Carol Nolan
Offaly · Independent · Ireland
“Despite this, her mother - who is utterly heartbroken and distressed as we can all imagine - is fiercely protective of her child and determined to protect her at all costs.”
“It is a form of cruelty beyond all description to force families to endure circumstances such as these. Many of us in this House are parents. What would we not do to help our teenage children? What is happening in Offaly is not an isolated case. I know there are cases around the country as well.”
“The Tánaiste will share my profound horror at the recent brutal murder of Jamey Carney, the absconding of her so-called partner to Jordan and the wider pattern of escalating violence against women that was raised earlier.”
“The schools are out, summer is well and truly upon us, and for most families this will be an opportunity to enjoy spending time with their children or grandchildren. Others will watch the kids being able to spend more time with their friends.”
“I thank the Tánaiste for his response and assistance. I directly informed the HSE about this situation, and I received an acknowledgement, but I will reach out to the Minister of State, Deputy Butler, and, with the consent of the parent, will pass on all details.”
“Will he therefore commit to a review of the relevant legislative and operational frameworks to ensure that, regardless of current statutory provisions, no chilling effect is being caused or created that might discourage or inhibit the reporting or public identification of suspects who are also international protection applicants, where su…”
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“Will he therefore commit to a review of the relevant legislative and operational frameworks to ensure that, regardless of current statutory provisions, no chilling effect is being caused or created that might discourage or inhibit the reporting or public identification of suspects who are also international protection applicants, where such reporting is necessary for public safety or investigation purposes?”
“The Tánaiste will share my profound horror at the recent brutal murder of Jamey Carney, the absconding of her so-called partner to Jordan and the wider pattern of escalating violence against women that was raised earlier. Will the Tánaiste also agree that no aspect or provision of the International Protection Act should ever inadvertently give cover to someone or hamper An Garda Síochána in the effective discharge of its duties in terms of releasing information on those suspected of such crimes, regardless of whether they are international protection applicants? Will the Tánaiste accept that absolute clarity is required so that operational decisions by An Garda Síochána are never influenced by any perceived legal constraint?”
“The Tánaiste made the point that the staffing levels are not up at the national average of 8.9 but I ask that Offaly is prioritised in the upcoming budget in terms of staffing in Offaly CAMHS because I am sure we are going to have more cases like this if we do not act in time and are not proactive. I appreciate the Tánaiste's constructive response and his empathy in relation to this situation.”
“I thank the Tánaiste for his response and assistance. I directly informed the HSE about this situation, and I received an acknowledgement, but I will reach out to the Minister of State, Deputy Butler, and, with the consent of the parent, will pass on all details. My concern is that this is an emergency situation, and it was not treated as such in Offaly CAMHS. For any parent to be told that they may, or they could, get an appointment at the end of September-early October when their child is clearly in distress is not an emergency response, and it has not been treated as an urgent case.”
“It is a form of cruelty beyond all description to force families to endure circumstances such as these. Many of us in this House are parents. What would we not do to help our teenage children? What is happening in Offaly is not an isolated case. I know there are cases around the country as well. I have previously established that the midlands CAMHS area has the second highest waiting list in the State, with 1,006 children waiting for mental health treatment. The Government can speak about investment but until those funds translate into fully staffed multidisciplinary teams, families in Offaly will continue to experience a service that is overwhelmed, inaccessible and life-threateningly inadequate. As I said, I am appalled by the response of Offaly CAMHS in relation to this situation.”
“Despite this, her mother - who is utterly heartbroken and distressed as we can all imagine - is fiercely protective of her child and determined to protect her at all costs. However, she has been informed by the Offaly child and adolescent mental health services, CAMHS, that her child will be waiting until at least the end of September or early October when she "could be offered an appointment". Offaly CAMHS has been told a number of times by this mother about the situation. I saw a copy of the letter and to say I was appalled is an understatement. I am appalled at the lack of urgency and empathy in this situation. This girl cannot enjoy the sun or the holidays and her mother watches her continuously, utterly helpless as she is effectively abandoned by the State services that her daughter may not live to access.”
“The schools are out, summer is well and truly upon us, and for most families this will be an opportunity to enjoy spending time with their children or grandchildren. Others will watch the kids being able to spend more time with their friends. For some families, however, this summer will be a continuous nightmare, and it will be spent trying to keep their teenage children from ending their own lives before they can access vital services. One of those families is in my constituency of Offaly. It involves a teenage girl who has been diagnosed with autism, ADHD, PTSD, depression and bipolar disorder. This young girl is self-harming, and her situation is now unfortunately at crisis level.”
“We need a registration system that is a properly resourced and functional system and we need an enforcement system that protects people. I look forward to the Minister of State's clarification regarding section 11 and its implications for rural Ireland in the context of the priority towns. My county of Offaly has been disadvantaged. We have not seen enough investment or balanced regional development, and, no more than any other county in the State, we need to be treated fairly.”
“It has to be cohesive and ensure that proper practices, procedures and agencies are operating efficiently. I refer, in particular, to Tailte Éireann, which is not fit for purpose. There needs to be something done there. The Bill cannot focus on one part of the system while ignoring others. It cannot prioritise key towns while leaving small towns and villages in rural Ireland behind and it cannot claim to reduce delays while thousands remain stuck - in what should be a simple registration process - in a backlog that has totally spiralled out of control. We need a planning system that is fair, efficient, transparent and responsive, and that also collaborates properly with TDs. We are sick of stock answers. I will not be accepting any more stock answers.”
“It is not good enough. There should be respect given where, if there are health issues and concerns, then immediately a wind farm should be told to stop its operation. There are serious health concerns. I call on the Ministers to intervene in that case. It really is a public health failure that has been enabled by weak enforcement and inconsistent monitoring. I will continue to raise this matter on behalf of the families of Stonestown in Cloghan with the Minister, the EPA and Offaly County Council. No family in Ireland should be subjected to what these families are being subjected to in Stonestown. While I welcome aspects of the planning Bill, particularly the judicial review reforms, I must emphasise that planning reform cannot be selective.”
“They are young couples, and they and their families are suffering terribly as a result of what is happening in the context of a wind farm that was imposed on them and that they did not want. I have reviewed the noise diaries kept by the affected families. To say that they are harrowing is an understatement. They provide a harrowing record of the families' suffering, The constant humming, a heavy vibration throughout their houses and nights of relative quiet while testing equipment is present, followed by a sudden return to a roaring noise once the equipment is removed. That seems to be what is happening. These families are enduring sleep deprivation, physical pain, emotional distress and severe disruption to their lives. They have been left waiting almost six months for a basic communication from Statkraft's contractors.”
“If we are serious about tackling delays in our planning system, then we must also be serious about tackling delays in the property registration system. One cannot function without the other. While we are discussing planning reform, I have to take the opportunity to highlight the deeply distressing situation facing families in Stonestown, Cloghan, County Offaly, in terms of a wind farm development. Those families have been living through what can only be described as mental and physical torture arising from excessive wind turbine noise, vibration and operational practices. I raised this issue here in the Dáil a number of times. Those families need to be listened to. Their health is suffering. I met the families involved.”
“It is also damaging our reputation in respect of companies or businesses trying to expand or invest, when they see this. This has to be sorted out. I accept that some steps have been taken in regard to fully staffing Tailte Éireann registration team and accelerated recruitment, but I, as a TD, I am not seeing the benefits. There is no point in giving us an email address for Tailte Éireann if it is not going to give us proper responses. There certainly needs to be change in that regard. The figures speak for themselves. They are the facts. The backlog that has escalated dramatically and that continues to impose uncertainty and delay on families, farmers, solicitors and businesses is totally unacceptable. There should not be a backlog.”
“That is why I feel that the reins need to be taken and that action taken in respect of Tailte Éireann. The data provided to me also confirm a rapid and exponential build-up in property registration delays, as I have already outlined. I have confirmed already that for 2025 alone, over 50,000 applications remain pending. That is disgraceful. What message is that sending out to businesses or even companies looking to come in here to invest. What sort of a message is that sending out? That is a logjam that should not be there. Across the years, arrears now exceed 90,000 applications. This backlog has seriously delayed property transactions, agricultural transfers, conveyancing and housing delivery and has had a direct impact on market efficiency across Ireland.”
“I am fed up contacting Tailte Éireann. I ask the Minister of State to intervene urgently with it. I am not happy at all with the responses I am getting. I feel I am being fobbed off. What is happening is a cop-out. Registrations should not take three years to complete. There is something seriously wrong if they are taking that long. What is happening is totally unacceptable. I have several cases, as I said. I was approached by a business that needs to expand as a matter of urgency. It is tied up in this. I have several elderly constituents who are also tied up in this. I am asking for urgent intervention with Tailte Éireann because, in my view, it does not seem to be fit for purpose. This Bill seeks to reduce delays I welcome that, but if we are serious about doing so, we need to improve efficiency as well.”
“We are all given an Oireachtas email to correspond with Tailte Éireann, but, as far as I can see, it is an absolute waste of time. In the past few weeks, I have sent at least four issues to Tailte Éireann. These were genuine issues relating to businesses, in the context of their registration, and to elderly people who want to sell their properties and move into a town. Both process are affected by delays. The stock response seems to be to get the lodging party to expedite their case. If a TD is already informing those involved of the circumstances and outlining genuine reasons relating to an elderly person's well-being and health and stating that they want to get their registration finalised, what is the point of telling us to go to the solicitor again? Is that not creating more of a maze and a bureaucratic mess?”
“We certainly do not want to make our planning system any more frustrating, bureaucratic or unfair than it already it is. Will smaller towns and villages be disadvantaged in favour of the key designated towns and what safeguards will be put in place to ensure rural communities are not left behind? Counties like Offaly depend on balanced development, not concentrated development. These sections must not become a mechanism that unintentionally sidelines rural Ireland or disadvantages rural Ireland in any way. While the Bill seeks to reduce delays in planning processes, I must contrast that ambition with the massive and escalating backlog within Tailte Éireann, an issue I have repeatedly exposed through parliamentary questions.”
“As I read them, these sections appear to outline how certain towns will receive prioritised treatment in development plans, investment strategies and planning decision-making. While the concept may have merit in regard to balanced regional development, I must raise a very direct concern on behalf of many small towns and villages across my county of Offaly and the wider midlands area. We cannot allow a situation where preferential treatment for designated key towns ends up diverting resources, planning capacity or infrastructural investment away from the smaller communities, communities with populations under 10,000 that already struggle to secure basic services and development certainty. Will the Minister of State provide clarity? Will these sections create a two-tier planning system?”
“I welcome the opportunity to speak on the Bill. There are certainly constructive and long-overdue elements within this legislation, particularly the reforms proposed around judicial reviews. For far too long, communities, local authorities and applicants have been trapped in cycles of chronic delay - delays that frequently extend into years. We all know of cases where judicial review has been used not as genuine oversight but as a tool for procedural abuse of the courts. Anything that brings greater clarity, tighter timelines and more predictable outcomes is certainly welcome. I also want to address the multiple sections of the Bill that amend the Planning and Development Act 2000 to introduce a new planning designation of key towns.”
“There are serious and ongoing concerns regarding the lack of access to occupational therapy for elderly people. I am dealing with a situation where an elderly man of 90 years who worked all his life and paid his taxes cannot get access to an occupational therapy appointment despite at least eight separate medical referrals. I have followed up myself and sent an email to the HSE and the local primary care centre and also the Minister because it is simply wrong, and this man is not the only elderly person I am dealing with who cannot get access to occupational therapy, which is a very basic service. He urgently needs an assessment and it is causing him great distress and frustration that he cannot get this basic assessment despite, as I said, having worked all his life.”
“NARGC is absolutely right to highlight that many of the alternatives to lead shot are more expensive, less effective and in some cases unsafe in older firearms that were never designed for high-pressure steel loads. I have raised this repeatedly and we are not seeing any action on it or engagement with the game council.”
“I specifically asked the Minister at that time to outline the Government's engagement with the National Association of Regional Game Councils, NARGC, with local gun clubs and with the tens of thousands of responsible firearm holders who will be directly affected. The replies, unfortunately, were very vague, non-committal and in some cases outright dismissive of the scale of the impact. Now we see NARGC again calling for clarity and sounding the alarm. This time, it is warning that the proposed EU restrictions could have serious, disproportionate and unnecessary consequences for rural gun owners, clay pigeon clubs, wildlife management and farmers who rely on shotguns as a practical tool.”
“However, it is precisely because this directive is not about those issues that I must take this opportunity to highlight a real and growing concern among rural communities, sports shooters and hunting organisations, concerns that I have raised repeatedly through parliamentary questions. Only last year, I submitted a series of parliamentary questions to the Ministers for agriculture and for the environment, seeking clarity on the European Chemicals Agency's proposals under REACH to further restrict or effectively phase out the use of lead ammunition, including for shotguns used in hunting and pest control.”
“I begin by briefly addressing the motion concerning Ireland's opt-in to the proposed EU directive on combating firearms trafficking and other firearms-related offences. I have no difficulty with supporting proportionate, targeted measures that genuinely strengthen our capacity to tackle the illegal trafficking of weapons, particularly those entering the EU from conflict zones or through organised criminal networks. I do want to be absolutely clear, however, that this directive is about criminal law harmonisation and not about the lawful, responsible and highly regulated community of licensed firearms holders in this State. It is certainly not about ammunition standards or hunting practices.”
“Will the Minister please intervene with the HSE and Department of Health to ensure that they can get a renewed contract in place as soon as possible?”
“I wish to raise serious concerns again about the dental system and the total collapse of dental services for medical card patients and the lack of timely assessments for schoolgoing children. I and others have noted that this has really regressed. In the 1980s, as schoolchildren, we all had those timely assessments but we seem to be going backwards. It is getting no better. Even PRSI patients have had a number of benefits that they would have got in the past eliminated. There are a number of issues regarding dental care. I know the Irish Dental Association has been calling for some time for the contract to be renewed and for complete reform of the system. It is very frustrated with the HSE and the Department of Health.”
“The three-day period is one of the few remaining commitments that voters were told explicitly would be part of the 2018 framework and Sinn Féin's attempt to erase it shows how out of touch they have become with the values of ordinary people. I have received hundreds of emails asking TDs to vote "No" from all around the country.”
“That data shows that thousands of women do not return after the three-day period. That is proof - proof that the waiting period gives women time, space and the chance to reconsider under pressure, coercion or crisis. What is truly staggering is the moral incoherence of a party that claims to care about Ireland's future while actively working to ensure that thousands of Irish children will never have one. Sinn Féin wants to talk about unity, about nationhood, about the Ireland of tomorrow but how can you speak about tomorrow when you refuse to protect the children who would live in it today? How can you speak about sovereignty when you will not even defend the sovereignty of the most basic human right - the right to life?”
“There are moments in this Chamber when the sheer disconnect between political rhetoric and the political reality becomes almost unbearable. If Sinn Féin truly wants to build a future worth having, it should start by protecting the children who are meant to inherit it because while Sinn Féin tours the country promoting its future of Ireland commission report, which is full of language about hope, opportunity and the next generation, the very same party is here assisting in the passage of laws that guarantee no future at all for thousands of Irish babies in the womb. You cannot speak about building a shared future while simultaneously dismantling the last remaining safeguard that has already saved up to 10,000 lives and Sinn Féin knows this. The data is not mine; it is the HSE's own data provided to me through parliamentary questions.”
“We can impose major compliance burdens on Irish companies, but we cannot impose equivalent standards on the systems that protect our borders. I support international co-operation and effective and efficient policing, but I also support consistency, balance and, above all, common sense. If we are prepared to grant sweeping new powers in the digital sphere, then, surely, we must show the same determination in the physical world at our borders, in our migration system and in the basic task of knowing who exactly is entering this State. This is the contrast that I am raising here today. It is a contrast that deserves answers.”
“However, when it comes to identifying individuals entering our State - individuals who may have no documentation, no verified identity and, in some cases, criminal histories abroad - we still rely on systems that are slow, inconsistent and, in many cases, simply not fit for purpose. That is the contrast that I wish to highlight here this evening. I do not seek to undermine any co-operation or policing. Rather, I ask why the political will is uneven and unbalanced. We can build a rapid-response, digital evidence system for Europe but we cannot build a rapid-response identity verification system for Ireland, which is a small island. Why is that? That is the question. We can enforce foreign data production orders within hours, but we cannot reliably confirm who is entering the State.”
“We still have well-documented cases in the public domain where individuals wanted abroad have entered Ireland undetected. I ask again: why is the State prepared to build a high-speed, high-capacity surveillance compliance machine for the EU but not an equally robust system to protect our own borders and people? That question needs to be answered. This Bill will allow foreign authorities to obtain identifying data from Irish-based companies at speed. It will allow Ireland to process hundreds of thousands of requests every year. It will require gardaí and our courts to prioritise and bow down to these demands even though they are already stretched to the limit.”
“Matheson LLP, in a detailed legal analysis, warns that Ireland will face significant operational demands and, potentially, substantial volumes of foreign data production orders, all under extremely tight deadlines, sometimes as short as eight hours. The machinery can move quickly when Europe needs it to. The political will is there when the European Parliament calls. The urgency is there and the resources are being found. When we look at another area, however, such as the identification of individuals entering our State through the migration system, including those who may be wanted abroad for serious crimes, the urgency suddenly evaporates. We still do not have a fully effective identity verification system at our borders. We still have gaps in biometric checks and delays in information-sharing.”
“I wish to speak about the Criminal Justice (International Cooperation on Electronic Evidence and Other Matters) Bill 2026. It is a Bill that gives the State and the European Union sweeping new powers to obtain, preserve and transfer electronic evidence at extraordinary speed. I raise a simple question: why is the political will so strong in some areas but so weak in others? When it comes to digital surveillance and cross-border data demands, the State is prepared to move mountains. This Bill creates a system where Ireland becomes the central enforcement hub for the entire EU’s e-evidence regime.”
“This represents a 14.7% decline. Wider hospitality employment has also dropped significantly, with businesses grappling with unsustainable cost increases, high insurance premiums, energy charges that are among the highest in Europe and growing consumer price sensitivity. I welcome the Government's decision to reintroduce the 9% VAT rate for food and catering services. This was certainly positive and necessary. However, a single measure alone will not be enough. The rising costs of doing business, from insurance and energy to regulatory burdens, continue to squeeze businesses. At the same time, increases in the cost of living are reducing disposal income for Irish consumers, making Ireland less competitive for international visitors.”
“I am happy to speak on the critical importance of the tourism and hospitality sector, particularly as we face mounting challenges that threaten thousands of jobs and the viability of businesses right across rural Ireland. In my own constituency of Offaly, tourism supports 2,200 jobs, so I stand firmly with Offaly hoteliers and the Irish Hotels Federation in their call for targeted Government intervention to protect this vital industry. As I stated earlier this year, we must deliver measures to safeguard the long-term sustainability of our local tourism economy. The sector is under severe pressure. Recent Central Statistics Office, CSO, labour force survey figures reveal a stark reality. Employment in food-led hospitality has plummeted by nearly 20,000 jobs over the past year, falling from 136,000 to 116,000.”
“Withdrawing or boycotting carries real consequences - sporting, economic and reputational - for our teams and supporters and our ability to host major events in the future. Sport should be a source of national unity and pride, not a vehicle for political activism.”
“This House has spent a disproportionate amount of time on this one international conflict, while urgent domestic issues - the housing emergency, the crippling cost of living, the chaos in our health service and the rise in crime on our streets - receive far less attention. Irish citizens watching these debates must wonder why Gaza dominates the agenda here, when families in their own communities cannot find a home. We owe it to the people who elected us to get our priorities straight and right. This amendment rightly states that decisions on fixtures and tournament participation are matters for UEFA and the international sporting bodies, not unilateral grandstanding by the Irish Government. We should respect those determinations.”
“Irish sportspeople, men and women who have given years of dedication, sacrifice and discipline to represent this country, should not be punished or dragged into international disputes that are far beyond their control. There is also a glaring moral contradiction at the heart of this debate. We are told that playing against Israel is somehow unconscionable. However, Ireland happily competes against Qatar, whose human rights record includes the exploitation of migrant workers, the denial of basic freedoms and appalling records on women's rights, religious freedoms and political repression, all of which are synonymous with that country. The selective outrage directed as Israel, and only Israel, undermines the credibility of those demanding a boycott.”
“I will be supporting the measured and balanced amendment proposed by Deputies Collins, O'Donoghue, O'Flynn and Fitzmaurice. Let me make clear that I recognise the grave humanitarian catastrophe in Gaza and the continuing heartbreaking loss of innocent civilian life. No one with a conscience can look at the suffering of families and children there and remained unmoved. I also unequivocally condemn all acts of terrorism, violence and attacks on citizens and civilians, wherever they occur, such as the barbaric attack by Hamas when innocent men and women were murdered at a music festival. That was particularly sickening and should not have happened either. The recognition of suffering cannot justify turning Irish sport into a political battlefield. Sport must be depoliticised as much as possible.”
“We need to support our local fuel and peat producers and place the needs of Irish citizens first. This Bill is a small concession but it falls very short of the decisive and long-term action that Ireland demands. We need an end to the squandering of Irish taxpayers' money and to the crazy amounts of money going into NGOs. We need to support our businesses and working families in this country.”
“The Government needs to look at its policies. It has gone too far left altogether. It is just crazy what is going on. I have constituents at absolute breaking point. I have had people in my office who are very upset. They are working people who are trying to make ends meet and put their children through college but instead of being helped, they are being taxed and punished. We must deliver permanent and meaningful tax reductions on fuel and energy. The USC, which was meant to be a temporary measure, must be abolished. We have to help working people here. Our own interests should always come first. The Government should suspend punitive carbon charges for rural Ireland. I am glad to say I was one of the 12 who voted against the climate action Bill. I recognised at the time that it was not good and I remain opposed to the carbon tax.”
“Contrary to what a previous Fine Gael Taoiseach said about people getting up early in the morning getting fair play, they are not getting it. People in this country who get up early in the morning are being punished. There is tax upon tax on working people. That is where the Government is hitting them, yet it squanders money and pays into the whole sham of the asylum seeker accommodation. We do not have vetting of the people coming in and we do not have vetting of the cowboys and chancers providing the accommodation either. It is an absolute sham. I will continue to call it out because I think that as Irish citizens we need to stand up. I am listening to what people are saying to me. That is my job as a politician in here. I serve the interests of Ireland only and that is why I am raising it here again today.”
“It seems that its policy is to appease its EU masters, forget the Irish citizens and people in County Offaly who depend on solid fuel. It throws caution to the wind and forgets and ignores those people. I have repeatedly criticised Government's misplaced priorities. It is directing vast sums of money where it should not be going, on asylum accommodation and on social welfare payments which are far too generous. It is acting as a pull factor, bringing in people we do not want on this island. All we have to do is look at what happened in Belfast. Do we want that down here? No we do not. We do not want that on any part of our island. It is high time the Government got its act together, clamped down on and cut the social welfare payments for people who are not genuine asylum seekers and treat the Irish taxpayer with respect.”
“It is handing out our taxpayers' money to that sort of thing. It is crazy. I have stood with many businesses in my constituency. They tell me that they are crippled with diesel costs, VAT costs, tolls, auto-enrolment costs, energy costs, regulatory costs and input costs for farmers. It is crazy. It goes on and on. Rural households continue to face some of Europe's highest energy prices while small peat producers and turf users in the midlands in counties like mine are penalised by policies that ignore basic realities and common sense, yet the Government has nothing to say about that. It has nothing to say to how it states, in the event of an energy crisis, people should not be allowed to cut their turf. They should be allowed to. The Government is bowing down to its EU masters all the time.”
“What did the Government do in this year's budget? It decided to pay them €840 million in overseas aid, with taxpayers' money. Some of those countries, incredibly, include Afghanistan, Sudan and North Korea. We have the Irish taxpayer paying overseas aid to North Korea and Afghanistan. Meanwhile, our own businesses go to the wall and 34,000 NGOs get €6.2 billion of taxpayers' money. That is not to mention the sham of the asylum system and the money that is handed out in social welfare payments. We need to put Irish citizens first. We need to put our own businesses first and there needs to be a proper focus. The Government needs to move back from its left-wing policies because I can see it shifting further and further to the left. All it has to do is look at its position on NGOs and on paying countries with appalling human rights records.”
“They are certainly not known for creating tens of thousands of jobs in rural counties like Offaly, yet we have a situation where there are 34,000 NGOs and there is massive duplication. We could have the same categories of NGOs over and over again. We paid out €6.2 billion of taxpayers' money last year. I have not heard of any of them going to the wall, but I have heard of agri-contractors and small businesses in my constituency going to the wall. I have heard of job losses. This is shameful. I ask the Government to reflect on its policy position. When it comes to NGOs or overseas aid, it seems to have shifted too far to the left. They are left-wing policies. It is crazy. The Government has abandoned businesses. All we have to do is look at overseas aid. There are five countries on the watchdog list for human rights abuses.”
“We need a long-term strategy to protect our businesses and safeguard tens of thousands of jobs, particularly in rural areas, where we have haulage companies and agri-contractors. That is what I am concerned about. These steps represent a wholly inadequate response to a deep and sustained crisis. I stood with agri-contractors, hauliers, and construction workers on the lines in my constituency during the protests. I found it remarkable that there is a lack of acknowledgement of the struggles that businesses face in this country. What is very concerning is the fact that I have seen businesses going to the wall in my constituency, Offaly, but I have never heard of one NGO going to the wall in this country. We have 34,000 NGOs. Let us face it. They are not known for creating employment.”
“Tá áthas orm deis a fháil labhairt ar an mBille Airgeadais seo atá os ár gcomhair tráthnóna inniu. As an Independent TD for Offaly, I have consistently highlighted the intolerable burden of high energy and fuel costs on families, farmers and hauliers across my constituency. I accept that this Bill seeks to provide some temporary relief in that it increases the diesel rebate scheme cap to €120 per 1,000 litres for qualifying road transport operators, until the middle of this year. It also implements cuts to mineral oil tax rates on petrol, auto diesel and other fuels until July, while postponing further carbon component increases until October but these steps are not enough and they offer modest short-term respite.”
“It has collapsed from 2,112 farm businesses to 1,199 and the total funding for all agriculture-focused Skillnet networks has fallen from €2.94 million to €2.61 million. That is not keeping pace. We need real skills and not paper skills. The just transition, for example, is not an abstract concept. Older workers face real disruption from climate policy, technology change and market shifts. They need targeted, practical upskilling delivered through employer-led networks like Skillnet and not just box ticking. The National Training Fund belongs to the employers and workers who pay into it. It should not be a slush fund for pet projects. I call on the Minister to immediately increase core funding to Farm Business Skillnet and other rural Skillnet programmes in addition to the other funding that I mentioned was needed.”