Albert Dolan
Galway East · Fianna Fáil · Ireland
“The Tánaiste will be well aware of the case of Carrabane National School in east Galway. I have no doubt that multiple representations have been made to him about it. While I do not expect him to have an answer today as to what the case is, I want to highlight the frustration that exists among the school community.”
“Those are people who were not already in a pension, who were working hard and earning money but who were not contributing to their future retirement and now they are auto-enrolled into a pension. You would have to ask if they know what they are a part of. Do they know the potential of it?”
“I would say that we need to be careful. I welcome the Grow Digital vouchers, but this would lead to businesses depending on those vouchers to get the expertise and skills to be talented with AI. The whole idea of AI is that it is going to be usable by anybody for anybody with their own critical thinking and their own ability.”
“This is something that I am very passionate about. It is something that affects us all. It is about financial literacy: understanding how a mortgage works, understanding how contributions to a pension can compound, understanding how people can better manage their own financial situations individually and, ultimately, understanding how peo…”
“Go raibh maith agat a Aire Stáit. I appreciate the update and the work that is ongoing. A key area I want to highlight, and I know the Minister of State is hearing this regularly, is energy costs.”
“I really appreciate the Minister of State's engagement on this issue. I welcome the response from the Minister, Deputy Naughton, and the financial literacy framework and directive that are in place. I know about that because I experienced it when I was in secondary school.”
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“If you invest in a fund, you have an opportunity to spread your risk across multiple companies. I really do believe that if we encourage people to invest in the Irish stock exchange tax efficiently, we would see more Irish companies investing here in Ireland and raising capital in Ireland. We would also see Irish people being very proud to have a share and ownership in Irish companies.”
“These are unique and novel ideas where you can give tax efficiency on smaller investment amounts or you can decide not to tax the capital gain or you can decide to allow people to accumulate more. We have to acknowledge in this House that we do not have the same stock exchange here in Ireland that we once had. Our stock exchange is weak and companies are choosing to list on markets where they can access greater capital. We have to look at that. Perhaps it would make sense to incentivise people to invest in Irish companies. I believe the employment investment incentive scheme, EIIS, works really well but it is a very concentrated risk. You invest in a company with EIIS and it ultimately is a start-up with a higher probability of failing than a diversified fund.”
“I really appreciate the sentiment the Minister of State has delivered before this House. There is an opportunity here for the Government to send a clear signal that for people who are working and contributing to our society and who want to accumulate a security buffer or a cushion, we will support them to do so, not just for their pension but for when other things arise in life as well. I believe that the deemed disposal must go because I fundamentally believe it is unfair to tax somebody on an unrealised gain. I also agree that it is vital that whatever we put in place has to benefit people and work properly. In the UK they have the ISA-style saving account. In the US they have a Roth IRA account.”
“The problem is that not everybody wants to wait until they are 66 years old to draw down money or to avail of the money they have accumulated. They want to be able to live life as and when they need to. They never know when a crisis or an opportunity might arise whereby they need to access their money. I think people want to have that freedom to be able to do so. A fairer system would reward long-term investment, as opposed to penalising it. It would treat people consistently and give every worker a genuine chance to accumulate. It is time to reform this rule and build an Ireland where ownership is not concentrated in the hands of a few but is shared more widely across society.”
“The Government is leaving a lot of money on the table by not allowing people to compound over time and actually tax the gain when people are ready to realise it. Taxing an unrealised gain is an unfair principle. As we all know, the markets can go any way, any day and nobody knows the better but the reality is that people who are patient and wait for the long term are rewarded. If we are serious about broadening ownership, spreading opportunity and building long-term capital in this country, we cannot penalise patience and discipline. We have to remember that we are in a global competition when it comes to capital markets and with the opportunities that exist at the moment. It is important to highlight as well that young people primarily see the benefits of investing in a pension from a tax efficiency perspective.”
“If a young person decides to invest modest savings into a diversified fund and hold it for the long term, they can be taxed on gains they have not even realised. They have not sold, they have not received income, they may not have even seen a cent in their account, yet they face a tax charge simply because time has passed. That cuts across a basic principle that we have in this country, that is, we tax income or gains when they are actually realised. It also undermines compounding, which is how ordinary people build security. It is how small, consistent investments over 20 or 30 years turn into something meaningful; a deposit, a cushion, a sense of independence. It is vital to say that, as I understand it, approximately €66 million a year is raised from the deemed disposal tax.”
“The deemed disposal tax on unrealised gains for exchange-traded funds, ETFs, is simply madness. We often speak in this House about opportunity, fairness and giving people a real stake in our economy. We need to ask ourselves honestly what kind of Ireland we are shaping through our current tax system. Do we want an Ireland where ordinary workers can build wealth slowly and steadily over time, where someone on an average income with €100 or €200 he or she can put into a savings account a month can participate in the markets and benefit from long-term growth? Are we content with a system where real tax efficiency is saved for the few who can afford complex advice and sophisticated structures? At the moment, when it comes to ETF investing, that is the signal we are sending.”
“It is of paramount importance that the Government understands that when fisheries suffer, entire communities around them suffer. I ask that we defend sustainability, demand fairness at an EU level, provide practical supports at home and ensure there is a viable future for the next generation of Irish fishers. Fisheries cannot be just about quota. They are about families, heritage and the economic survival of coastal Ireland in the counties that we represent, like Clare and Galway.”
“We have to remain committed to exploring incentives to encourage landing in Irish ports, examining taxation supports for the sector, supporting diversification in coastal economies, strengthening agriculture and streamlining licensing. At an EU level, negotiations need to be had for the next multi-annual financial framework. When that begins, Ireland needs to advocate strongly for ring-fenced funding for fisheries under the Common Fisheries Policy. Our coastal communities need certainty, not an annual sense of instability. Even in a difficult year, Ireland's fishing opportunities still amount to approximately 120,000 tonnes, with an estimated first-sale value of over €200 million. This is a sector with strength and resilience, but there is a fear that it really is being tested this year.”
“The Food Vision seafood sector group has been established to develop a structured financial support framework for catching, aquaculture and processing. A final support plan needs to be delivered by the end of the summer. That work is critical, and I commend the Minister of State on it. The impact of quota reductions is not confined to vessels at sea. It flows directly into processing plants, ice plants, transport operators, engineering firms, fuel suppliers and small businesses in coastal towns. If we allow processing capacity to decline during a temporary biological downturn, rebuilding it later will be far more difficult. That is why these supports need to focus not only on survival, but on maintaining strategic capacity in our industry.”
“I want to place a focus and emphasis on what the Government is doing to support fishing families and coastal communities going forward. While the stocks recover, livelihoods have to be protected. I welcome that budget 2026 provided for €157 million to support fisheries and the marine sector. We have to continue to implement the €258 million seafood development programme under the European maritime, fisheries and aquaculture fund. It has to be said that this funding is not just abstract. It supports vessel modernisation, safety improvements, harbour infrastructure, processing competitiveness, environmental sustainability and young entrants into the industry. It is vital. Some €27 million has been allocated for capital projects in publicly owned harbours in 2026, and I welcome this investment.”
“Our fishing industry is not just an economic sector, but a backbone of many coastal communities. In 2026, those communities are facing an extraordinary challenge - a 70% reduction in mackerel, a 41% reduction in blue whiting and a 22% reduction in boarfish. These cuts are based on advice from the International Council for the Exploration of the Sea and were formalised at December's Agricultural and Fisheries Council. We have to be clear. The science is not the problem. The science reflects years of overfishing by certain third countries. Ireland is paying the price for unsustainable decisions made elsewhere. We will continue to press at an EU level for strong action, which we need to do, including the use of the unsustainable fishing regulation where necessary. Ireland cannot stand by idly while shared stocks are jeopardised.”
“While it a complicated scheme with turloughs, groundwater, rivers, swallow holes, etc., this project needs to be progressed as a manner of urgency. Right now, the east of the country is suffering but for a long time the west of the country suffered. We do not know when we are going to suffer again, and we need to take proactive and preventative measures to ensure this matter is dealt with.”
“The Minister of State will be aware of the south Galway flood relief scheme. It is set to protect 115 properties, family homes and businesses. What we are facing right now is a series of delays and a lack of action. I know the Minister of State is a person of action and he wants to see something happen. In November, in a response to a parliamentary question, the Minister of State said the scheme would go for planning consent by quarter 3 of 2026. I hope this timeline is adhered to because it is vital that both the OPW and Galway County Council have the responses from the National Parks and Wildlife Service, NPWS, have the environmental assessments carried out and, ultimately, can drive on with this project.”
“A system without returns is not a system at all. This Bill is a reset. It streamlines decisions, strengthens screening, creates faster timelines, reforms appeals, improves returns and introduces independent oversight. It protects applicants, communities and the integrity of the State. For those reasons, I support the International Protection Bill 2026 and wish the Minister all the best with the amendments.”
“I also welcome the fact that the Minister intends to bring forward on Committee Stage amendments on key areas, including legal counselling, legal advice and legal aid, reception conditions, including accommodation allocation, restrictions of movement, detention and labour market access, representatives for unaccompanied minors, security appeals, data sharing and consultation with the Data Protection Commissioner. This is how legislation should be done. It is not a closed process; it is a serious reform, improved through scrutiny and debate. I want to say this clearly. This Bill does not undermine Ireland's commitment to asylum; it strengthens it. The only way we protect the right to asylum is by ensuring the system is fair, efficient, credible and sustainable. A slow system has no compassion for anybody. A chaotic system is not humane.”
“A system without returns is not a functioning asylum system. If a person has exhausted his or her claim and does not quality for protection, the State must be able to implement the decision. Otherwise, the entire system becomes meaningless. The Bill mandates that return decisions be issued alongside negative decisions. It also includes a carve-out to ensure that returns cannot happen where they would be unlawful, including where refoulement risks arise. That is an important safeguard. This is not about breaching international obligations; it is about enforcing them properly.”
“Part 13 provides for the appointment of representatives for unaccompanied minors, with further amendments planned on Committee Stage to clarify which arm of the State will be responsible. I believe this is essential. Vulnerable children cannot be expected to navigate these procedures alone. The Bill also strengthens voluntary return. That matters because voluntary return is often the most practical, cost-effective and humane way to implement return decisions. It provides an incentive. If a person opts for voluntary return and complies fully, the return decision and entry ban can be revoked. That is sensible. It helps achieve the objective of returns without creating unnecessary enforcement costs or confrontation. Restoring credibility and integrity has to be at the core of this Bill. We have to speak honestly about returns.”
“That is crucial. If we are going to have faster procedures, we must also have strong, independent safeguards. That is what separates a rules-based, fair system from one that can drift into injustice. I also welcome the provisions relating to age assessments and the involvement of Tusla. The Bill provides for multidisciplinary age assessments where there is doubt as to whether an applicant is a minor. This is a difficult area but it must be dealt with in a structured and lawful way because the stakes are enormous. Children must be protected, and the system must be protected from misuse. The Bill's approach, developed trough engagement between the Department of children and Tusla, is the correct approach.”
“This is another important reform because oral hearings are resource intensive. They are time-consuming and can contribute to delay but the Bill ensures that fair procedures are maintained. Appeals will still be available, and the appeals officer will still have the power to decide that an oral hearing is necessary. Again, the balance is correct - efficiency without undermining due process. A major strength of this Bill is that it does not simply create faster procedures, it also creates stronger oversight. Part 12 establishes a new, independent monitoring mechanism, through the Office of Chief Inspector of Asylum Border Procedures. This office will monitor compliance with EU and international law, including the EU charter of fundamental rights, during screening and during the border procedure. It will investigate allegations of breaches.”
“It is aligned with how many EU member states already operate - ending the endless delays. Similarly, the Bill provides for an accelerated examination procedure, with a three-month time limit. This is essential to end the long backlogs that have built up over time. I want to emphasise that speed is not the enemy of fairness. In fact, in many cases, speed is a requirement of fairness because long delays damage applicants, damage communities and damage the credibility of the State. The Bill also establishes a new second instance body, the tribunal for asylum and returns appeals, TARA. This body will replace the existing IPAT for new applications from June 2026 onwards. The Bill also provides for fewer oral hearings in appeals, unless an oral hearing is necessary for a full and fair examination.”
“When there is a gap between law and reality the public loses confidence and the system becomes vulnerable to abuse. This Bill closes that gap. This Bill introduces a new asylum border procedure. This is one of the most discussed and necessary reforms. The asylum border procedure sets a 12-week time limit for first-instance and appeal decisions in appropriate cases. It applies to applicants from countries with an EU recognition rate of 20% or less, applicants who intentionally mislead authorities, applicants who destroy documents to prevent identity verification or applicants deemed a national security risk. The aim is clear: to issue decisions to the quickest possible time to those less likely to have an entitlement to international protection. That is not unfair; that is common sense.”
“Under the Bill, officers of the Minister will directly make decisions on international protection applications. However, most significantly, a negative decision will be issued as one decision, including a decision that an applicant does not qualify for refugee status, a decision that the applicant is not eligible for subsidiary protection and a return decision under Part 9. For the first time in Irish legislation, a return decision will be issued together with the decision rejecting an international protection application. This is a major change. It is essential because one of the greatest weaknesses in our current system is that refusal does not automatically translate into an effective and timely return process, and that creates a gap between law and reality.”
“It also includes preliminary health and vulnerability checks. That is vital because a humane system must identify those who need healthcare, those who are vulnerable, those who may be children and those who need special supports. This is not only good administration; it is a human rights issues as well. The Bill also provides for applicants to receive an international protection applicant card. That is a sensible and necessary reform. It allows applicants to identify themselves to national authorities and to access their rights for the duration of the procedure. It brings order, clarity and structure, and it reduces the confusion that can arise in communities and services when people have no consistent documentation. Another key reform in this Bill is the restructuring of decision-making at first instance and on appeal.”
“It is about moving from a system that is slow and inconsistent to one that is rules-based, predictable and efficient. One of the most important reforms in the Bill is the strengthening of screening procedures. Part 2 provides for the taking of biometric data and the screening of applicants, including the designation of screening centres, the screening process, and preliminary health and vulnerability checks. This is not about suspicion; it is about the basics of a functioning system. The State has a right and an obligation to know who is in the country, to verify identity and nationality and to ensure there are checks against relevant databases, where necessary. Screening is envisaged as a one-stop shop, a practical system to carry out checks, register and lodge applications and determine the appropriate procedure.”
“It reduces the incentive for people to move from one EU state to another, reduces secondary movement and ensures responsibility is shared more fairly. Crucially, it ensures Ireland is not isolated in how we manage migration and asylum because this is not a challenge any one country can solve alone. It is important to highlight what this Bill does. It ensures speed, structure and fairness. This Bill is not about closing the door to asylum; it is about creating a system that works. It introduces major reforms in four key areas. It introduces, first, a streamlined decision-making process; second, a streamlined returns process; third, a new border procedure with strict time limits; and, fourth, new institutional structures, including a new appeals body and an independent inspectorate. This is a rules-based reform. That is the central point.”
“This is not good for Ireland and it is not good for genuine refugees either. The Minister for Justice, Home Affairs and Migration, Deputy O'Callaghan, has been clear that our current system can be more efficient, faster and less costly. That is what this Bill is designed to achieve. The Bill also ensures Ireland has a sustainable and credible system in line with the EU migration and asylum pact. The pact is designed to upgrade the common European asylum system so that there is a consistent, fair, sustainable and efficient asylum procedure across the EU, not just in ordinary times but also in periods of migratory pressure and crisis. Ireland has opted in to key elements of the pact. That was the right decision because a common system across the EU ensures applicants are treated the same in every member state. That matters.”
“It is the most comprehensive reform of international protection law in the history of the State. It will replace the International Protection Act 2015. It is vital. At the crux of this, a system that is too slow is unfair to everyone. It does not serve applicants who are granted protection because they can spend years stuck in limbo, unable to properly integrate, plan and build a stable future. It does not serve the State because long delays place huge pressure on accommodation capacity, health services, educational services and community infrastructure. It does not serve local communities because the longer a system drags on, the more it fuels frustration, misinformation and fear, and it creates an environment in which bad actors can exploit legitimate public concerns.”
“I welcome the opportunity to speak in support of the International Protection Bill 2026. Fianna Fáil welcomes this debate because we believe it is vital and important. We fundamentally believe in the right to claim asylum. That principle is not optional. It is a cornerstone of international law and a test of our values as a country. Equally, we are committed to a fair but firm system, one that respects the dignity of those who genuinely need protection while also safeguarding the integrity of our borders and the credibility of our immigration and asylum system. If public confidence in the fairness and effectiveness of the system is lost, we risk undermining the very protections that exist for those who need them most. This Bill matters because it is a reset.”
“From a rural Ireland perspective, if we lose the small landlords, they will not be coming back. We sometimes think institutional investment will step in and take their place but in these small towns, there is no institutional investment. No institutional investment is coming to east Galway. We are not going to see large apartment blocks. As a result, when a small landlord sells and gets out of the market, that rolling rental supply we depend on in our towns is going to be gone. These properties might be for somebody who needs one for a year, somebody who moves into an area to settle or a worker looking to relocate. These are all examples of people who need to rent in our areas and there will not be a rental supply if it is sold and gone.”
“They can spread costs. They have professional management, better financing and better tax structuring. We are creating, and I say this respectfully, a situation where the State risks pushing small landlords out while strengthening the position of large-scale corporate ownership. I think that would be the worst outcome. The Bill does recognise a distinction between small landlords and large landlords and that is welcome but I urge the Minister to be extremely careful that, in practice, we do not end up with a system where large landlords have disproportionate ownership of the rental market and small landlords face the same practical consequences but without the scale, resources or tax efficiency to survive it. If we lose the small landlord sector, we lose supply and flexibility in rural Ireland.”
“I want to raise a very practical point being raised with me again and again, which is that if small landlords are forced, in effect, to sell with tenants in situ , the valuation of their property will be crippled. This will be for two reasons. First, the buyer pool collapses, so if a property is sold with tenants in situ , it is no longer a home for a young couple to buy but only an investment asset. That means the only buyers are investors, which is a far smaller pool. Second, the properties become valued on yield. Here is the reality. For a small landlord with one property, after tax, maintenance, insurance and compliance costs, and after the risk that comes with the system, the yield is low. For large investment funds, however, the yield calculation is completely different. They can buy and sell portfolios at scale.”
“They invested, provided rental homes and helped supply. They are coming to me with one fear above all others. They are afraid they will lose control of their own property. Vacant possession matters. I want to put this plainly. It is absolutely right that tenants have security. It is absolutely right that we restrict no-fault evictions. It is also vital, however, that property owners can have vacant possession of their asset if they choose to sell, especially small landlords. For many small landlords, that property is not a business. It is their pension, their safety net, their retirement plan and their family's long-term security. While the Bill recognises that a property can be sold at any time with a tenant in situ , we have to be honest about what that means in practice.”
“I want to raise them honestly and frankly because these concerns are real. In my clinics, I meet people who are not corporate landlords, not vulture landlords or not large investors but ordinary people, such as a farmer who bought a small house years ago for retirement income, a couple with one rental property to support a mortgage or a widow who rents out a property to top up her pension. These are people who did what the State told them to do for decades.”
“I support it because it is rooted in the reality we cannot ignore. If we do not grow supply, rents will remain high and pressure will remain unbearable. I also commend the Minister on recognising something many in this House have been slow to acknowledge, namely that a rental market where rents cannot be reset between tenancies becomes one that people exit. That is why the Bill provides for rent to reset to market rates in specific circumstances, particularly where tenancies have ended or between tenancies at the end of a six-year period while also putting safeguards in place to prevent economic evictions. That is the correct direction of travel. I also want to raise concerns that have been brought to my attention and that I am hearing repeatedly in my clinics in Galway East.”
“Instead of the patchwork of rent pressure zones, we move to a more consistent, national framework where rent increases are linked to inflation using the consumer price index, CPI, and, critically, there remains a cap of 2% per annum to protect tenants during high inflation. Second, it strengthens tenant security through the introduction of rolling six-year tenancies of minimum duration for new tenancies, and that is being created from 1 March 2026. That is a major step in giving renters the stability that so many families are crying out for. Third, the Bill provides a pathway for new investment in supply, particularly in apartments, by linking rent increases for new apartments to inflation only, which is designed to support new building and attract investment into the sector. There is, therefore, a lot in the Bill to support.”
“I rise to support the residential tenancies Bill 2026. I will begin by acknowledging the work of the Minister, Deputy Browne, and the Minister of State, Deputy Cummins, in bringing forward this legislation, which tries to do something Ireland has struggled to do for far too long, that is, strike a fair balance between tenant protection and rental supply. I will say this clearly: we need that balance because the truth is that the system we currently have is not serving anybody properly. It is not serving the renters, who want security and certainty, and it is not serving landlords, who want clarity, fairness and a rental sector that is not constantly changing rules midstream. The Bill gets a number of things right. First, it introduces for the first time a national approach to rent regulation.”
“When we get this right and when price review 6 investment comes through into areas like this, the people we will be helping are elderly people and people on lower incomes by giving them energy security. I welcome the grant announcements earlier this week and the work the Minister is doing because it is important in terms of giving people control of their own energy in their homes.”
“I know legislation is being worked on but the ESB needs to have the power to go in and maintain the lines. It is the State's infrastructure and the ESB's infrastructure. The ESB has to have the right go in and maintain it. That is vital. In terms of immediate plans to protect areas like Dunmore, Glenamaddy and Mountbellew, I have heard stories of people who were two, three or four days without power. Every time that happens to a low-income family, they cannot afford to put food on the table because they are a few days without power. They have to go out for three of four meals a day and they have three kids. That is a really tough situation.”
“At my meeting with ESB Networks today, it became very clear that the company has both immediate and medium-term plans. It is important to highlight that vegetation and trees are one of the biggest causes of recurring outages in north Galway, where is a significant amount of forestry. When people planted those trees 30 years ago, there was no legislation suggesting they had to be 30 m distant from either side of the wire. We have to be honest about that. One issue the ESB faces, which it raised with me and was quite surprised about, is that a lot of forestry is owned by pension funds and investments funds, which are, ultimately, faceless organisations. It can be difficult for the ESB to make contact with them to gain access to the lands to maintain the tree line.”
“I would be grateful for any insights the Minister can share as to how this situation will be resolved and what is causing it.”
“Are we storm-ready along the north Galway lines? Investment is the other issue. Has this line been invested in in the past few years and, if so, what level of investment has gone into it? I received correspondence from the GP practice in Dunmore. For it to be without power for an extended period has a significant negative impact on patients. How can families, mothers with newborn children, the butcher shop and other shops - everywhere in the community - function as a society in the 21st century if they cannot have consistent power? The real issue is reliability and consistency. While the rest of the county drives on and has power, this area is often without power. Many constituents in north Galway have made contact with me. People can deal with a handful of power outages but when it is a recurring issue, it really frustrates people.”
“What we have seen in north County Galway in the year since Storm Éowyn has been nothing short of disaster. There have been over 20 power outages in the past year in Dunmore in north County Galway. It is not just Dunmore but surrounding areas like Ballygar, Glenamaddy, Kilkerrin and Clonberne are all affected by regular outages. Outages are one thing but extended outages are another. I thank the ESB for its engagement on the issue. I had a meeting with ESB representatives on this specific matter earlier and it was a positive and constructive engagement. I got to the bottom of the reasons for a lot of these outages. There were swan strikes, issues with the line and issues with automation on the line, which led to power outages in larger areas, probably unnecessarily. This comes back to our readiness for weather events.”
“It is about building stronger systems quietly and steadily, systems that protect vulnerable children, support families and give professionals the tools they need to intervene early and effectively. For those reasons, I believe this Bill is very positive, necessary and a proper step forward and I am very happy to support it.”
“What I also like about this Bill is that it reflects a modern understanding of children’s rights. It places guiding principles into legislation that align with the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child and ensures decision-making across the system is grounded in the best interests of the child. That is exactly where our system needs to be. We must also, however, be honest. Legislation alone is not enough. Implementation matters. Resourcing matters. Workforce capacity matters. We must ensure that as we strengthen the legal framework, we continue to invest in the people and services that make it real on the ground because, ultimately, child protection is not just a responsibility of one agency or Department but a whole-of-State responsibility, a community responsibility and a societal responsibility. This Bill is not about headlines.”
“These are sensitive and difficult areas but they are absolutely essential if we are serious about learning from past failures and continuously improving our system. I also acknowledge the work being done by the Department and the Minister, Deputy Foley, and the Minister of State, Deputy Higgins, in progressing this legislation and committing to further strengthening measures, particularly around the national review panel. We also cannot discuss child protection legislation without recognising the front-line role played every day by Tusla staff, foster carers, social workers and support workers across the country. These are people doing difficult work in emotionally demanding situations and legislation like this gives them stronger tools and clearer structures to do that work effectively.”
“Better co-ordination means earlier intervention, better outcomes and, ultimately, safer childhoods. I also strongly welcome the provisions that support stability for children in care, particularly the changes allowing foster carers to apply for enhanced parental rights after three years instead of five years. Anyone who has spent time speaking to foster carers knows the level of commitment and care they provide. Where there is a stable, loving, long-term placement, we should be supporting that stability and not putting unnecessary administrative barriers in the way of it. The Bill also strengthens review processes around care arrangements and improves oversight mechanisms, including strengthening the framework around serious incident and child death reviews.”
“That may sound like common sense, and it is, but putting it into law is hugely significant. Too often in the past, families have felt like they were being passed from one service to another, repeating their story again and again. This Bill moves us towards a model where services are expected and not just encouraged, to work together in the best interests of the child. This is exactly where the focus should always be. The strengthening of interagency structures, including the establishment of a formal implementation and interagency committee, is another very positive step. It creates a space where Departments and State agencies can co-ordinate responses, identify gaps and improve how services are delivered in practice. For families dealing with crises, delay and fragmentation can have lifelong consequences.”
“I welcome the opportunity to speak on this legislation. I want to be very clear from the outset that this is an incredibly important and necessary Bill, and one I am proud to support. At its core, this Bill is about recognising that the world of child welfare and protection has changed significantly since the original Child Care Act was introduced in 1991. The challenges facing children and families today are different. Services are more complex and the need for agencies to work together effectively has never been greater. This legislation acknowledges that reality and it responds to it. One of the strongest aspects of this Bill is the introduction of a statutory duty for agencies to co-operate with each other when it comes to supporting children and families.”
“For the thousands of people commuting into Galway city every day, those few changes, which are funded under the national development plan and are in the planning process or already have plans, need to be delivered. We are at that stage where we have an opportunity to deliver. The funding is there and this Government needs to do it because the people will be so grateful to us if we can do these few things and get them right. People ultimately want freedom in their lives and the reality is that when they are trapped in their cars in traffic, waiting for a bus that does not arrive or squished in on the trains, we need to make their lives that bit better.”