Damian Boeselager
Member of the European Parliament · ALE · DE
“Mr President, Executive Vice-President, colleagues, Europe is becoming a colony of the US and China. That is the clear message of the Europe 2031 simulation and similar ones looking into our immediate future.”
“So my question to you, Commissioner, is, first, on a scale from 0 to 10, how likely do you think that this scenario is true? Second, how come we only spend EUR 50 billion of the ECF of a seven‑year industrial programme on AI? And third, what will we do to develop frontier models or these very good copycats here in Europe? 2-0340-0000”
“Madam President, Vice‑President, colleagues, Europe is like a football team where every player plays on a different court under different rules, and then we wonder why we lose globally. And, of course, we nod our heads when our coach Draghi tells us to maybe train a bit more together.”
“It will mean that some incumbents will go bankrupt, even if more successful companies will be created. When Friedrich Merz is blocking the banking union, he is doing it for the Sparkassen and the Raiffeisen banks.”
“– Vielen Dank, Damian, dass du die blaue Karte akzeptiert hast. Ich sehe das genauso, dass es kurzsichtig und falsch ist, aufgrund möglicher eigener Verluste das Zusammenwachsen des Binnenmarktes zu blockieren. Ich würde das gerne unserem Herrn Kanzler, den du ja auch angesprochen hast, Friedrich Merz, sagen.”
“But then, let's be honest, if we want a single market, this means that we will change the Ministry of Finance position in Germany right now. There is nothing stopping the German Chancellor and the German SPD from actually doing the steps that are necessary.”
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“So my question to you, Commissioner, is, first, on a scale from 0 to 10, how likely do you think that this scenario is true? Second, how come we only spend EUR 50 billion of the ECF of a seven‑year industrial programme on AI? And third, what will we do to develop frontier models or these very good copycats here in Europe? 2-0340-0000”
“Mr President, Executive Vice-President, colleagues, Europe is becoming a colony of the US and China. That is the clear message of the Europe 2031 simulation and similar ones looking into our immediate future. They claim that all companies and governments will have to use frontier models to stay competitive and safe; that all labour is replaceable by the mix of AI and robotics, meaning that a significant part of our people will lose their jobs; that all the savings from the firings will be extradited to the US‑based models and Chinese robotics; that the US government will at some point soon redistribute AI gains to the workers that have been laid off in the US; and that Europe, without access to this redistribution, will fall into bankruptcy, poverty and despair before becoming fully bought by the US or China.”
“But then, let's be honest, if we want a single market, this means that we will change the Ministry of Finance position in Germany right now. There is nothing stopping the German Chancellor and the German SPD from actually doing the steps that are necessary. It's all national protectionism, and if we want this to change, we need to be honest with ourselves or we say we don't want a single market. But I'm a bit fed up with this single market talk if we don't do the steps that are necessary. 3-0059-0000”
“– Vielen Dank, Damian, dass du die blaue Karte akzeptiert hast. Ich sehe das genauso, dass es kurzsichtig und falsch ist, aufgrund möglicher eigener Verluste das Zusammenwachsen des Binnenmarktes zu blockieren. Ich würde das gerne unserem Herrn Kanzler, den du ja auch angesprochen hast, Friedrich Merz, sagen. Nun darf ich aber hier nur eine Frage stellen und darf es nicht tun. Deswegen wollte ich mal fragen, was du denn Friedrich Merz sagen könntest zu dem Thema, wenn du die Gelegenheit hättest, mit ihm zu sprechen. 3-0058-0000 Damian Boeselager (Verts/ALE), blue-card answer. – My main point is honesty. Honesty. We talk about the single market for years. We hear from the Council, we hear from the Commission: the single market is so important. It will help so many of us.”
“It will mean that some incumbents will go bankrupt, even if more successful companies will be created. When Friedrich Merz is blocking the banking union, he is doing it for the Sparkassen and the Raiffeisen banks. When Emmanuel Macron blocks the idea of opening procurement, he is doing it for local defence and national defence industries. And when Giorgia Meloni stops the single market for services, it's because she's protecting Italian lawyers, notaries and others. So, colleagues, let's just be honest. If we protect national monopolies, we will lose out on the global and on the international stage. The price for competitiveness is that we are honest and we take the bitter pill of stopping national rules. (The speaker agreed to take a blue-card question) 3-0057-0000 Lukas Sieper (Renew), Frage nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte“.”
“Madam President, Vice‑President, colleagues, Europe is like a football team where every player plays on a different court under different rules, and then we wonder why we lose globally. And, of course, we nod our heads when our coach Draghi tells us to maybe train a bit more together. But I wonder, if everyone here agrees – the Council, the Commission, Parliament – we need a single court, we need a single market, why isn't it happening? The truth is that some of us would actually lose. If we face internally 40 % of goods and 100 % tariffs for services, if we lose EUR 1 trillion or 5 % of GDP per year, if we lose all our coolest start-ups to go to the US, there is a reason for it. And the answer is that some of us would lose, because competition on the same court will hurt some of us. It will cost jobs, even if it will create even more.”
“I see that actually in the past, those that fought for nation states were the ones that were fighting for a better future. But they do not follow this. They follow looking into the past and preserving something that cannot exist anymore. What we need now is honesty. And the truth is that now is the moment for Europe. Now is the moment for the United States of Europe. 2-0209-0000”
“Mr President, dear colleagues, I'm incredibly grateful that we are having a strong debate about the institutional changes that Europe needs now. But I also have to say that I'm a bit tired of the false narratives that come up here in this House every time we discuss this topic. People on the far right and on the far left say Europe is undemocratic. Then we propose to make it democratic with institutional changes, and then they speak against it. They say it's too far away from the citizens. Then we say, let's reform it and bring it closer to the citizens, and then they're against that. Then they say we should look into the history books. When I look into the history books, what do I see? I see a history of blood and violence in our past. And I see that when the European Union, the European project, started, this stopped.”
“If we want more world champions, we need the mother of all single market programmes, real and radical changes that get rid of all interstate hurdles in Europe. Because colleagues, while I very much look forward to the EU Inc, it is not going to solve all the growth hurdles our champions have in hiring talent, selling their products and services across European borders. Colleagues, there's one last cheat that we can do, which is to count all our medals together in Europe, and then we are the world champions. So I really hope that our leaders sit together to also unite the 'United States of Europe'. 3-0089-0000”
“Madam President, colleagues, tomorrow our European athletes will continue to rock the Winter Olympics, while Merz, Macron, Meloni and Co will sit down to think about how we can have more world champions in our industry. But without tough choices, this is pretty much the same as putting me in very shiny tights and giving me great skates to compete in figure skating – it's not going to work. Dear colleagues, if we want European champions, we need to start to invest in talent early. That means we need procurement, pension funds and savings to reach the stars of tomorrow and not the stars of yesterday. If we want more European champions, we have to invite the best talent of the world to come here, and we have to coach them, to get job opportunities for them.”
“Colleagues, when people freeze to death in their houses we have to do everything we can to support them against this mass murderer. That means delivering all the short‑term heating capacity that we can, giving Ukraine the power over the skies with real air defence and delivering Taurus rockets, and heating the frozen assets, melting them and using them for Ukraine's defence. Colleagues, let's stop Holodomor. Slava Ukraini! 2-0251-0000”
“Mr President, 'Holodomor': dear colleagues, have you ever heard this dark term before? Its literal translation is 'death by cold'. It's a war crime you'd expect to read about in history books, not in Europe in 2026. But this is exactly the reality that Ukrainians are suffering right now as Putin's bombs leave millions to freeze in Arctic weather conditions. Colleagues, there's not a single power plant that has not been attacked by Russia, and the target here is clear: it's not the Ukrainian army, its tanks and its soldiers; it is the weak, the babies and children, the elderly and the sick. That, dear colleagues, is the true face of Putin right now. That is the face of the man that Orbán and Trump want to shake hands with, and that some here still want to make deals with.”
“Os dois Estados‑Membros que, precisamente, partilham a história, a cultura e a língua com os quatro países do Mercosul. Mas o que celebramos hoje é a vitória da democracia sobre décadas de ditadura na Península Ibérica. O que celebramos hoje é o desenvolvimento sobre a pobreza. O que celebramos hoje é a abertura ao mundo sobre o isolamento das antigas ditaduras ibéricas. O que celebramos hoje, verdadeiramente, não é só o sucesso da Espanha e de Portugal - o que celebramos hoje é o sucesso da Europa. E, ao celebrarmos estes 40 anos de adesão bem‑sucedida, reafirmamos também o nosso compromisso com aqueles que olham para a sua futura adesão. Celebramos o nosso compromisso com a Ucrânia, com a Moldávia e com os seis países dos Balcãs Ocidentais. 3-0104-0000”
“Et le fait est que, pour l'instant, nos agriculteurs doivent faire face à des tarifs entre 27 % et 55 %, et qu'ils vont voir lever ces tarifs pour accroître ces exportations vers les pays du Mercosur. Mais il faut aussi écouter les autres, écouter notamment les ouvriers de l'industrie automobile, parce que nos voitures, les voitures produites en Europe doivent maintenant faire face à des tarifs de 35 % pour nos exportations vers le Mercosur. Les ouvriers de l'industrie, du secteur des machines ou de la chimie font face maintenant à des tarifs très élevés. Donc, si on veut effectivement assurer notre souveraineté, on doit avoir une économie forte et capable de la soutenir. Hoje comemoramos os 40 anos da adesão da Espanha e de Portugal à Europa.”
“Quand on parle des volailles, le quota c'est 1,3 % de notre production de volailles. Quand on parle du sucre, le quota est inférieur à ce que l'on importe déjà des pays du Mercosur. Donc il ne faut pas cacher les faits si on veut faire un débat qui respecte l'intelligence de nos citoyens. Par contre, il faut écouter évidemment les agriculteurs. Il faut écouter les agriculteurs. Et on les a entendus. On a introduit des quotas, des clauses de sauvegarde, on a renforcé le soutien à nos agriculteurs, on a créé des clauses miroirs. Oui, on l'a fait. On a assuré la protection de 63 indications géographiques en France, 57 indications géographiques en Italie.”
“Mme Aubry a dit que l'accord Mercosur n'allait pas résoudre tous nos problèmes. C'est vrai. Mais quand même, l'accord avec le Mercosur, c'est tout à fait essentiel si on veut avoir une Europe plus souveraine, parce que tous les biens qui sont importés doivent respecter nos normes phytosanitaires et de qualité alimentaire. Avec cet accord, on va renforcer les standards environnementaux et sociaux dans les pays du Mercosur. Cet accord nous protège davantage et n'affaiblit pas nos standards. Monsieur Bardella nous a dit qu'on va voir venir des milliers de tonnes. Peut-être. Elles viennent déjà. Elles viendront, surtout. Mais ce qu'il cache, c'est que, dans l'accord Mercosur, plusieurs produits agricoles sont encadrés par des quotas. Quand on parle du bœuf, vous savez quel est le quota? Le quota, c'est 1,5 % de notre production de bœuf.”
“But we must be clear: a threat to the sovereignty and the territorial integrity of our Member States is simply unacceptable, and one thing is certain: Europe will not give in to coercion. The European Union will not give in to coercion. And the European Union has the necessary instruments to defend itself effectively, if need be, to face all the challenges. We need a more sovereign Europe: firm on principles; strong on protection and determined on prosperity; united, with a long‑term budget that is fit for purpose; effective on our digital regulatory independence; autonomous on energy; and strong and confident in the global market, ensuring access to critical raw materials and opening markets to our exports, and, of course, with more efficient European institutions. Et il faut être clair.”
“Honourable Members, beyond today's turbulence, the coming year will be decisive for strengthening Europe's unity, both internally as well as externally. Our credibility abroad depends on our consistency at home. I trust that this Parliament will continue playing a crucial role for shaping Europe's strength. 3-0101-0000 António Costa, President of the European Council. – Madam President, High Representative Kallas, honourable Members, we are living in challenging times. We need to tackle the unfair trade competition from China. We need to face Russian threat to our security and ensure a just and lasting peace in Ukraine. And at the same time, the transatlantic alliance is being questioned. We don't want to speculate or escalate – we want to communicate with our United States partners.”
“We need to counter false narratives that target Europe more decisively and we also must tell our own story better – the story of what Europe delivers, the values it stands for and protects at home and around the world. Fourth, despite these agreements, the fundamental principle stands: partners stick together. We will maintain pragmatic engagement and uphold strong, balanced transatlantic partnership. In every alliance, there are moments of open disagreement, but Europe will not junk 80 years of transatlantic relations. At the same time, we will defend our interests and values whenever necessary. Decisions about Europe are taken in Europe. This applies to our security, our way of life and social model, our freedoms and prosperity, our regulatory autonomy and our commitment to human rights and the rules‑based international order.”
“Second, we must continue to place the interests of European citizens at the very heart of our actions. Uncertainty has become a daily reality for many people. Economic insecurity combined with polluted social media networks creates fertile ground for destabilisation. We must strengthen Europe's competitiveness and build partnerships with countries that share our interests and concerns on economic security. Expanding our trade ties and diversifying supply chains is the best way forward to ensure that the European Union's economy can grow and we can deliver for our citizens. We stand for more trade, not for more trade barriers. Third, we must treat foreign interference as a top political priority and recognise the urgent need for greater ambition and resources to fight back.”
“First, Europe must develop a strong and credible defence posture. Russia's continued military build‑up is not theoretical. It is real, it is ongoing, and it directly threatens European security. The role of the European Parliament as a co‑legislator is essential to swiftly adopt the programs and legislation needed to advance our defence readiness. It requires speed, scale and political will. Security underpins everything we value. Without it, there can be no education, health care or infrastructure. From my time as Prime Minister, I know how hard budget talks can be, but investing in defence is essential to protecting what really matters. So, we will continue to rely on your support on defence-related funding and for the CFSP budget in the negotiations in the next multiannual financial framework.”
“Once again, wherever we look, crises are accumulating. Russia's brutal war against Ukraine is showing no sign of abating. The humanitarian situation in Gaza remains dire. Iran killed thousands of protesters. The multilateral order is fraying under pressure. And Europe's sovereignty, our freedom to decide our own future, is increasingly being tested. We face complex, interconnected challenges in every direction. As many of you said during this debate, we must preserve a sense of urgency and redouble our efforts to strengthen our political unity. In a time when there is a weaponization of everything, we must ensure the European Union's security – from hybrid threats to economic security, from cyberattacks to critical raw materials – is there. Allow me to briefly summarise the key points.”
“3-0099-0000 (Fine della procedura "catch the eye") 3-0100-0000 Kaja Kallas, Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. – Madam President, honourable Members, it is somewhat unusual that we are briefing Parliament of the outcomes of the European Council that happened in December when tomorrow we have again a meeting of heads of state and government. This shows the reality of the times that we are in. When European leaders met in December, the stakes were high, but Europe managed to secure Ukraine's funding needs for 2026 and 2027. We felt that we reached the degree of stability and we were ready to turn a page and begin a new year. Barely a month later, we find ourselves confronted with new challenges and increasingly volatile global context.”
“Madam President, dear Mr Costa, this is the House of European citizens, and the European citizens I talked to are pissed. They're very, very angry. They're angry at Trump for attacking Europe. They're proud of Europe. They like our culture. They like our values. But they're also very, very disappointed with the 27 national leaders. So, the one message that I have from European citizens to your club of 27 national leaders is: do the right thing and abolish yourself. Understand that there is no one with the format and the leadership to bring Europe forward in these difficult times in this new world order. There's one task that you have on Thursday, which is: abolish yourself and make sure we have a united European foreign policy – a United States of Europe – that is able to act and lead in these times.”
“One thing I want to echo from the roadshow on the 28th Regime on the EU Inc. that we did over the past months in Helsinki, in Paris, in Berlin and in Amsterdam. And that is that European innovators want a solution fast. They are not thinking about years. They are thinking about weeks. And so maybe we should consider having a fast speedboat regulation that is limited but really delivers now, and then we can discuss labour law, tax law and insolvency law in a bigger package. 1-0062-0000”
“Madam President, colleagues, there's only one and only one priority at the moment, and that is to establish European independence. Every action we take now, every law we adopt, has to establish this independence: military independence, democratic independence and, yes, economic independence. Commissioner, it is therefore a major failure of your Commission that we do not see a fundamental harmonisation of the single market right now. What we see is little bits and pieces, but we really miss a proposal that makes it super easy for companies to scale across the continent, to hire people across the continent and to sell their goods and services. And of course we are in favour of the EU Inc., but it establishes a 28th Regime, it does not abolish the national regimes that we currently have.”
“And that means we need to imagine a new European Union – a United States of Europe – where we have a real government that can defend our interests, where we are not just transferring some funds to national ministries of defence, but where we open the Treaties. And it's up to the European Council to take Parliament's position and open the Treaties. You just need 14 countries. You can vote this weekend or tomorrow and make it a reality. We need a new European Union now. 3-0119-0000”
“Mr President, dear Commissioner or – as it should be – dear Minister of the United States of Europe, please thank your boss for her unwavering support for Ukraine. It's absolutely clear we need to make Russia pay for the mass murdering that they're doing in Ukraine. The fact that Trump does not support this is another sign that the transatlantic relationship is really drowning in the trans-Atlantic. But for Europe and for Ukraine to be able to defend itself in the next wave of Russian aggression and to deal with the next MAGA president, we need to do more fundamental changes. We are still playing chess on a chess board that others put the flamethrower to. We need to make more fundamental changes. Commissioner, it's time to really change the rules.”
“You suddenly say that the manufacturer who produces that device can withhold that data from my own property because you say there's a fear that this data might be shared with third parties, third countries. That is really the opposite of simplification. If you want to make it very simple, you just say: 'my device, my data if it leaves that device'. It was simple. We got there and now you're opening it up. I think it's a huge mistake. 2-0487-0000”
“Mr President, Executive Vice-President, I have to say, I'm really annoyed because the Data Act is a new law. It came into force only two months ago and you're opening a core provision of what this is about. If we want to make it very simple, what the Data Act was about is that if you own a device, you have access to the data that leaves that device and you can sell it. We clarified this so that there would be a data market, a data economy. Based on these provisions, I've talked to numerous startups and founders who are building the first data marketplaces. Now what you do is you weaken that provision that I as the owner of a device – be it a car or a factory machine, whatever it is – have access to the data that leaves that device.”
“With Siegfried and others, we have fought for Parliament's involvement, and I would just make sure that we really have some hard power. And that doesn't mean that we vote on each plan, but that maybe we can vote on it en bloc, that maybe we have a chance to delay the plan approval and also the amendment approval so that we can have some power. In the end, it's in your interest to have the public on your side, to have us as parliamentarians on your side, and to make sure that you are not bullied by single Member States, like Germany under the corona funds, which made a shitty homepage pass as a pension reform. 1-0173-0000”
“Mr President, Commissioner, I might not look it – or I might look it – but I spent hundreds, if not thousands of hours on the corona funds, the first performance-based instrument that we had. And so, when the title 'architecture and governance' came up, of course, this is when a budget nerd gets super excited and that's why I definitely wanted to talk to you. I think the one thing I learned – and I really love the corona funds, I think it was a great invention, it saved us from a really deep financial crisis, I think – but the one thing that we have to learn from it is that it was not good to keep Parliament out. And now you propose to basically keep Parliament out of two thirds of the EU budget for the next seven years, once the co-regulation is there.”
“It is the Member States that fail to come up with a real European system. There will not be a functioning European asylum system unless it is really European. We will see border controls and we will see no real solution. So let's go ahead and try to fix the system and build a real European system so that it works. 1-0108-0000”
“Madam President, colleagues, we could see it today again: the one sole issue that makes the far right big is migration, and I, therefore, applaud the idea of building a European migration system and to bring order to our situation. The problem is, and I said this already one and two years ago, that the European system needs to be built on relocation. We have a geographic situation where some countries are at our borders and some are not. And what we see today – and I really pity you, Commissioner, for having to deal with this – we see a situation where Italy already says: 'If I don't see solidarity, I will not do asylum applications anymore'. We see a situation where France on the other side says: 'No, we have to go ahead'. So we did not solve the issue. And the reason is not the European Commission, colleagues.”
“Mr President, colleagues, imagine a little boy, Omar, who was born to Palestinian parents in Jordan. When Omar turned 15, he emigrated to the US, where he arrived with a very basic level of English. Now, for some in this room, this triggers an almost instinctive negative reaction. In your minds, Omar doesn't just arrive as Omar, but is a dangerous threat to our primarily white, Christian culture. Just last week, actually, German Chancellor Merz dangerously connected deportations with the idea of improvement of the image of our cities. Omar, it is implied, doesn't belong next to our cathedrals and half-timbered houses. Of course, if you go further to the right, the AfD openly flirts with the idea of remigration – the unconstitutional idea of explicitly kicking 25 % of Germans out of our country.”
“That's why I would ask you, Executive Vice-President, to think about a digital democracy act. An act that takes our rules that we have – around elections, for example, with posters – and transfers them into the digital age; that checks for political bias; that looks at these algorithms and makes sure that AfD content is not randomly accelerated. (The speaker agreed to take a blue-card question) 3-0299-0000 Moritz Körner (Renew), blue-card question. – Thank you, colleague, for accepting my blue card. Actually, I only put it to be also in your viral video. But here's my question. You mentioned that, of course, polarising content is getting more reach. But isn't that something that we also saw before there was online media, like the Bild's big headlines that are trying to catch attention? And isn't that maybe translated in the digital world?”
“We need to be able to talk about both, because in the end, debating positions is a sign of a healthy democracy, but antisemitism is a sign of a democracy falling apart. 2-0385-0000”
“Frau Präsidentin! Es ist schon interessant, wenn hier eine Kollegin der AfD sich hinstellt und sagt, unter einer AfD-Regierung würde alles besser werden, wenn sie gleichzeitig Kollegen bei sich in der Partei hat, die sagen, der Holocaust war ein Fliegenschiss, oder sich als das freundliche Gesicht des Nationalsozialismus bezeichnen. Das sind alles Zitate aus Ihrer Partei. Also bitte, denken Sie da noch mal drüber nach. Madam President, colleagues, antisemitism is intolerable. The Holocaust must never be relativised. Today, as we commemorate 7 October, a horrific terror attack claiming the most Jewish lives since the Second World War, we remember the victims. Since then, we have seen a disturbing rise in antisemitism. Hate has grown across Europe: in Manchester and Berlin, online and offline.”
“So I'm wondering, where are we headed if our leaders, the 27 Heads of State, don't have the courage anymore to think about a better future? So let me ask you again, will you support a United States of Europe? What will you do to bring Treaty change to the 27 leaders? What will you do to make sure that our children have a better European Union, that we have a defence army, that we have a government that is elected by this House, by the European Parliament. What will you do to bring the United States of Europe into reality? 2-0093-0000”
“Madam President, Prime Minister, let me ask you quite plainly, will you support the United States of Europe? You said it yourself, this table here, this House only exists because before us people thought about a better future. They understood that they don't want to stay in the horrors of the Second World War and build something that brings Europe together. But now you were there last week in Copenhagen, and I wonder, where is the spirit of European unity and dreaming-big gone? You had the chance to decide on sanctions against Russia, to take the Russian assets and give them to Ukraine. You had the chance to build the drone wall that Mr Weber was talking about, and you had the chance to do what Marc Angel said, which is opening the Treaties to actually improve this union.”
“First, how about we introduce an Amazon tax, a tax that is basically put on every product sold on large online platforms to equal the competition with local shops? Second, how about a social media tax? We could make Meta, YouTube and TikTok pay for every user that they have in Europe, for example EUR 1 per user. Third, how about a network usage tax, so that big tech actually pay for the networks and the infrastructure that they use? Commissioner, every company that profits from Europe should also profit Europe. 3-0532-0000”
“Mr President, dear Commissioner, you should not have caved to Trump's bullying. You should not have stripped the digital tax just because of the looming US-UK trade deal. Let's be clear: a fair tax on big tech should not be a negotiation chip in any trade negotiation. Nobody likes to pay taxes, but employees pay them and small business owners pay their fair share as well. Why? Because they understand that we need them to afford our pensions, subsidise trains and for high-quality health care systems. But tech giants don't pay their fair share. In general, they pay around 9 % of taxes in Europe, while traditional businesses pay 23 %. So, since they are creative, we should be creative as well.”
“So, I think it's really high time that the new German Government stands up for a better European perspective on a capital markets union because we really need to tear down these fences between the different countries in order to have the innovation boost that we really need. 1-0090-0000”
“No przecież wiemy, że to nieprawda, że hiszpańskie banki, włoskie banki, greckie banki udzieliły ogromnej ilości nietrafionych kredytów. Prawie bilion euro jest w nietrafionych kredytach. I moje pytanie do Ciebie: to Niemcy przecież blokują powstanie następnych etapów Europejskiej Unii Bankowej, bo nie chcą spłacać nietrafionych kredytów. Czy zgodzisz się ze mną? 1-0089-0000 Damian Boeselager (Verts/ALE), blue-card answer. – So, I think in Poland your party was governing for some time. It doesn't happen often, but for Germany, I do agree with you. We even had a liberal finance minister, a liberal party, which is supposedly helping the economy, who did not really advance on the savings and investment union and the capital markets union.”
“So, Commissioner, I think we really need to step up our game if we look at this broader picture. We need to scale national successes like the investment and savings account from Sweden, we need to allow for more investment into venture capital funds from pension schemes, and we need in the MFF a horizontal target for start-ups and SMEs. (The speaker agreed to take a blue-card question) 1-0088-0000 Bogdan Rzońca (ECR), pytanie zadane przez podniesienie niebieskiej kartki. – Pracujemy obydwaj w Komisji Budżetowej i znamy też sytuację w ECON-ie. Tu kilku kolegów naszych powiedziało, że wszystkiemu winna jest prawica, że całe to nieszczęście jest związane z rynkami kapitałowymi, z brakiem unii bankowej, Europejskiej Unii Bankowej. Winna jest prawica.”
“Madam President, Commissioner, let me put this report in a bit of a broader perspective: Russia's war of aggression has driven up the energy prices for European producers, a bully in the White House has cut US demand for European products, and China is outpacing us in many sectors and becoming more of a serious competitor. Our economy is at risk and the funny side effect of this is that the more we stagnate, the more people run to the false promises of the far‑right populists who say that we can just go back to the past. So, urgent action is really needed. You promised here that we would have a capital markets union, more investment to somehow drive innovation, that we need to shoulder the pension costs for an ageing society. But we didn't see much happening, as the colleagues have said, over the last year.”
“It's an executive order from your friend away from actually happening. And this is the dystopia we are facing. We have to build real sovereignty in Europe – not the fake sovereignty that you are proclaiming – and really try to make sure that our payments work in the future, which is why we need the digital euro. We need the sovereignty of our innovators, which is why we need digital markets. And we need to make sure that we can debate freely and in a sovereign space in our digital world, and this is the Digital Services Act. So let's make sure that we stand up for sovereignty – for European sovereignty – with a strong European regulation in the relevant fields. 3-0504-0000”
“Mr President, dear colleagues, let me humour you on the far right with a little dystopia of my own. Let's imagine you wake up tomorrow morning and you try to go to the bakery and buy a croissant, and suddenly it doesn't work; Visa and Mastercard are down – and with them, two thirds of all payments in the EU. Then you are slightly annoyed and hungry, and you go to your office and boot up your computer, and then suddenly your Microsoft Outlook doesn't work anymore. Then you try to text your boss and say, 'This doesn't work, I need to text them', and then suddenly WhatsApp doesn't work anymore. And then you want to check at least your files, and you see your cloud files are all gone. Now you might think this is a crazy dystopia, but it is actually just a tiny little executive order.”
“The first one is that we had this unprecedented solidarity by taking up debt, and probably pushed GDP up to 1.4 %. Second, we combined reforms with investment, which is in itself a huge success and should be carried over into the future. Third, we tried to really bind outcomes and targets into the measures to make sure that citizens can really feel this. I think the learning from all of this is the RRF is a success, and we should make sure it continues. 2-0261-0000 Spontane Wortmeldungen 2-0262-0000”
“Madam President, thank you for the flexibility, and thank you to the rapporteurs Mr Mureşan and Mr Negrescu for the continued good cooperation. I want to start with addressing a misunderstanding. When the Recovery and Resilience Fund was set up, we saw a situation where within the euro area, interest rates for treasuries were increasing. The financial markets were not sure if the euro area would, in its current form, be able to shoulder this crisis with countries having different fiscal space in their different fields. So it was a daring and courageous huge success to put the RRF forward already with its inception by stabilising the markets. I think there are a couple of really miraculous innovations within it, and I think we should really acknowledge them.”