Tobias Cremer
Member of the European Parliament · S&D · DE
“Mr President, colleagues, I hope you listened well to the naysayers, the defeatists and the Putin powers, including those sitting in this Chamber. You remember what they said just a few weeks ago: they insisted that Ukraine stood no chance, that Kyiv had no cards, that Russia was unstoppable and Europe should appease the aggressor.”
“So let us finally do the same, and create the conditions of peace through strength, by locking in long‑term financial support, by delivering urgently needed air defence and, most importantly, by making Ukraine's path to European membership credible, irreversible and clear.”
“Madam President, are the Americans still prepared to defend Europe? We keep asking that question, but colleagues, it is the wrong one. The real question is not whether America is ready to defend Europe, but whether Europe is actually ready to defend Europe.”
“That is why, together with a cross‑party group of MEPs, we are now calling for a genuine single market of defence at the heart of a real European Defence Union, not as a replacement for NATO, but as the necessary European pillar for a stronger and more equal transatlantic alliance.”
“Madam President, colleagues, Vladimir Putin is a desperate man. In 2022, he invaded Ukraine thinking he could conquer it in three days. Over 1 500 days later, he is still failing.”
“Colleagues, this is no longer conventional warfare. This is a criminal campaign, and like any criminal campaign, it must be brought to justice. That is why we need a special tribunal for Russia's crime of aggression and the International Claims Commission for Ukraine. Where Putin chooses desperate barbarism, Europe must choose justice.”
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“So let us finally do the same, and create the conditions of peace through strength, by locking in long‑term financial support, by delivering urgently needed air defence and, most importantly, by making Ukraine's path to European membership credible, irreversible and clear. Because only then will Putin understand that Ukraine will never again become a Russian colony, but that it was, is and will forever remain a free European nation. 2-0417-0000”
“Mr President, colleagues, I hope you listened well to the naysayers, the defeatists and the Putin powers, including those sitting in this Chamber. You remember what they said just a few weeks ago: they insisted that Ukraine stood no chance, that Kyiv had no cards, that Russia was unstoppable and Europe should appease the aggressor. And yet, look at the situation today. Today, Russia's offensive has not just stalled, but there is smoke rising over Moscow. And even the most desperate Russians are no longer willing to sign away their lives for a war that they know has no purpose and no prospect of victory. Colleagues, against all the odds, Ukrainians have created a new strategic reality on the ground. And why? Because Ukrainians never stop believing in their European future and the strength of this European project.”
“That is why, together with a cross‑party group of MEPs, we are now calling for a genuine single market of defence at the heart of a real European Defence Union, not as a replacement for NATO, but as the necessary European pillar for a stronger and more equal transatlantic alliance. So, colleagues, for the love of God, let's stop hyperventilating about every tweet that comes out of the White House and focus instead on our strength, on building our capabilities and on defending our continent – not because of anything Donald Trump says or does, but because the Europeans deserve it. 2-0378-0000”
“Madam President, are the Americans still prepared to defend Europe? We keep asking that question, but colleagues, it is the wrong one. The real question is not whether America is ready to defend Europe, but whether Europe is actually ready to defend Europe. Because, let's be honest, American troop reductions should not come as a surprise. For years, we have known that if NATO is to remain transatlantic, it must first become more European, and that makes sense. We are the second‑biggest economy in the world. We have the strongest social model on the planet, and we should be ready and honestly proud to defend our European values against outside threats.”
“Colleagues, this is no longer conventional warfare. This is a criminal campaign, and like any criminal campaign, it must be brought to justice. That is why we need a special tribunal for Russia's crime of aggression and the International Claims Commission for Ukraine. Where Putin chooses desperate barbarism, Europe must choose justice. 2-0486-0000”
“Madam President, colleagues, Vladimir Putin is a desperate man. In 2022, he invaded Ukraine thinking he could conquer it in three days. Over 1 500 days later, he is still failing. To call Putin's battlefield progress sluggish would be an insult to a slug, because if a slug set out from the Russian border in 2022, it would by now have traversed not just all of Ukraine and Slovakia, but reached Vienna a couple of weeks ago. Meanwhile, Putin has become the greatest butcher of his own people since Joseph Stalin, sending over 1 000 young Russians into the meat grinder every single day. And in his desperation, he has transformed a once‑proud Russian nation into something akin to a terrorist regime – a state that abducts children, tortures civilians and directs its bombs less against military targets than against homes and hospitals.”
“They do so because they know that surrender and appeasement will only mean more bombs and more aggression, and that peace with Russia is only possible from a position of strength. Colleagues, this is the moment for Europe to show some strength ourselves. So let's approve the Ukrainian support loan. Let's pass the 20th sanctions package and deliver the urgently needed air defence. This is the moment. 2-0245-0000”
“Mr President, colleagues, I just got back from Kyiv myself. And to all those who still doubt Putin's intention, I can tell you his terror against the population is real. Unable to win the battle on the field, Putin targets the civilian population – women, children, the elderly. At -27°C, Ukrainians are now without heating, without energy, without water. And yet, colleagues, I did not meet a single Ukrainian who was ready to surrender. On the contrary, even as the Russian bombs and drones were raining down on them, Ukrainians are standing tall, showing kindness to their neighbours, building invincibility centres, even improvising parties on frozen rivers, showing Putin what a defiant European people look like.”
“So let's finally stop talking and start acting by creating a real European Defence Union where we have the power to protect our way of life, where we pool procurement and spend not just more, but better, on defence, where we create a true single market of defence, where we have maximum security at maximum value for money, and where we democratise our decision-making so that single veto players cannot stop security for all. Colleagues, today, Europe still faces a choice between independence and irrelevance. Let us choose independence before it is too late. 2-0122-0000”
“Madam President, colleagues, for too long we have treated defence as somebody else's problem. Kept it outside of European integration, allowed for fragmentation, weakness and dependency. Today we are paying the price: politically, when we are not at the negotiating table but on the menu; militarily, when it is not just Ukraine, but our own soldiers waiting for equipment that arrives too little and too late; and financially, when fragmented procurement means that we are paying prices that are 30 % too high at times when European families are struggling to make ends meet. This, colleagues, is unacceptable and it is unworthy of the second biggest economy in the world. Europe deserves better.”
“Madam President, I want nothing more than these peace negotiations to succeed. But let's be honest, these 28 points weren't a peace plan, they were Putin's Christmas list to Santa Claus. They asked Ukraine to surrender what Putin has failed to conquer in a decade, and to weaken Ukrainian defences in a way that will only invite future war, future aggression from Russia. And dismantling Ukraine wasn't even the biggest gift under little Vladimir's Christmas tree; the real prize is that this plan would have not just thrown Ukraine, but Europe under the bus. Colleagues, we keep saying, 'Nothing about Ukraine without Ukraine, nothing about Europe without Europe.' But we are not acting like it. Instead, we keep hoping that the Americans might sweep in and save the day. But spoiler alert: they won't.”
“Instead, when it comes to defence, we continue to spend too little, too nationally and too inefficiently – wasting taxpayer money without getting a bang for our buck. EDIP is designed to change exactly that. It provides a concrete plan to make our Member States not just spend more, but better, smarter, and together on defence. It creates the conditions for a real European defence industry to emerge that delivers the capabilities we need and in a way that benefits citizens, and not just shareholders. EDIP can help turn Europe from an economic giant into a political superpower that can determine its own future. Colleagues, I do not want our continent to be carved up over some Christmas dinner between Trump and Putin. So let's give ourselves the means to get our place at the table. 2-0023-0000”
“Madam President, colleagues, honestly, I'm a bit sick of it. I'm sick of watching foreign leaders decide about the future of our continent, while our own leaders learn about it only from the newspapers. In international politics, you have a saying: 'if you aren't at the table, you're on the menu'. Unfortunately, right now it looks like Europe is on the menu. But, colleagues, it doesn't need to be that way. We actually have enormous untapped potential in our continent. Our economy is 10 times bigger than that of Russia, for example. But our problem is that when it comes to defence, we have failed to translate this enormous potential into actual strength, into a language that bullies like Putin actually understand.”
“So, Europe must act by passing the 19th sanction package, by using Russia's frozen assets as a leverage for peace, and by putting out a plan, together with Ukraine, for a European just and lasting peace, because Ukraine cannot afford another Groundhog Day. And seriously, neither can we. 3-0277-0000 PREDSEDÁ: MARTIN HOJSÍK Podpredseda 3-0278-0000”
“Mr President, colleagues, this whole thing felt like Groundhog Day. Another phone call between Putin and Trump, another summit, and yet again, much ado about nothing. Just more strikes on Ukraine, more dead civilians, no Russian willingness for peace, no compromise. Yet even this depressing cycle had a silver lining, and not just that this time our American friends recognised Putin's bad faith before rolling out the red carpet, but that twice now, the threat of tougher sanctions and weapons for Ukraine actually made Putin move. This shows how terrified the Kremlin is vis-à-vis a strong and united West. This shows that the 'peace through strength' strategy actually works. But we can't just rely on an American knight in shining armour to do that work for us, colleagues. No, this is about European security.”
“Because the longer he drags it out now, he not only pays with the lives of soldiers that he doesn't care about, but with money that he does care about. Colleagues, this is Putin's war: he wanted it; he prolongs it; he escalates it. It's time he starts paying for it! 2-0477-0000”
“Madam President, dear colleagues, for too long, Putin has escalated this war because he believed that time is on his side. For too long, he has mistaken our readiness to negotiate as weakness, and responded only with more escalation, more bombs and more drones of our own cities. Colleagues, this vicious cycle has to end now! We must finally change Putin's calculus about this war and show him that time is not on his side. The good news is that we have the tool to do that right at our hand. We have EUR 200 billion of Putin's own money frozen in European bank accounts. And by using these assets to create a reparations loan for Ukraine, we can put Putin's money into a leverage for peace, we can give Ukraine the means to defend itself as long as it needs and we can create a clear incentive for Putin to end the war quickly.”
“But at the same time I believe in the rule of law, and this is the difference between us and Putin. I trust our courts to prosecute and pursue any sort of crime. The difference is that Putin does not, and Radio Moscow over there does not care about the rule of law. And that makes the difference between Europe, Russia and the far right. 3-0058-0000”
“W związku z europejskim nakazem aresztowania, jaki wydał trybunał w Karlsruhe wobec obywatela Ukrainy przebywającego w Polsce, podejrzewanego o wysadzenie Nord Stream, gazociągu, który budowały Rosja i Niemcy, mam pytanie: czy uważa Pan, że ściganie osoby, która jest podejrzewana o wysadzenie tego gazociągu, jest działaniem właściwym niemieckiego wymiaru sprawiedliwości? Jeśli ten Ukrainiec wysadził rzeczywiście Nord Stream, to był to projekt imperialny, który służył współpracy niemiecko-rosyjskiej i był przeciwko Ukrainie i Europie Centralnej, zwłaszcza Polsce i krajom bałtyckim. Czy nie uważa Pan, że nie jest to właściwe postępowanie rządu Niemiec? 3-0057-0000 Tobias Cremer (S&D), blue-card answer. – It is very clear that the Nord Stream project was a mistake. And it is good that we do not have it anymore.”
“But let's also invest in the resilience of our economies and of our societies, so that we don't go into panic mode every time Putin tries to provoke us. And let's be smart about our response by striking Putin where it hurts: that is his bank account. So now is exactly the right time to use the frozen Russian assets to support Ukraine and to show the schoolyard bully that while we do not want to escalate, we do have the means to protect freedom and security and our citizens in Europe. (The speaker agreed to take a blue-card question) 3-0056-0000 Arkadiusz Mularczyk (ECR), pytanie zadane przez podniesienie niebieskiej kartki. – Szanowny Panie Pośle!”
“Madam President, dear colleagues, Russian fighter jets are violating NATO airspace, Putin's shadow fleet is sabotaging undersea cables, cyberattacks are shutting down our airports, armies of disinformation bots are interfering in our elections, and swarms of drones are spying on our forces and paralysing our infrastructure. Colleagues, especially those on the far left and the far right: what more do you need to call this the reality that it is? That Putin is conducting a large‑scale hybrid war against our citizens, and that it is our and your responsibility to protect our citizens. And we know that Putin will continue to escalate as long as he thinks that we are weak, divided and ready to be scared. So let's prove him wrong. Let's keep our cool and show our resolve. Let's build a drone wall and secure our skies.”
“So what more do we need to finally understand that the only language that Putin speaks is strength, strength and strength? So let's finally show some strength and strengthen Ukraine's armed forces, strengthen our sanctions regime, and strengthen Western unity by showing European rather than Trumpian leadership. Appeasement has failed. Now it's time to get real about strength in peace. 2-0020-0000”
“Madam President, colleagues, I want to begin by thanking Donald Trump. Seriously. Because this summer he's disproven once and for all a zombie theory that some in this House have been riding like a dead horse and have been riding again today, that we, if only we accommodated Putin, only reached out to him, we could have an easy peace. That's what Trump tried and he failed. He has given everything to Putin. He rolled out the red carpet. He made concessions. And what did he get? Nothing. Nothing at all. No ceasefire. No compromise. Only more attacks, more escalation, more aggression. And in a despicable mockery of diplomatic solutions, Putin bombed our own embassy in Kyiv, endangering the very men and women who sacrifice their life, and who dedicate their life to diplomatic solutions.”
“That is what Putin fears and that is what he targets. So let us embed our defence spending in a broader security strategy. Focus on infrastructure, on resilience, and on the social fabric and solidarity that make our societies worth defending in the first place. 3-0051-0000”
“Putin actually thinks that NATO is weak, and that's actually part of the problem. But what Putin is afraid of is our way of life. Because successful, free and democratic societies expose the lies that his rule is built upon. That is why we are already subject to his hybrid warfare, disinformation, cyber attacks, sabotage and contract killings on European soil. Colleagues, that is not fiction, but a grim reality. Even if some in this House don't want to acknowledge it. Colleagues, the people of Europe rightly expect us to protect their safety, and that is why it is good that NATO leaders are meeting in The Hague, and it is good that we are mobilising more resources. But let me be clear – drones and tanks are not enough. What ultimately makes our society strong is the social cohesion they are built upon.”
“Madam President, dear colleagues, I grew up in a Lutheran vicarage that was shaped by the peace movement. I understand the longing to live in a different time, one where we can speak about disarmament instead of deterrence. I, too, would sometimes prefer to live in a different time. But colleagues, we don't. The post-war leader of the SPD, Kurt Schumacher, once said that politics begins with the recognition of reality. And reality today is stark. Europe faces the most serious threat to our safety in a generation. Putin is rearming on a massive scale, and his sights are not only set on Ukraine, he wants to test NATO, break apart the EU and erode our democracies from within. He has made that clear time and time again, and he is preparing to act not in the far distant future, but in this decade. And why? Not because he is scared of NATO.”
“Vlad himself has shown this will to freedom when one night in the camp, he went up to the flagpole and tore down the Russian flag and pulled up his own underwear instead. In this sign of resistance that could have cost him his life, he has shown real courage and real strength. Colleagues, if Western leaders had shown even half of that courage in their support for Ukraine that Vlad and so many Ukrainian civilians have shown to their tormentors, this war could already be over. So let us finally muster up our own courage, put Ukraine in a position of strength, seize Russia's frozen assets and force Putin to the negotiating table, so that Vlad and every single Ukrainian child can regain not only their freedom, but the future of their country. 1-0127-0000”
“And while I pray for peace, I also know that to achieve peace, we cannot simply rely on divine intervention nor, for that matter, on Trumpian diplomacy, but that this responsibility, colleagues, lies with us here in Europe. So let us act accordingly and put Ukraine in a position of strength, and seize Russian frozen assets, and show Putin that he cannot win this war, because only then can we recreate the real miracle that is a lasting and just peace for Europe for the generations to come. 3-0073-0000”
“Madam President, dear colleagues, as the son of a German Lutheran pastor, I'm not usually one to believe in miracles produced in the Vatican. Yet, at Pope Francis's funeral, something of that sort seems to have happened to Donald Trump because, after weeks of echoing Kremlin propaganda, on his flight back from the Vatican, he suddenly tweeted that maybe Putin doesn't want to end the war and that maybe he has to be dealt with differently. Colleagues, I don't know whether this revelation came to Donald Trump via the Holy Spirit or via Volodomyr Zelenskyy, but I am grateful for it because it is a truth that we must all face now, especially as we are about to mark 80 years since the end of the Second World War, and that is that tyrants are not deterred by appeasement, but by strength alone.”
“Because real resilience comes from strong communities knowing whom to call, where to turn, and how to help one another in the case of crisis. That is why social cohesion and civil society, sports clubs, unions, churches and associations must be at the heart of our preparedness strategy. True preparedness isn't what we store in our basement. True preparedness is the strength of the connections we build aboveground. 2-0354-0000”
“Madam President, store several dozen litres of drinking water. Keep a 72-hour supply of canned food. Have torches ready and know your nearest shelter. Colleagues, to many, these instructions might sound like a bad joke, especially on April Fool's Day, but unfortunately they're not. They reflect a growing need to prepare for the many threats we are facing today, from Russian aggression to natural disasters, from hybrid warfare to future pandemics, Europe must be prepared and so must every European. But let us be clear being prepared does not mean being fearful. On the contrary, preparedness should give us peace of mind and courage. And most importantly. Preparedness is not just the job of a household or a family. It's a whole of society effort.”
“Colleagues, at this geopolitical turning point, Europeans rightly expect their governments and the EU to protect their physical safety, but they also expect us to invest in a future that is worth defending. 2-0172-0000”
“This is the aim of the CSDP, but this report is also the chance to develop a positive and forward looking strategic vision of the Europe we want to live in, in the Europe we want to defend. Because here in Europe, security has never been just about military strength. Our security is built on social cohesion, economic fairness and solidarity between Member States just as much as it is built on military progress. This is the foundation of our resilience and the true source of our soft power. And that's why defence spending must always go hand in hand with investment in infrastructure, competitiveness and the social fabric of our societies.”
“Madam President, dear colleagues, we have to be crystal clear. Europe is facing today the greatest geopolitical challenge in a generation. According to the latest assessment of Germany's security services, Russia will be in a position to attack NATO and EU territory by the end of this decade. I myself received this latest report during a trip to Washington DC last week, and while the tone of the discussions was friendlier, it was no less sobering in terms of content. For the first time in 80 years, we have to confront this threat without the certainty of America doing the heavy lifting for us. And this new reality of Russian aggression and American retreat requires a fundamental reassessment of our strategic priorities.”
“But funds alone are not enough: we must anchor this investment in a broader security strategy, one that recognises that, in an era of hybrid warfare, social cohesion and resilience are just as vital for our security as tanks and drones. This white book offers the opportunity for us to do just that, to be a blueprint for a whole-of-society approach to defence. One that defends Europe, regardless of who is sitting in the White House. 2-0403-0000”
“Mr President, dear colleagues, Vance, Musk and Trump have achieved in just about one month what Stalin, Khrushchev and Putin have failed to do in 80 years: they have undermined the transatlantic alliance, they have surrendered America's claim to global leadership and dismantled the legacy of US presidents from FDR to Ronald Reagan. I am a committed transatlanticist, and I still refuse to believe that this is the end. I still have faith that America will be back, but I also know that Europe cannot wait for that. This is why it is good that European leaders are finally waking up. It is good to invest EUR 800 billion in defence. It is good that countries like Germany are finally breaking free from self-imposed fiscal straitjackets.”
“Let us build a European defence industry that is capable of defending Ukraine and deterring future attacks from Russia, and let us clear the path for Ukrainian EU membership. Only thus can we prove to Putin, to Trump and to every European that in this moment of truth, Europe stands united ... (The President cut off the speaker) 2-0141-0000”
“Mr President, dear colleagues, as the Trump administration is about to unveil its plans for European security, Vladimir Putin continues to arm Russia for future attacks against NATO territory. And Europeans across all our countries are asking themselves, will Europe rise to the challenge? Or will we once again allow others to determine the future of our continent? Colleagues, for nearly three years, Ukrainians have shown what is possible when courage means unity. For nearly three years, they have been defying the doubters and showing Putin that war only ends in disaster. So let us be courageous and united today. Let us move from the ad hoc decision-making to a long-term strategy of funding Ukraine in a socially sustainable way.”
“We need to spend more and better on defence while strengthening our social cohesion and resilience. We need to streamline and democratise our decision‑making processes in the defence area, and we need a strong and united Europe that has the capacity, but also the courage to act boldly. Such a Europe is in our own self-interest, but it is also a strong ally that even Mr Trump will not want to lose. 3-0139-0000”
“Madam President, dear colleagues, a lot of people have called Trump's re-election a wake‑up call, also in this Chamber. But when it comes to defence, Trump's election is not a wake‑up call; it's the alarm sounding again after us hitting the snooze button over years, again and again. So this is not the time for Europe to merely wake up, but to finally get up and to face up to the new geopolitical realities that the United States will increasingly turn its attention towards Asia, and that we must take greater responsibility for our own security right here. And, colleagues, we must not interpret every Trumpian provocation literally. But when it comes to defence, you must finally take him seriously. And that means that we need to get our own house in order.”
“So let's show him our resolve through decisive measures to strengthen our resilience, through greater naval presence in the region and through, finally, tougher sanctions on the owners of Putin's shadow fleet. Colleagues, it's time to push Putin's hybrid warfare back to where it belongs: into Russian TV fiction. 2-0343-0000”
“Mr President, dear colleagues, I wouldn't usually recommend watching Russian television, but in the last couple of days it has offered some revealing insights into Russia's view on the Baltic Sea. Because in talk show after talk show, we can watch Russian commentators discussing which undersea cables and pipelines connect European countries in the Baltic Sea, and also which would cause the greatest harm if destroyed. Sadly, this isn't just television drama, but it's a grim reality. In recent months, we've seen the destruction of critical energy and data infrastructure in the Baltic Sea. One incident involved a Chinese vessel. Another one, a ship from Putin's so-called shadow fleet. So let's call this what it is: sabotage. Putin is testing us. Putin is testing our resolve.”