Billy Morin
Edmonton Northwest, Alberta · Conservative · Canada
“Mr. Speaker, I have the honour of presenting my first petition, petition e-6909, which has approximately 13,000 signatures. The petitioners call on the government to protect the records and testimony of residential school survivors. I know there is some ambiguity with respect to these records.”
“There is some great work that has been done by the truth and reconciliation centre out of Winnipeg, but this ambiguity needs to be addressed by the House of Commons so that it can be a forthright and respectful conversation going forward with Canadians, and we can all, Canadians and indigenous peoples, move forward in a country that is fo…”
“Mr. Speaker, the Liberal government has been good at announcing programs, dollars and funds, but it is really blank on the details. I am wondering if the minister knows what codes are on the first nations themselves and if he is going to invest from the public purse into first nation homes.”
“Mr. Speaker, the AFN exposed that the last decade of Liberal housing strategy has left first nations 157,000 homes short. Given that Build Canada Homes plans to build only 5,000 homes annually, by what year will the Liberals build 157,000 homes needed for first nations? I would like to know just the year.”
“Mr. Speaker, in 2020, the Liberals told chiefs they would make first nations policing an essential service, with new legislation and expanded service and number of communities served.”
“Mr. Speaker, the Older, Bolder, Better event, Alberta's largest Seniors' Week event, was recently hosted by the WE Seniors at my home of Enoch Cree Nation's River Cree Resort.”
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“Madam Speaker, my colleague from West Edmonton Mall asked a good question. I spoke about this in my address. It is frustrating as an Albertan. The government says one thing and then walks it back. It is systematic changes that we need in this country. It is not Bill C-5 being used as a weapon to pick winners and losers. We need to unite this country, yet we have seen no projects coming out of Alberta thus far. The Prime Minister is from Alberta. Maybe we are going to see a MOU in the next couple of days, but that is still not going to change the fact that legislation still exists to block resources that go to protect this whole country, heating homes from Newfoundland to B.C. and the remote north. Albertans just feel like they are getting left behind.”
“Madam Speaker, I do wholeheartedly agree that times are changing and technology is changing. This country does need a strategy when it comes to AI and AI reform. I believe my colleague who spoke before me spoke about this very well. I hope to see that reflected more clearly in the budget. I do not think we are getting that from this current budget. Canadians have solutions. I think the government has promoted that it is using a top-down approach and knows everything about AI or different sectors, like when it comes to the resource sector or anything like that, but we need to uplift entrepreneurs in our tech sector and give them the power to lead this initiative while strategically aligning with them side by side.”
“Madam Speaker, I did not say it was a bad thing for Alberta and Canadians to work together, but what I was highlighting was an indigenous perspective about the crisis we are faced with today. Sure, I wholeheartedly support Alberta and Canada working together when it comes to major projects, but those projects are five years, 10 years or maybe decades away. All these announcements are recycled announcements from over the last decade, when there have been no shovels actually in the ground. What I was referring to was the actual processes and crises facing first nations communities in the ISC files today as opposed to the major projects. Those are two different things. I hope the member reflects upon those crises facing Canadians and the actual things that are not getting done by the Liberal government to change that today.”
“Instead, there is no timeline for changing the broken federal indigenous procurement program, which highlights fraud and is ripping off indigenous peoples and Canadians alike. What we needed was not for more federal government, but for the federal government to commit to structural change and get out of the way.”
“We needed more promotion of healing and recovery in the face of addiction for indigenous communities. That is a federal jurisdiction for the Liberals, not a provincial one. We needed Liberals to keep their commitment to making policing essential and to not walk it back, as was indicated by the public safety minister two weeks ago. How are indigenous people able to meaningfully participate in the economy when they are in constant crisis when it comes to safety, crime, addiction and poverty? The Prime Minister says that we are in a trade crisis as a country. Indigenous communities have been in crises for decades. This budget does nothing to change that. We needed to set the table for entrepreneurship in this budget.”
“In his next sentence, the finance minister had the audacity to say, “I am often reminded of the seven-generation principle. Rooted in indigenous teachings, it is a reminder that every decision we take must consider its impact on future generations.” With zeros on the chart for reconciliation beyond this year, along with cuts, more dependency on government and an $80-billion deficit, the finance minister shows again that he is all about virtue signalling indigenous people and Canadians and only cares about adding seven generations' worth of debt to all of Canada. As Conservatives, we recognize the importance of self-determination and not dependency. We believe indigenous communities are fully capable of managing their own services, driving their own economies and protecting their own lands.”
“There are zeros in this budget in the table entitled “Indigenous Reconciliation” after this year. There is no dedicated chapter to indigenous spending like there was in years past. This will only make navigating bureaucracy even worse, leaving behind vulnerable first nations, Métis and Inuit communities that lack capacity. Is this all by design? The finance minister said in his speech, when referring to indigenous peoples of this country, “we build not just for ourselves; we build also for those who will follow us.” Are indigenous nations to interpret that as it being the government's way or the highway when it comes to critical infrastructure and housing? When it comes to this tactic and this philosophy, is the government using it in Bill C-5 as well?”
“The rephrasing of how this budget deals with indigenous communities is a distraction from ISC cutting $2.3 billion in services while doing basically nothing to lower the administrative costs of government. Thus far, the only legislation submitted in the House during this session has been for more bureaucracy for the indigenous files. Since 2018, ISC has doubled its staff from 4,000 to roughly 8,000 full-time equivalents. This is billions more in administration. It has been reported that 42¢ of every ISC budget dollar goes to administrative aspects. That would be more than $10 billion. Imagine what that money could do if it actually reached communities and entrepreneurs directly. The budget does nothing to change that and only exasperates more government control and dependency.”
“What does it say about priorities when the federal government increases spending in the administrative aspects of Indigenous Services, such as the new bureaucratic commissioner's office, whose titles sound nice, but they have no real power to make tangible change in the community on the ground? The budget is good news for new federal offices and jobs. It is also good news for major project advisory boards, consultants and fraudulent companies posing as indigenous contractors, but it is not good news for indigenous peoples in community. To quote the national chief, “When the best we can say is that Indigenous Services is only being cut 2%, we know that there's a problem”.”
“The budget offers none of the structural improvements to take reconciliation to the next necessary level, a level defined by individual entrepreneurship, less government, and more chief and council oversight. The government uses softer, patronizing language such as “reallocation” and “re-evaluation” and says that it is spreading reconciliation around to other ministries. All of this is performative and is part of the paternalistic saviour strategy that has created more uncertainty, fear, disappointment and division among indigenous peoples and Canadians.”
“Now more than ever, I know it to be true that significant structural changes are needed. I was fortunate to lead my community on this new journey in the era of reconciliation, even doing some good things with the government along the way. I was only able to do so by the foundation of self-determination set by my chiefs who came before me, who sought effective win-win partnerships with Canada and Canadians by coming to the table with our own source revenue. For too many first nations, Métis and Inuit, this is not the case. (1320) Now I am afraid the Liberal government has reduced reconciliation to performative slogans, ministerial addresses and press releases.”
“In my previous life as chief of my nation, I sought to lead in the example set by my great-grandfathers and the chiefs who came before me. They were entrepreneurial, first-time farmers in the late 1800s. They embraced oil and gas as a resource to eradicate poverty in the 1950s, 1960s and 1970s and started gaming in the 1980s, 1990s and 2000s, so as to show our people and Canada that we were responsible net contributors to treaty. This coincides with the notion of self-determination and the fact that Ottawa does not know what is best for our people. Since 1867, Indian Affairs, now Indigenous Services Canada, underpinned by the Indian Act, has failed indigenous peoples across Canada. I came to Ottawa knowing that major structural changes were needed in how Indigenous Services Canada manages the relationship with indigenous peoples.”
“Albertans have proven for decades that their entrepreneurship, particularly in the oil and gas industry, has been a catalyst for helping the whole country. From Newfoundland to B.C. and the north, people are heating their homes with diesel from our oil and gas fields. I reflect upon my great-grandfather, Chief William Morin, who, in the 1950s, embraced oil and gas development, and said this would be the catalyst to increasing the living standards of his people and having us stand on our own two feet in the face of Indian Act paternalism. This brings me to the consequences of this budget on indigenous peoples. It has now been just over six months since I arrived in Ottawa as a first-time member of the House.”
“The government still very much controls the system, effectively saying to the market, “We know very much our own rules are ineffective and prohibitive, but if you lobby us for government subsidies, we will determine if you are a winner or a loser.” There are indications out there that the federal government intends to sign an MOU with the Province of Alberta. While we were told things would be getting done at record speeds, MOUs do not get shovels into the ground. MOUs are non-binding; legislative systematic changes are binding. Alberta is the natural resource engine of Canada, and this budget only vaguely strings Albertans continuously along the path of more federal government control over our potential as a province to help our whole country.”
“The leadership they are looking for is systematic, not the same, old strategy of the last decade, when the government attempted to be the economic driver of Canada while systematically undermining the economy. It is the same failed approach the government takes with our resource sector. We see in the budget a focus on major projects, which is good, but we do not see the systematic leadership to unleash the true potential of our resource sector. A vague line exists in the budget about the oil and gas cap, but this is only if carbon capture is a part of the equation, which would cost Canadians billions of dollars. The industrial carbon price, the tanker ban and Bill C-69 are still in place, and they are all things that tell investors that Alberta, in particular, is not a priority to Canada.”
“Food costs, caused by inflationary spending and government taxes, are making getting basic meals a challenge. There are record lineups at food banks. Canadians are not imagining these things, as the government likes to say. Education is increasingly expensive and spots are less available. Wages are stagnant and the cost of living is rising faster than any of the paycheques people receive. The urgency of this reality is not reflected in the priorities of the budget. On top of this, the Prime Minister has directly asked young Canadians to sacrifice even more. The budget talks about long-term housing supply but fails to address the crushing affordability crisis of youth today. Youth, like all Canadians, are looking for leadership.”
“Madam Speaker, I thank my colleague for sharing her time with me. Canadians have now had time to absorb this budget. A common theme heard from everyday Albertans in my riding of Edmonton Northwest is that the budget fails to address the number one concern of Canadians today: affordability. The government touts this budget as a generational budget, but the future generations of Canada, the young people of this country, only see ever-increasing challenges ahead in living their lives. For the first time in a long time, Canadian young people are saying that they expect life to be worse than it was for their parents' generation. Housing is out of reach. I hear directly from young people in my riding who want to start a family and own a home but do not see a path to achieving those dreams.”
“Mr. Speaker, the Liberals have introduced the most costly and largest budget deficit in history outside of COVID. The cost of the Liberal budget will drive up the cost of food, housing and everything else Canadians buy. Young families, seniors and veterans in Edmonton Northwest are having to make hard choices as the snow falls. It is costing more to heat their homes and feed their families, but every day in this House, the Liberals say families are just imagining higher living expenses while their taxes and spending increase. Why is the Prime Minister breaking his promise to spend less and is pouring more inflationary fuel on the fire?”
“Madam Speaker, I will reflect on my own family. They live on a first nation in a rural community next to a large urban centre, and they have been noticing that immigration has been mismanaged by the Liberal government. They feel forgotten in the conversation on how to improve the management of immigration. Certainly, we welcome people who come to this country who can contribute, with compassion, and who have something to offer to Canadians, and we can live in harmony, but at this time, as we talk about employment, job readiness and a worker shortage, an indigenous population has been there forever and has been underutilized. I would like to see the engagement of first nation communities so they are part of the immigration policy context.”
“Madam Speaker, I certainly agree that our police forces, whether they are the CBSA, the RCMP, provincial police forces or indigenous police forces, deserve that investment and recognition, but I do not get my hopes too high, to be honest. This announcement has been made a number of times over the last number of months, and not one officer has been hired. I agree this is the way to go forward, but making announcements on spending money is not going to solve this. We just saw a scathing report on indigenous policing. In our communities, $13 million has gone unspent. Money that went to the RCMP did not flow down for hiring officers, so I do not get my hopes high when these simple rhetoric-type announcements are made.”
“Madam Speaker, I agree that bail reform, as mentioned, and being tougher on crime are needed, but collaboration is needed from Canadians from province to province; from different agencies, like the CBSA, the RCMP and provincial police forces; and from indigenous communities, urban and rural alike. I also think the Liberals need to look at their promises. We put forward solutions on this side of the House, and they denied our solutions when it came to three-strikes laws and putting criminals away. I think this country needs to be a little more black and white. Tough love is still love in our communities, and I think the country needs to look itself in the mirror so that promises to keep Canadians safe can be kept.”
“However, the Liberal minister refused to rule out approving more consumption sites next to schools and day cares, despite acknowledging they are repositories for rampant fentanyl usage. Only Conservatives will continue standing up for Canadians' individual rights and privacy, and hold the Liberals to account on the safety that is needed to protect Canadians.”
“Catch and release is alive and well for those who traffic in fentanyl and firearms, as well as those who are using our porous border to victimize Canadians. Sentencing provisions have not been included as much as they should be. There are still no mandatory prison times for fentanyl traffickers. There are still no new mandatory prison times for gangsters who use guns to commit crimes, despite the Liberals' campaign against legal gun owners. House arrest is still permissible for some of the most serious offences. Liberals continue to push for safe consumption sites near schools. At the health committee, my hon. colleague, the member for Riding Mountain , called on the Liberals to shut down fentanyl consumption sites next to children. This is a common-sense measure.”
“We must work with indigenous leaders on safeguards, such as clear limits on secondary use of data, strengthening community relationships and cultural safety, and indigenous-led measures, so the expanded powers do not encourage racial profiling or erode trust. Bill C-12 gives tools to make Canada safer if we work together with other communities, rural communities, rural Canadians and indigenous communities near our borders, our cities and beyond. I encourage my colleagues to work in committee to amend this bill to better defend our borders and deepen our bonds through trust and security. Even with the Liberals' second attempt at such a bill, it still fails to address things such as bail reform.”
“Strong cross-border and inter-agency sharing can help track high-risk offenders who move between jurisdictions that intersect with indigenous communities on and off reserve. I would like to acknowledge the Tsuut’ina Nation Police Service, which has worked with U.S. police forces. Doing this work is a real example of the leadership indigenous communities can show with their police forces this past year. I ask the government to go beyond symbolic gestures using the tools provided in Bill C-12 . After the Auditor General’s scathing reports about the government’s chronic failure to meet its fiduciary obligations to indigenous peoples, here is an opportunity to improve safety through collaboration and reconciliation. In conclusion, security and reconciliation are not opposites They reinforce each other when we walk together and grow trust.”
“It could also help other indigenous police forces follow the lead set by Akwesasne Mohawk Police, which deals with human trafficking and other smuggling across its internal borders between New York, Quebec and Ontario. There are also opportunities to collaborate among first nations, CBSA, RCMP and the Coast Guard to build capacity, share crime data, and enforce Canada’s laws and first nation laws on land and water. Bill C-12 could also help to disrupt human trafficking networks and prevent crimes against indigenous women and girls. RCMP-related agencies would be able to better track and share information about registered sex offenders with law enforcement partners, indigenous governments and U.S. partners, as well as facilitate disclosure of offender travel data.”
“Nationally, more than 53,000 apparent opioid deaths have been recorded since 2016, with B.C., Alberta and Ontario bearing most of the burden, regions with large indigenous populations both on and off reserve and in urban neighbourhoods. The reasons are complex. They include racism in system of care, housing insecurity, unsupplied policing services, a poisoned drug supply and many more things. However, one part is clear: organized crime and transnational crime networks are flooding us with deadly products. Bill C-12 could help to improve collaboration with indigenous police forces, such as the Blood Tribe Police Service’s drug task force, which conducts drug-trafficking investigations and seizures with the RCMP crime reduction unit near the U.S. border.”
“When I was last chief, the ISC regional director reported the life expectancy for indigenous men in Alberta to be 58 years old, a nearly 20-year difference between Canadians. The urban impact is acute. From January to May 2025, Alberta saw a sharp rise in deaths involving carfentanil, with 68% of opioid fatalities province-wide and 78% in Edmonton involving carfentanil. The most toxic supply is concentrated in major centres where many indigenous people live, work and seek services. Organized trafficking networks exploit remote communities and urban corridors, causing loss of life every day. (1605) The losses compound intergenerational trauma, housing and economic insecurity, and barriers to culturally safe care, ultimately the resources and capacity for nations to build self-sufficiency.”
“Conservatives support many of these principles and aims because Canadians expect compassion, safety and accountability. The toxic drug crisis demands urgency. Drug-related death and illness is a daily, unwelcome part of indigenous realities both on and off reserve and in our cities, where many indigenous people have chosen to live. This has had a devastating effect on current and future generations of indigenous people. In Alberta, the toxic drug crisis is hitting indigenous people far harder than the general population, both on reserve and in cities. Despite first nations people being 3% to 4% of Alberta’s population, we accounted for 20% of opioid poisoning deaths between 2016 and 2022, and death rates have been reported at five to nine times higher than those of non-indigenous Albertans.”
“First, it enables CBSA to access and examine goods upstream, in warehouses and transportation hubs, not just at the last gate. Officers will be able to find contraband hidden deep in supply chains. Second, it accelerates listing the precursor chemicals used to make fentanyl and other street drugs. Third, it improves information sharing among federal agencies, and affirms a coastal security role for the Canadian Coast Guard. This is critical across our vast shorelines and in the Arctic. Fourth, it clamps down on access to financial services by criminal networks that harm our communities. Finally, it helps to address the ongoing epidemic of crimes against indigenous women and girls by enabling information about sex offenders to be shared with indigenous police services.”
“It means making sure that the many families in Edmonton Northwest, who have waited months or years for IRCC to process applications, have certainty about whether their loved ones or caregivers can come and stay in Canada. It is also about welcoming people who are ready to invest their time and resources to help grow Canada’s economy. Security is built on trust and respect among neighbours, including indigenous partners on the Canadian border. It is today’s newcomers learning Canada’s story, joining the work of reconciliation and building strong communities. Bill C-12 can help us do all this if we get it right. What does Bill C-12 do in a positive light? There are some things that we agree with. The Liberals have taken steps to strengthen some of the previous iterations of Bill C-2 .”
“Canadians are generous and welcoming. We believe immigration should be fair, compassionate and firmly grounded in the rule of law. After years of drift, this bill is a chance to restore integrity at our borders, disrupt transnational crime and reduce the flow of the deadly synthetic drugs that are devastating families across the country. However, security is not just a line on the map. It is reducing the number of ineligible or bad faith immigration applications so we can better fill vacant health care roles in urban, rural and indigenous communities with qualified health professionals, including medical radiation technologists, rural doctors and nurses.”
“Madam Speaker, it is always an honour to rise and speak in the House. I rise to speak to Bill C-12 . I would like to remind the House that it was Conservatives who forced the Liberals to back down on Bill C-2 , which would violate Canadians' individual freedoms and privacy. The Privacy Commissioner confirmed that the Liberals did not even consult with him when trying to grant themselves sweeping new powers to access Canadians' personal information from service providers, such as banks and telecoms, without a warrant. Law-abiding Canadians should not lose their liberty to pay for the failures of the Liberals on borders and immigration. Now the Liberals have introduced Bill C-12 . Conservatives will examine this bill thoroughly to ensure that the Liberals do not try to sneak in measures that breech law-abiding Canadians' privacy rights.”
“7, and the Liberal government still refuses to make things right. The Blood Tribe patiently waited in good faith for 50 years, and even proactively sent a settlement proposal to CIRNAC, yet the Liberals hide behind silence and delay, and cannot progress on an agreement that both sides already accepted in principle. Conservatives know that treaty rights are confirmed under section 35 of the Constitution. The Crown gave its word. It is time for the Liberal government to keep it.”
“Mr. Speaker, [ Member spoke in Blackfoot and provided the following translation: ] Greetings. My name is Sacred Horse Rider. [ English ] Mr. Speaker, earlier this week, I had the honour of witnessing the opening of the Chief Crop Eared Wolf Peacemaking Centre of the Blood Tribe in Alberta. The Blood Tribe has invested tens of millions of dollars of its own sourced revenue to build its own judicial centre and system, which is true nation building. It is the first of its kind in Canada. Throughout its history, the Blood Tribe has always sought to uphold self-determination and be good treaty partners alongside the Crown and government. However, it has been more than a year since the Supreme Court confirmed that the Blood Tribe was shorted over 162 square miles of land promised under the Blackfoot treaty, Treaty No.”
“Mr. Speaker, since first nations and indigenous communities are so far behind, investments in housing are always good. Again, I would implore the government to think bigger, not just about subsidies and social housing. Those are good things that will be needed in indigenous communities and all Canadian communities for the rest of time, but there is also a market for housing, and first nations could get rid of the Indian Act stipulations that go against mortgages on reserve. That is something else we need to focus on to create the space for them to build their own housing.”
“Mr. Speaker, third party management is an ISC policy and stipulation. If the government cannot spend its dollars right, it needs oversight, and rightly so. It is humiliating for first nations, and sometimes humility is part of what we are as first nations. If this applied to Canada, we would not have 10 years of deficits and would not have trillions going to other countries, externally. If Canada was held accountable to the same degree that first nations are held accountable, this country would be in a better situation. Sovereignty would not be harmed, and we would be on the path to prosperity.”
“Mr. Speaker, government certainly has a role in investing in housing for first nations communities. Federal jurisdiction dictates that first nations in particular have to work directly with the government and not necessarily provincial government or municipalities first. Again, I highlight that we have the resources. Many of our communities are rural, right next to the biggest forests in Canada. In B.C., we have first nations ready to invest in softwood lumber and to build homes in first nations communities. However, in terms of the bigger picture, I am really disappointed in the government and how it is downplaying and harming these larger industries and not allowing first nations to step forward in those partnerships to build homes on reserve.”
“Mr. Speaker, the member implicated the government in needing to make targeted investments in first nations and indigenous economies. I thank him for that question, but I would rephrase that. What we need is for the government to get out of the way. We have always known how to run our own economies. We have always known how to stand on our own two feet, and we need the government to get out of the way so that we can get rid of red tape, we can get rid of the Indian Act and we can get rid of these different policies that are still being upheld by the Liberal government today. Then we can actually build Canada and put Canada first so that we can have this economy back on track.”
“We readily partner with other first nations and indigenous communities to make everybody else stronger as well. The government talks about “Canada strong”, but I think the Liberals really need to reflect on the fact that deficits make Canada weaker. We think in terms of seven generations in our indigenous communities. The current government seems to be adding seven generations' worth of debt and burden to all Canadians in the future.”
“We knew we had to make tough fiscal decisions and really do the work to restore investor confidence and our membership confidence to have good governance in our first nation and have a real plan to grow and diversify our economy. Therefore, we created our first financial law, which holds our Enoch government accountable for how it spends. We made ourselves investable again, which resulted in hundreds of millions of dollars in economic development on and off our reserve for our members and for Albertans. We invested in our natural resource sector and partnered to build the first greenfield large-scale natural gas power plant in a generation in Alberta. We grew business and entrepreneurship; we focused less on government-dependent jobs, and we became stronger.”
“The traditions of first nations people often centre on not taking more than what one needs, not wasting one part of the buffalo or the moose that we hunt to sustain us. That is sustainability. This aligns with the principle of balancing our budget and eliminating our deficits. This aligns with our values as indigenous people. When I became chief of my nation, oil prices were down, which affected our local economy. We projected an $8-million deficit, or 10% overspending, for my first nation alone. We had overdependence on band office jobs. We had very little in terms of external investment confidence in our Enoch Cree Nation.”
“The promise of reconciliation through economic inclusion rings hollow when inflation eats away at every grant dollar and makes indigenous infrastructure 30% to 40% more expensive to build. What indigenous prosperity needs instead is fiscal discipline that makes every dollar count; targeted investments, not blanket deficits; stable inflation, so indigenous nations can plan multi-year infrastructure builds without surprise cost escalations; true partnerships in which indigenous communities direct investment to local priorities and not to Ottawa's vote-buying announcements; and economic reconciliation grounded in accountability, stability and productivity, not recycled Liberal talking points.”
“Energy, food security, natural resources, mines, operations and tourism ventures struggle to attract investors. (1715) Real reconciliation requires capital staying in Canada to grow indigenous economies, not capital fleeing and the government trying to play hero by making federal tax dollars the focus for economic development in our communities. Indigenous nations want the government to get out of the way so that we can create our own economies alongside the rest of Canadians. Ottawa's deficits raise interest rates, which raise borrowing costs for first nations and indigenous development corporations, making self-financing more challenging or near impossible.”
“These are our future leaders, but they are falling behind the rest of Canada. Indigenous communities continue to struggle in the Liberal deficit environment to create and sustain their own-source revenue initiatives today. When the dollar weakens and borrowing costs rise, first nations own-source revenues and trust funds lose value. Inflation cancels out indigenous progress. Every gain from new businesses, trading programs and economic partnerships is swallowed by higher costs. Local indigenous entrepreneurs are priced out of equipment loans and procurement opportunities. Youth training programs face cost overruns with no adjustment in funding, and $53.9 billion leaving Canada for the United States means fewer partnerships for indigenous-led projects.”
“Rising fuel and transportation costs erode band budgets, forcing leaders to cut community programs or delay infrastructure maintenance. Rising costs force chiefs and councils to choose between health care and social supports. This has exacerbated housing shortages and lack of access to clean drinking water, as well as increasing maintenance costs for public service vehicles and preventable costs for indigenous communities, which Canadians continue to pay for later. Increased costs of living hit indigenous post-secondary students hard, with increased costs to study and increased costs for housing, for travel and to meet cultural and family obligations. Indigenous students are a part of the record line-ups at food banks. The treaty right to education funding has been watered down under the Liberal government.”
“For years, we have had workers in the indigenous communities wanting their chance to contribute to local economies in rural Canada and urban centres, but they feel left out and forgotten because of Liberal mismanagement. It is time to put Canada first. Canadians are scared; they are scared about job losses and how they are going to put food on the table and pay the bills. Food inflation above the Bank of Canada's target is not abstract. It means $15 milk in northern community stores, families choosing between gas and groceries and higher costs for traditional foods and supplies. People accessing rural grocery stores were hit hard with both rising food costs and the cost of fuel to get them to and from their reserve communities.”
“Indigenous unemployment and youth unemployment have combined to exclude an entire generation of young indigenous workers from contributing to Canada's economy. Deficits hurt community workers, frontline workers, teachers and health aides. First nations communities see their pay stagnate while living costs soar. Just as the rest of rural Canada does, we already struggle to recruit teachers, social workers, health care workers and other frontline staff needed in our communities. Ottawa's reckless spending does not lift up indigenous workers. It pushes them out of the workforce through affordability pressures and housing shortages. Indigenous Canadian unemployment is exacerbated by the Liberal mismanagement of immigration and temporary foreign workers.”
“Why is it that the government, year after year, gets to spend recklessly and go billions and billions over budget, with little to no plan when, through the Indian Act and Indigenous Services Canada, it enforces financial and management penalties if first nations go over budget? Why is it that first nations have default and third party management enforced on them for one challenging fiscal year, but the Liberal government gets to put Canada in debt to the tune of trillions of dollars and have billions of dollars in annual deficits? Maybe the government, led by the supposedly brilliant banker, should be subject to the same penalties it enforces upon first nations. It seems to be rules for thee, not for me, when it comes to the government. The deficits have cost 86,000 net job losses alone in our country.”
“Mr. Speaker, it is an honour to rise in the House. I thank my colleague for sharing his time with me. For 10 years now, the Liberal government has made our country weaker with overspending and deficit after deficit. Through the Liberal government, the promotion of government dependency in regard to economic development has become the staple and the identity of Canada, especially in indigenous economic development. The current projection for the Liberal government deficit, for this year alone, is anywhere from $60 billion to $100 billion. Indigenous peoples and Canadians have questions.”