Bill C-14 .”
“Debate in Parliament is supposed to serve Canadians and strengthen democracy, but on the bill before us, the Liberals and Conservatives are shutting out progressive voices like those of the NDP. They are refusing to listen to the experts who have studied Canada's criminal justice system. Instead they are moving quickly, relying on fear and political pressure rather than reason, evidence and open debate. This approach leads to bad law and weakens democracy itself. When Parliament ignores the people advocating for civil liberties, the rights of indigenous peoples, and evidence-based solutions, we all lose. Democracy cannot thrive when important debate is suppressed and the government ignores the expertise of the people working on the front lines.”
“The John Howard Society has supervised bail programs in Ontario communities that have success rates of over 90%, for a fraction of the cost of jail. These programs link people to addiction services, mental health services and social services, and they help people on bail meet the conditions set by the court. This is safer, less costly and more humane. What we need are real investments in community-based supervision available across Canada. We need prevention and rehabilitation programs to tackle the root causes of crime, including poverty, trauma, systemic racism and colonial practices. We need national standards for data collection and risk assessment.”
“The bill in its current form would narrow the principle of restraint, which would make it easier to keep people in detention. It would expand reverse onus by forcing an accused person to prove why they should get bail, instead of the Crown having to prove why they should not, weakening the principle of innocent until proven guilty. It would toughen sentences, amend the Youth Criminal Justice Act and make sweeping changes that would further tax an already overburdened system. (1050) These are not evidence-based reforms. There is no clear data on how many people out on bail reoffend. We do not even collect standardized data on bail decisions. Rushing the bill through when experts and civil liberties groups ask for better information is not responsible law-making. We already have evidence of programs that do work.”
“Although they make up only 5% of Canada's population, about 30% of federal inmates are indigenous. People who are experiencing poverty, homelessness, addiction or mental health challenges simply cannot meet the conditions for bail. They do not have a phone. They do not have stable housing or work, and they may not have friends or relatives to vouch for them. These are the people who would pay the price for the proposed policy. Last year, the Department of Justice cut 264 jobs. In the fall budget, the Prime Minister mandated the reduction of justice department operations by an additional 15%. We know that reduction means more cuts are coming. These departmental cuts will affect supports for low-income Canadians, such as legal aid, bail support programs and community clinics.”
“The bill offers nothing in the way of treatment, rehabilitation or prevention. The bill would put more innocent people behind bars for longer, sometimes for months, before any trial. The cost would be paid by families and communities when people lose their housing, their job or even custody of their children, all before they have been found guilty of a crime. Canada's current bail system is already one of the strictest in the world. In fact, 76% of people charged are now denied bail, up from 22% in 1978. More than 60% of people in provincial institutions are waiting for trial. One-third of the people detained before trial are never convicted of any crime; they sit in crowded jails without access to addiction or mental health programs. Indigenous people are drastically overrepresented in these numbers.”
“The Prime Minister claims to represent Liberal leadership, yet he openly supports and advances Conservative policies. Over two-thirds of Canadians did not vote for a Conservative government, but this is the agenda now being forced on Canadians. The NDP is firmly opposed to Bill C-14 . As the NDP critic for both justice and indigenous affairs, I am opposed to the bill because it would fail Canadians. Instead of making communities safer, it would cause great injustice, deepen inequality and trample on fundamental rights. Canadians deserve a better way forward. By relying on tough-on-crime talking points, the government hopes to satisfy public pressure, but real issues are overlooked. People struggling with poverty, mental health and addiction would be pushed further into the system.”
“Uqaqtittiji , I am very pleased to speak to the bill, and I am also very pleased to have seconded the amendments submitted by the MP for Saanich—Gulf Islands , because I believe we share values. The bill required so much work, and her amendments can address so many of the flaws in the current iteration of Bill C-14. I thank the Criminal Lawyers' Association for its work. In a submission it made, it said, “There is a bail crisis in Canada. But it is a crisis of detention, not release.” Bill C-14 is not the answer Canadians need. It is a knee-jerk reaction to sensational headlines and high-profile incidents involving repeat violent offenders. Working hand in hand, Conservatives and Liberals rushed the bill through committee, holding only three meetings, while ignoring the voices of experts and the people most affected.”
“Uqaqtittiji , I completely agree that this is such an important act of reconciliation. I wonder if the member agrees that reconciliation not only happens through government but has to be an effort by everyone who can help ensure that indigenous peoples have a better sense of well-being. I wonder if the member agrees that with the Conservatives being opposed to this bill, it also shows they are not supporting reconciliation with the modern treaty partners.”
“Uqaqtittiji , before the election, the Liberals planned to cut the Inuit child first initiative. When Inuit heard this, they spoke up by the thousands. Under pressure from Nunavut, the Liberals promised to extend the program. Since being elected, the Minister of Indigenous Services promised an announcement on the ICFI. Nine months later, far too many Inuit children are still being kept below the poverty level, and there has still been no announcement. Will the minister finally act to help Inuit children, or should they feed themselves on her promises?”
“Uqaqtittiji , in Canada we have several means of protecting civil liberties, whether it be law enforcement, the Canadian Armed Forces or other mechanisms. In that same line of thinking, indigenous people deserve just as much protection as all Canadians. I wonder if the member agrees that the more that we have to ensure that there is implementation of important contracts like the modern treaties, the more measures like this are necessary to ensure that the treaties are being implemented.”
“Uqaqtittiji, the state of emergency in Cross Lake Pimicikamak is now over 40 days old. The army came, made recommendations and left, and where is the federal government? It is still brainstorming solutions. Meanwhile, evacuees remain stranded in cities without adequate supports. When will Ottawa move past talking points and, at a minimum, implement the army's recommendations and uphold their constitutional responsibilities to support people returning to a safe home?”
“Uqaqtittiji , in Rankin Inlet, the NDP caucus heard from one Inuk who shared that he has waited for 11 years for a house. There are 17 people living in his two-bedroom unit. His story is all too common in Nunavut. The government is acting on what I have told it. Nunavut will receive 50 more homes added to the 700 originally promised in the budget. This is a good start. Will the minister keep working with Nunavut to address the worst housing crisis in Canada?”
“Uqaqtittiji , successive Liberal and Conservative governments have bungled fighter jet procurement for decades. Now, with Donald Trump threatening Canada's sovereignty and our NATO allies, New Democrats call on the Prime Minister to cancel all F-35 contracts and commit to purchasing the Swedish Saab Gripen. The Prime Minister promised to make Canada less reliant on the American military. Will the Prime Minister make the switch, or did his Davos speech mean nothing?”
“Uqaqtittiji , Nunavummiut are seeking reassurance from the government. Nunavummiut deserve to know how they will be engaged in keeping the Arctic secure. They deserve to be protected and to participate in their own safety. Inuit have the expertise, knowledge and skills to do so. The federal government creates too many barriers, such as not investing in housing and not feeding families, which is keeping them in poverty. Will the Liberals invest in the people of the Arctic so that Inuit too can keep the Arctic secure?”
“Uqaqtittiji , please join me in welcoming the new Government of Nunavut, Premier Main and his cabinet, to Ottawa this week. Canada's Arctic security is particularly important. Liberals meeting with the Government of Nunavut can show that Arctic policy is more than language in a throne speech. Parliament must look beyond megaprojects in the south. Decades of chronic underinvestment means northerners are in overcrowded housing, with limited health services and aging infrastructure. This reality creates security threats. The Arctic cannot be secure if the people who live there are not. During Qaummagiaq , a time of the return of the sun, Inuit start celebrating the passage of Tauvigjuaq , a time of great darkness. Canada, like the return of the sun, must bring hope that life will bustle again.”
“Uqaqtittiji , the Quw’utsun Nation aboriginal title case is an important decision affirming first nations' rights. Let us be clear: This decision is not about taking land from private owners. The federal government must focus its efforts on reconciliation and the honour of the Crown. Will the minister convene negotiations with all affected parties to ensure an orderly transition toward respecting the ancestral, spiritual and cultural rights of the Quw’utsun Nation?”
“Uqaqtittiji , Nunavut's fishery is an underdeveloped economic engine, as QIA keeps saying. As a result of Liberal decisions, B.C. and Newfoundland hold more than an 80% interest in their coastal fisheries, but Nunavut gets only half. Fisheries infrastructure, like the deep-sea port in Qikiqtarjuaq, is left unfinished. Will the Liberals finally treat Inuit like a full economic partner, so they can benefit from local resources?”
“Uqaqtittiji , options for housing in Nunavut are limited. Mould leads to chronic illness, and overcrowding leads to abuse of women already in unsafe conditions. There are 3,700 families on the waiting list, according to Nunavut Housing Corporation. Once these houses are built, it will cost over $3 billion to maintain them. This government has only promised 700 new homes. Why are the Liberals not fully funding Nunavut to meet the urgent housing need?”
“Uqaqtittiji , living downstream from the oil sands, the Mikisew Cree First Nation has higher rates of cancer, yet the government is developing regulations to allow affected water to be released into the Athabasca River. UNDRIP and the environmental racism act must be implemented to protect the health of first nations. How can the Liberals proceed with regulations knowing that the Mikisew Cree First Nation has not given consent because its residents are dying from cancer?”
“Uqaqtittiji, I do not think the member understood my question, so I will ask it again. I was asking about how to resolve disputes. Currently, there is no other mechanism to resolve disputes between modern treaties and the federal government. The only system is through the courts. I wonder if the member agrees that a better way to resolve disputes between the federal government and the first modern treaty holders is to have the commissioner position.”
“Uqaqtittiji, other than the concern about increasing bureaucracy, I do not hear any real concerns from the Conservatives about what the problems with Bill C-10 are. Currently, the only way to make sure that the implementation of modern treaties is resolved is through court cases. I wonder if the member agrees that having a commissioner to monitor the implementation of legal treaties is a much better way than long disputes through the courts.”
“Uqaqtittiji , I share my sense of friendship with the MP as well. What we have seen from the Liberal government, for example in working with the Conservatives on expediting Bill C-5 , is that there are real concerns that any government will continue to violate the rights of indigenous peoples, including the right to free, prior and informed consent. We saw that most recently with the Prime Minister 's signing an MOU with the Premier of Alberta without the free, prior and informed consent. The treaty commissioner would need to be able to monitor these kinds of situations and make sure UNDRIP is being implemented regarding modern treaties as well as any obligations that any government has towards its fiduciary duties towards first nations, Inuit and Métis.”
“Uqaqtittiji , there would be no delegation to the commissioner regarding that. I do hope the member educates himself in a better way, to make sure that the commissioner and the office of the commissioner would investigate, would analyze, and would look at what is being implemented by the federal government, whose sole responsibility is to ensure that the honour of the Crown is being met by all governments.”
“Uqaqtittiji , Bill C-10 is particularly important, because both Liberals and Conservatives, having been governing parties, have not fully implemented their obligations to treaty implementation. We need someone outside the Auditor General's office for that. The Auditor General does important work to make sure that operations are being held accountable, yet their work is only focused on what can be seen from an administrative point of view. The commissioner would make sure that implementation and legal obligations are being met. This office would help make sure there is a targeted approach to making sure that obligations are being met so we see economic benefits stemming from modern treaty partners.”
“There would be improved certainty and accountability around treaty obligations, which could de-risk investment, particularly in northern and resource regions, supporting project finance and partnerships. As a reminder, Bill C-5 created new bureaucracy, two new offices, yet the Conservatives supported Bill C-5 and to have it expedited. For them to call into question whether the bill before us is appropriate because it would create a commissioner position to ensure that treaty obligations are being met is a serious concern that we must address and that can be addressed at the committee stage. New Democrats stand in partnership with the indigenous modern treaty partners who have been consulted and are advocating for the creation of this new office of a commissioner for modern treaty implementation.”
“Indigenous entrepreneurship is on the rise, with self-employment rates among first nations, Métis and Inuit having increased since 2016. Indigenous entrepreneurs contribute approximately $48.9 billion to the Canadian economy, a figure that could increase if systemic barriers such as limited access to federal procurement opportunities are addressed. I would like to take this time to address some of the Conservatives' concerns about what they are calling additional bureaucracy. The bill would create a new office with costs, but it would include co-operation with the Office of the Auditor General to reduce duplication, possibly allowing for efficiency gains.”
“For example, the signing of the Nunavut Agreement included the creation of the Nunavut Impact Review Board, a strengthened role for hunters and trappers, and the important signing of a draft Nunavut land use plan. The bill would help realize the full potential of modern treaties and self-government arrangements. About 1.8 million people self-identified as indigenous in the 2021 census, representing about 5% of the population. There needs to be better and timelier treaty implementation that would reduce legal disputes and uncertainty, enabling indigenous economic participation. Indigenous gross domestic product has posted positive growth every year since 2012. It grew from $41.7 billion in 2012 to $54.1 billion in 2019.”
“As I said earlier, this bill was created in consultation with indigenous modern treaty partners. Indeed, they asked for this legislation. When Bill C-77 was originally tabled, there had been engagement with over 130 indigenous groups, including indigenous modern treaty partners, indigenous groups negotiating modern treaties, self-government agreement holders, national indigenous organizations, and provincial and territorial governments. I met with the Land Claims Agreements Coalition previously, as well as others, and there was overwhelming support for the passage of this bill. (1250) Bill C-10 would advance reconciliation and self-determination through oversight and accountability of the federal government. Modern treaties create stability and predictability over rights, lands and interests.”