Thijs Reuten
Member of the European Parliament · S&D · NL
“Madam President, I want to talk about two points on your agenda: Ukraine and defence. They are connected by a lack of sense of urgency, I am sorry to say, in particular with the Member States. There are many good things in the draft conclusions, and you will say to me: 'Yes, look what we are doing'.”
“Member States continue to spend money with nationalist reflexes. No internal market on defence, no collective procurement, wasting tens of billions – tens of billions! – per year. I want now a sense of urgency. The Member States are holding us back out of fear for what? 27 capitals are endangering our security. 3-0082-0000”
“Madam President, colleagues, Commissioner – and, regrettably, no Council on this key topic – we are slowly moving from words to real action on enlargement, but it's too slow. We need a breakthrough – not business as usual! The geopolitical stakes demand it.”
“The impasse on its EU path is masking slow undermining of the Ohrid agreement and an excuse to halt reforms citizens actually need. The country's leadership must break the impasse and amend the Constitution. And the Council must make crystal clear to everyone involved: no more delays, no obstruction, no more business as usual. 2-0429-0000”
“Madam President, nothing has changed. Russia is still the aggressor. Daily war crimes. Brutality. Hybrid warfare on Europe. No desire for real peace. And why then let Lavrov's daughter represent Russia at the Biennale? Why then allow athletes to compete under their own flag and maybe even championing Russian crimes? No normalisation.”
“It emboldens a Russian athlete to even turn his back to the Ukrainian flag. I have no doubt that sports and culture can be forces for good. Uniting people, building bridges. But people who claim that this is true for Putin and his cronies are either dangerously foolish or one of his complicit supporters. 3-0417-0000”
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Every one of 82 lines we hold for Thijs Reuten, in date order, each linked to its source. Free to read, in full, without an account. Page 1 of 2.
“Member States continue to spend money with nationalist reflexes. No internal market on defence, no collective procurement, wasting tens of billions – tens of billions! – per year. I want now a sense of urgency. The Member States are holding us back out of fear for what? 27 capitals are endangering our security. 3-0082-0000”
“Madam President, I want to talk about two points on your agenda: Ukraine and defence. They are connected by a lack of sense of urgency, I am sorry to say, in particular with the Member States. There are many good things in the draft conclusions, and you will say to me: 'Yes, look what we are doing'. But condemnations of Russia's attacks don't save lives. Air defence, deep strike capability and integrated air protection zone do save lives. So how many heads of state and government have been called by von der Leyen, Kallas and Costa in the past ten days? Because we have sent letters about it, we have called for them to send these air defence systems to Ukraine. The second point on defence; there is also no lack of good words in the conclusions, but where is the sense of urgency?”
“The impasse on its EU path is masking slow undermining of the Ohrid agreement and an excuse to halt reforms citizens actually need. The country's leadership must break the impasse and amend the Constitution. And the Council must make crystal clear to everyone involved: no more delays, no obstruction, no more business as usual. 2-0429-0000”
“Madam President, colleagues, Commissioner – and, regrettably, no Council on this key topic – we are slowly moving from words to real action on enlargement, but it's too slow. We need a breakthrough – not business as usual! The geopolitical stakes demand it. To the Council, I would have said: have the courage to embrace innovative proposals; do not reject ideas without offering better alternatives. It's in our own interest. When accession perspectives lack credibility, and the EU's posture is appeasement of the 'dear Alexander' kind, then the status quo becomes an attractive alternative. In the Western Balkans, it produced an entrenched and dangerously toxic mix of identity politics and state capture. And North Macedonia, regrettably, is no exception.”
“It emboldens a Russian athlete to even turn his back to the Ukrainian flag. I have no doubt that sports and culture can be forces for good. Uniting people, building bridges. But people who claim that this is true for Putin and his cronies are either dangerously foolish or one of his complicit supporters. 3-0417-0000”
“Madam President, nothing has changed. Russia is still the aggressor. Daily war crimes. Brutality. Hybrid warfare on Europe. No desire for real peace. And why then let Lavrov's daughter represent Russia at the Biennale? Why then allow athletes to compete under their own flag and maybe even championing Russian crimes? No normalisation. Not in sports, not in culture, nor anywhere else like in the G20. What has changed is the moral compass of decision makers, for example, in sports governance, allowing Russia to come back to the stage. To all those sports governance executives that my colleague Strack-Zimmermann mentioned, I say you have trouble recognising right from wrong. You have stopped attaching consequences to the unacceptable. And at the Paralympics, we saw what it leads to.”
“Provide Ukraine with deep strike capability and an air-protection zone over uncontested areas. Crack down on European companies still benefiting and enabling Putin's war. And deliver the loan to Ukraine through whatever means necessary. 1-0167-0000”
“Madam President, Commissioner, Council, colleagues, Trump's policies once again derailed European security. Rising oil prices, sanction relief, dwindling deliveries of military aid to Ukraine are risks for Ukraine and thus also risks for us. Meanwhile, the Member States' inability to deliver the loan to Ukraine is frankly appalling. They should have avoided giving Putin's Budapest assets the chance to block. They opted for easy – narrow, short-term national interest once again mean we lack a strong European solution. The illegal and botched Iran war shows us Trump's so-called peace negotiators are only interested in own financial gain. Please, Council, abandon naïve beliefs that this approach can end Russia's aggression. Form a united front. Take serious action against Putin's assets in the Council.”
“Second, make clear that Russia and its Wagner Group and Africa Corps are no friends to Africa, but only advance Russian interests through disinformation, deceit and exploitation. Third, that we offer credible alternatives, including through our CSDP missions. 3-0541-0000”
“Mr President, Commissioner, colleagues, thanks to the authors for this timely resolution. Because Putin uses foreign fighters recruited under false pretence from Africa and elsewhere, and he's running out of soldiers thanks to the effective Ukrainian defenders. The alternative to this – conscription in Russia's cities – would expose a losing war. It is very uncomfortable to watch African fighters dying on a battlefield they were never prepared for, for a cause they never chose and being abused by Russian soldiers. Ukraine's defence also takes place in multinational fora, where African voices are too often silent or pro-Russian. Therefore, the EU must join forces with our African partners to clarify the human cost of Russia's brutal and illegal policy, also on African streets.”
“It weakens innovation and competition, forces us to buy American products and spend our money inefficiently, and it costs lives, as Mr Cremer said. For Europe to do better, we need the synergies of a single defence market with unified innovation, development and procurement. We need real binding action to enforce this defence internal market. 2-0561-0000”
“Madam President, colleagues, thank you for both reports. Short‑term national interests, no matter the origin, are holding back the establishment of a European defence, and nowhere more so than in the internal market for defence. Contrary to what some say here, this is an indispensable part of a genuine defence Union. Of course, we want all the countries of Europe to flourish, but hidden, covert protectionism is not the answer. Because of closed minds in the leadership of defence primes and old cultures in national ministries of defence, Europe's internal market for defence does not take off. These nationalistic approaches abusing the concept of national security interest cost European taxpayers tens of billions of euros.”
“Yes, the process remains merit‑based, but the geopolitical moment demands more of us – to improve, to move forward and to deliver. Colleagues, this enlargement report is solid based on the current methodology. Yes, but I agree with you, Commissioner: we need to do more, because Member States do not. We must proactively push for maximum creativity and for alternatives to the current methods, for ourselves and for Europe. 2-0444-0000”
“Mr President, colleagues, in recent days the Commission President, the High Representative and you, dear Commissioner Kos, have all in different ways admitted that the enlargement process is not delivering the required outcomes. For starters, because of some 100 moments to veto one accession process. It's absurd. We also recognise where Member States and the Commission have actually failed candidate countries by letting bilateral issues take the process hostage, by championing those who reject reforms, and by not supporting public, civil society and political actors who crave for action in the right direction. Without a credible and predictable accession perspective, how can we put the blame on those who fail to reform?”
“Europe must end fear-driven policymaking, force Putin to want peace, act with real urgency, shape the conditions for peace, a European-led air protection zone, long-range strike capabilities and strict enforcement of a sanction, bringing Ukraine into our Union. Ukrainians will not give up. We will not give up. We are one. Slava Ukraini! 1-0030-0000”
“Madam President, colleagues, after four years of brutal aggression, terror and war crimes and of Russia breaking its teeth on Ukraine's courage and resilience, we honour the fallen, the tortured prisoners, the abducted children and all Ukrainians who have shown us what real bravery means. Out of fear of escalation, we enabled escalation. What if, in the first year, we had matched the determination of Ukrainians from day one? This Parliament has been at the forefront always, but Member States were often late or let themselves be held hostage by fake sovereign lists like Orbán and Fico and Bardella here. They are siding with the aggressor. Putin does not want peace. Pretending he does or blocking essential support is moral complicity and falling for psychological warfare.”
“Europe cannot impose this, but we must make our financial support conditional. Being the largest humanitarian donor is not enough. If we are bystanders, fragile stability may once again collapse with far-reaching security risks. 2-0315-0000”
“Mr President, Commissioner, colleagues, this could have been the year in which Syria finally saw an end to the bloodshed and a start of a transition to democracy, building accountable institutions, restoring justice and recognising the rights of all citizens, but the ongoing siege of Kobani and atrocities also on 9 January against the Kurds in Aleppo and their forced displacement tell a different story. A small, bright spot may be the agreement between Damascus and the SDF now, but the process of gradual integration must come with full rights for and protection of Kurdish citizens. Real stability can only come with respect for all minorities – Kurds, Druze, Alawites, Christians and others – with peaceful coexistence between these communities based on principles of transitional justice.”
“Contrary to the Member States – you said it also, Commissioner – our citizens understand the urgency and we have clear recommendations in this regard. My question is, will we finally care whether Member States actually listen? 2-0114-0000”
“Madam President, Commissioner, colleagues, the answer to strengthening our sovereignty and security is simple: more Europe, not more slogans. Last month we adopted here a clear agenda for concrete action, which I know you support. We must stop dressing up national reflexes as strategy. Fragmentation is an expensive weakness, you said it, Commissioner, but Member States are not even close to understanding the urgency, so it seems. What do we need? First, political courage and operational doctrine to act – not after the next crisis, but now. Second, make Article 42(7) real. Third, build EU command and control, autonomous if needed. Fourth, fix decision-making: no unanimity traps, no defence planning by Council working groups. And fifth, spend together: a European DARPA, also, and EU-owned strategic enablers.”
“Our sanctions did not, using Article 122 did not, nor will this legal action. Euroclear's profits are not our concern and litigation will not exceed EUR 1.5 billion already withheld by Euroclear. The risk is not too high. The greatest risk is doing nothing and that is unmitigated ... (The President cut off the speaker) (The speaker declined to take a blue-card question from Petras Gražulis) 3-0118-0000”
“Mr President, Commission, Council, colleagues, we need a real sense of urgency and determination. For a long time, we in this House asked for bringing Russia's assets in place. So thank you, Commission, for the reparations loan proposal, and thanks to the Council for ending the ability of Russia's assets to block our sanctions against Russia's financial assets. This clears the way. But myths are stubborn, so, for tomorrow's final discussions with Prime Minister De Wever, but also with others, it's not theft. The assets stay frozen. Used is the cash owned by financial institutions structured in a loan. Belgium and others are not alone. When did we ever leave a Member State to carry such responsibility alone? Proposals prove the opposite. This will not destabilise the euro.”
“We must raise our level of cooperation; break down the barriers between national systems; share expertise, intelligence, innovation strength, capabilities – as a true Union with a common security and defence policy. Ukraine's expertise in this is invaluable, so we must support, cooperate and invest accordingly in Ukraine. Hybrid attacks demand executive action – timely, coordinated and firm – without ambiguity about rules of engagement. We must be seen as strong and be strong. Our doctrine must evolve, and when the source of an attack is established, we must be ready to escalate, to respond with proportionate retaliation. Europe must show that our airspace, our infrastructure and our values are not up for negotiation. (The speaker declined to take two blue-card questions from Petras Gražulis and Lukas Sieper) 3-0249-0000”
“Madam President, Commissioner, dear colleagues, every week we witness new incursions into EU airspace and fresh attempts to target us or sabotage our critical infrastructure on our territory, on our seabed. These are not accidents. They are part of a sustained hybrid campaign by Russia to intimidate our citizens, gather intelligence, destabilise our democracies and weaken our support for Ukraine. Europe cannot afford to treat these incidents as routine. Prevention must be our starting point – improve detection and shared situational awareness, from air to maritime and subsea – because our vulnerabilities are interconnected, and we must reinforce our societal resilience. No Member State can counter all this alone.”
“The reparations loan is critical, as are deep strike and air defence capabilities. Nobody here wants a debate in which we again say more or less the same in a couple of weeks or months, while nothing fundamentally has changed. Take action! Take the lead! 3-0020-0000”
“There is no reason for Ukraine to capitulate, but the cost for Ukrainians remains deep and painful. So I implore the Council: break the cycle we have witnessed again and again. I implore you to finally start making Europe a relevant force for peace. We had no choice again but to react – in a somewhat panicked flurry – to a deeply flawed plan, with Moscow's fingerprints all over it, to protect Ukraine and Europe and our ability to decide our future. You talk about actions and pressure, but you missed, as Member States, a chance last month on the loan. The pressure would have been on already. What we really need now is an urgent, proactive approach – action, dear Council and Commission. Do not wait for Putin to prove once again that he is not interested in peace before we increase the pressure. Do it now! Do it together!”
“Mr President, Commission, Council, dear colleagues, Vladimir Putin has a long history of breaking agreements and using fake negotiations to delay and divide. Ukraine and Europe want peace. A fair and sustainable peace – not a peace that rewards the aggressor, delivers impunity, undermines European security, ignores past violations and emboldens future aggression. Unless one side is losing or a powerful third party steps in, peacemaking is a slow and delicate process. It requires either strength or patient, skilled diplomacy. Today, both are missing on both sides of the Atlantic. So there is no room for quick and dirty fixes, indecision and risk avoidance: peace is neither a real estate deal or another round of Council statements. Russia is not winning its war of aggression.”
“We demand an immediate end to the systematic repression of the Belarusian people and for the unconditional release of all political prisoners. Strengthen the sanctions and do not forget Belarus. Zhyve Belarus! 3-0101-0000”
“Madam President, colleagues, imagine not knowing anything about your loved ones for months, for years – convicted on trumped up charges and imprisoned under harsh conditions. It is the reality under the cruel regime of Putin's lapdog, Lukashenka. It is again the reality for the family of opposition leader Mikalai Statkevich, released about six weeks ago – now again imprisoned and incommunicado. Maria Kalesnikava, Alex Bialiatski – incommunicado. It was the reality for years for a brave woman, Sviatlana, who carried a picture of her husband Siarhei everywhere. It's great to have them both here today. For many, the horror of repression and terror continues. For Irina Tkachuk – illegally detained for defending her imprisoned daughter – her untreated health conditions risk irreparable harm.”
“But no business as usual at the next meeting, please! I warn the Commission: this should be the start of a more realistic and honest approach, as you outlined, Commissioner. Without that, we won't see the needed reforms and we will not restore the EU's credibility. Bad news for Serbia and for Europe! 2-0537-0000”
“Madam President, colleagues, Commissioner, one year after Novi Sad, we first and foremost commemorate the victims. We are reminded that corruption is not a victimless crime. In fact, in Serbia today, people are worse off because of endemic corruption and state capture. Civil society and the opposition are criticised time and time again. One year after, we recall violent crackdown, intimidation of peaceful protesters, inappropriate pressure on free media and independent judges, and manipulation of facts for political survival. This is not a government following a path towards the EU. Quite the opposite. And the EU should support the reasonable demands of those in Serbia demanding democracy, transparency and justice. But finally, President von der Leyen changed her language towards the leadership. Well done!”
“Let's not use our flaws as an excuse not to live up to the promise of European unification and building that stronger Union. 2-0237-0000”
“Mr President, dear colleagues, 15 to 20 years – that's how long some accession countries are in the waiting room. Citizens in and outside the EU become sceptical about our intentions. We need to restore the credibility of enlargement. It's a geopolitical necessity and it makes our Union stronger. It does not mean abandoning merit-based processes. It means we should invest efforts where it's merited. We also need to change our paralysis by design. Hence I welcome the proposal of António Costa: interim benchmarks should not require unanimity. Thank you for your strong stance. Yes, we need reforms. But even without new members, we must adapt to new realities and move towards a more federalist Union, at a minimum on foreign affairs and defence.”
“And yes, Council, it includes also action on full fossil fuel ban on the assets now, but there's more: binding travel restrictions for so-called Russian diplomats; no free movement; mandatory notification for all travel; real interdiction of the Russian shadow fleet; full synergy with Ukraine's defence industry; integrating them into a strong and efficient European defence against drones, and our best prevention – ensuring that Russia is occupied elsewhere because we have finally provided sufficient military support to Ukraine. 3-0083-0000”
“Madam President, testing us must not be a consequence-free exercise. Russia's hybrid war is not only probing our defences; it's also testing our political resolve. We cannot assume any incursion is accidental. Russia wants us to doubt its intentions. Hybrid war happens because of a deterrence gap. Capabilities mean little without the will to deliver consequences. Putin respects only strength, not diplomacy. And we need clear red lines, credible consequences and preventive measures.”
“An immediate ceasefire, humanitarian aid, fair reconstruction, and truth and accountability to heal and restore dignity. The cycle of terror, injustice and inhumanity must end, and Europe can help, but only if we have one voice. 2-0239-0000”
“Madam President, Commission, Council, colleagues, the Middle East and the innocent people of Israel and Palestine cannot endure yet another broken promise of peace, sabotaged by extremists from either side once again. And frankly, it saddens me deeply that the Trump plan is the closest to a peace proposal we have seen in years because of our own passivity. And close is not enough. Yes, Hamas must go. Hostages must be freed. But true peace requires ending Hamas's grip. And all those who say that as well in this room must realise that that means strengthening the Palestinian Authority and taking Palestinian self-determination seriously – not about Palestinians without Palestinians. A real two‑state solution, with the West Bank. Not a distant dream, but a decision, now.”
“The firmness of our European response today will determine how Russia treats us tomorrow, give true meaning to our common security and defence policy, and to our solidarity with Poland and the entire eastern flank. (The speaker declined to take a blue-card question from Jacek Ozdoba) 4-0137-0000”
“Madam President, colleagues, I will speak in Polish. Polsko, jesteśmy z Wami! Yesterday was not an accident – too many drones. And it was not a surprise – too many prior Russian tests of our military preparedness, political solidarity and our resolve. Yesterday was a deliberate attack on Poland and an EU and NATO Member State. And thanks to Poland, NATO, European allies, we passed the test. But they will continue and they will be more numerous. And our response shapes what comes next. Shooting down drones is not enough. We need now a strong, united and visible European deterrence in lockstep with NATO, and together with Ukraine, we must build an eastern shield.”
“Mr President, colleagues, Commissioner, Moldova is Europe, and its upcoming elections are the next frontline in Russia's hybrid war: disinformation, dirty money, cyberattacks and even priests spreading Kremlin propaganda. As was said before, this is not just about Chișinău; it's about us. If Russia can break Moldovan democracy, it weakens Europe. And like with the referendum last year, this is a test of our common resolve. I was there in Chișinău, and many in Europe, like myself, were happy with the 50.34 %. Yes! But the real news was that Putin almost succeeded. The EU must stand shoulder to shoulder with Moldovans who want a European future. I welcome the support that the EU has been providing to Moldova, and we must continue to do what's needed to guarantee free elections – free from Russian interference. Democracy is under attack.”
“We need a strong, coordinated EU position, four-square behind those asking for transparency, democracy and fundamental rights, for Serbian citizens and for Europe. 2-0421-0000”
“Madam President, colleagues, for years, the Commission allowed Vučić to steadily undermine popular support for the EU. Instead, Vučić publicly praises his real friends, Russia and China. For years, the EU has not held Vučić to account. Instead, he became more autocratic, shrank the space for free media, civil society and fair elections. For years, all this disenfranchised supporters of a European Serbia and fed ethnonationalism again. For years, the Commission has not defended our values. Instead, we gave Vučić public praise, hoping for him to choose the EU, hoping for stability – but getting the opposite. These failures now represent a serious challenge, and I am glad this House and Commissioner Kos understand that. But where are the Member States, the HR/VP or the President of the Commission? Your appeasement did not work.”
“After all the well-documented violations of international law, the lack of a recommendation to suspend all or part of the agreement is a violation of the Commission's role as guardian of the Treaties, and the High Representative / Vice President knows that. Equally, the Council's lack of action is inexplicable and undermines protection of rules-based international order. We should find the political resolve to ensure that Europe acts now to open Gaza. 2-0365-0000”
“Madam President, I stand here rather desperate, to be honest, especially listening to the Commission and Council. But let's try one more time to find unity on one point – on humanitarian values, empathy and respect for the lives of innocent people. We here should, as a minimum, agree to the need to open Gaza for immediate and unrestricted access to humanitarian aid, food and medical supplies into Gaza by independent, internationally respected organisations. This Parliament, it seems, and for sure a large majority of our citizens want this. Our citizens have lost respect for Europe's inaction over Gaza and Europe's double standards. There are no excuses.”
“They won't wait forever. Enlargement processes have a shelf life and we are close to the expiry date. And meanwhile, Russia and China are more than happy to fill the vacuum we are leaving. So let's be honest, with ourselves and our partners. We need a hard look at what has worked, what has not and what needs fixing. And we need to show enlargement is real by ensuring that at least two countries can join the Union before 2030. Let enlargement become the transformative force it was meant to be, fulfilling the promise of a united Europe as we started working on over 75 years ago. 4-0060-0000”
“Mr President, Commissioner, colleagues, if enlargement is the EU's strongest geopolitical tool, we must urgently make it credible again. History shows enlargement works only when domestic reformers see real rewards and when backsliding carries consequences, when citizens feel tangible benefits, and when EU institutions and Member States speak with one voice – clearly, consistently and honestly, to reinforce local ownership. Instead, what we see is shifting goalposts, appeasement and double standards, especially on Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, North Macedonia, Kosovo and Georgia. This Parliament has sounded the alarm again and again. Reforms cannot succeed without deep democratic transformation. And yet, too often, the EU enables autocrats, excuses kleptocrats and ignores those fighting for the rule of law. Citizens are not blind.”
“As the guardian of the Treaties, I expect you next Monday to suspend the agreement and to uphold Europe's credibility that rests on equal application of international law. No exceptions, no double standards. 2-0565-0000”
“Mr President, dear High Representative, dear colleagues, I have no sympathy whatsoever for the Iranian autocratic, extremist regime. Its human rights record and threats against Israel are appalling. And Iran must never acquire nuclear weapons. But Israel's recent strike on Iran was not a defence against an imminent threat. This was about derailing diplomacy, about using escalation to distract from its annihilation of Palestinians and from internal problems. And these problems are big because Israeli citizens do see that the release of the hostages, the rule of law and upholding international law was never a priority. Now the European Union: failing for a long time already to propose immediate suspension of the Association Agreement continues to constitute a failure to act under the Treaties.”
“We must increase pressure on Russia where it hurts. Ban the fossil fuels, tighten the sanctions, target the shadow fleet and seize the assets. Seize them! And we need to boost military and financial support to empower Ukraine's defence. Let me give you one example, because the Commission President said it here before in this House: we, the Parliament, were right all along with asking for faster and stronger military support. But let me give you the example of the Patriots. Ukraine needs to defend its cities, and we have the Patriot systems: 42 in Greece, 32 in Türkiye. France has 40. Council, let's not hide behind 'oh, its NATO', 'it's the EU' or 'I cannot do it'. Let's make sure that Ukraine gets the ten Patriot systems. Our task has not changed. Our mission remains clear. Slava Ukraini! 3-0022-0000”
“Mr President, dear colleagues, dear President of the Commission, Council, the truth is that the past 100 days did not bring us an inch closer to a just peace. And yes, it is up to us to give Ukraine the strength to continue to say no to any bad deal. Russia is neither interested nor compelled to compromise. Territorial concessions, recognising Russia's occupation of Crimea, no security guarantees, no reparations for victims, no release of prisoners, no justice or accountability – that sounds more like forced capitulation. It undermines international law and emboldens further Russian aggression in Europe. The time has come for Europe and its allies to make our approach to peace inevitable. And interestingly enough, from last year, from 5 November, from 20 January to today, our task has not changed.”