Catherine Connolly
Galway West · Ireland
“We must zone in on the smaller businesses because that was the problem; the smaller companies and businesses could never avail of the research and development tax credit. This morning, I had the privilege of listening to the organisation, ALONE. It pointed out that older people living alone are €300 worse off compared to last year.”
“Those patients are human beings and they are being left on trolleys. There are some good things in this budget, which I welcome. I welcome the increase in social welfare, but when it is matched with the increase in the cost of living, it is worth absolutely nothing. I welcome that the money for artists has been extended.”
“Maybe the hint for what has happened with this budget is captured in the words of the Minister, Paschal Donohoe, who said, "Our schools, our hospitals and our public services are responsible for so much good in society." They certainly are, but that is not their function.”
“We have given a reduction in VAT down to 9% for developers with absolutely no evidence that this will help in any way and no context given. Today I attended a presentation in Buswells in relation to derelict properties all done on a voluntary basis.”
“There is 2% less funding at a time when we need balanced rural and regional development more than ever. I welcome the commitment to diversifying our economy. It should have happened years ago. Again, it is lacking in detail.”
“I preface my remarks by using a few seconds to talk about the four people who are outside here on the 18th day of their hunger strike. We have passed a budget in one of the richest economies in the world and we have four people who have been 18 days on hunger strike outside. They have survived the industrial schools.”
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“I often get bored here listening to references to reduce, reuse and recycle. We were doing that for 24 years in Galway. Questions were asked about where the rubbish was going, but, theoretically, we had a brilliant service. It was then privatised and absolutely destroyed. My problem is we are looking on people as the problem. People want to do something about climate change and water conservation. The duplicity of successive Governments, however, makes it very difficult to support them. To go back to water, I spent 17 years at the local council level and somewhere between 40% and 50% of water was utterly wasted running into the ground. I do not need to exaggerate. No resources were given to the experts on the ground who knew exactly where all the water leakages were.”
“If I as a politician do not have trust, it is very difficult for me to instil trust in people on the ground. I will go, therefore, with Sinn Féin's proposal regarding repealing Part 2 of the relevant legislation because it leaves it wide open. More generally, we cannot deal with water other than as a basic human right. Housing is the same, by the way. I pay tribute to former Deputy Joan Collins. She did tremendous work in respect of water as a human right, including tabling a Bill to enshrine water as a basic human right in our Constitution. Unfortunately, it has not happened. I wish it were the case. We are here now and instead of dealing with how best to conserve water and bring people on board, we are looking at this situation. In my experience, we led the way in Galway on recycling.”
“I am very disappointed with the Minister's response. It was termed glib and another word was used. It certainly was. I listened to it carefully in my office. I thank Sinn Féin for bringing forward this Bill. It is being proposed that we repeal Part 2 of the 2017 Act. I read the Second Stage speech made by then Minister, Eoghan Murphy. It was to undo the charges brought in under a previous Act in 2013, but unfortunately, Part 2 was left in this, which gives complete openness in terms of introducing charges. I am glad the Minister is shaking his head. If we are so wrong on this side, I will be the first to say it. I wish I could believe the Minister, but we have seen what is going to happen in relation to the triple lock. We have seen solemn promises and declarations, and it is very difficult to have trust.”
“Tá mé ag díriú isteach arís ar An gCeathrú Rua i gcroílár na Gaeltachta agus an easpa infreastruchtúr bunúsach atá ann go háirid maidir le hionad séarachais. Níl aon ionad séarachais ann. Tá an scéal seo ag dul ar aghaidh le breis is 25 bliain anois agus tá sé ag cur isteach go tromchúiseach agus go hollmhór ar chúrsaí tithíochta. Bhí cathaoirleach na scoile speisialta i dteagmháil leis na Teachtaí Dála uilig sa cheantar toisc nach féidir leis an scoil leanúint ar aghaidh le dhá sheomra breise atá ag teastáil go géar de bharr easpa séarachais. Níl aon chothromaíocht ó thaobh cúrsaí tithíochta nó ó thaobh cúrsaí forbartha. Tá sé seo thar a bheith práinneach.”
“In January, we discussed it in the Dáil and the only people who had it were in the media. There were comments and an interview with Deputy Micheál Martin at the time on a leaked report. The exact same thing has happened again. There should be an apology. I also want to know what is going to happen now and when the survivors will get the report.”
“I want to raise the issue of the report from Sheila Noonan, the negotiator, which is now in the possession of the Minister, Deputy Foley. When she was appointed almost two years ago, she was to report within six months. The report is completed and with the Minister. I have two issues that concern me. The first is the question of what the next steps will be. We need a clear outline of what is going to happen and the consequences of the negotiation that has taken such a long time. The second issue is that we are reading about section of the report in the newspapers, albeit not all of it. Once again, we have a leak. This is the second time now that survivors have been treated with utter disrespect. Back in 2020, the Government got the report on the mother and baby homes.”
“There has to be an urgent recognition that we have failed to update SIPO in order to give it adequate powers to ensure the highest standards in public life. We all have made mistakes in our lives; none of us is perfect. We need an organisation that holds all of us to account to the highest standards. We need to empower and resource SIPO, but most of all we need recognition from the Government in relation to it.”
“I thank the Minister. I appreciate that he is making this a priority. I also appreciate he cannot give me a date, but there has to be recognition that the existing legislation is totally inadequate, that SIPO has repeatedly pointed out a range of difficulties in terms of its lack of power in the context of ensuring that the highest standards in public office obtain. We know that. I am not going to go into individual issues, but there has to be a sense of urgency. The review of the framework was completed in December 2022. It is now 2025 and there is going to be still more consultation and more policy. I cannot understand how the Minister cannot introduce legislation and then amendments could be made along the way.”
“We also need to look at an independent Vote for SIPO. On every level, we need to strengthen SIPO and recognise the gaps that exist and that it has raised year after year. When is that going to happen?”
“I am glad it is in the programme for Government. However, the Minister did not provide any dates whatsoever. There are very serious issues here. These are being raised not just by me but also by SIPO, year after year, in its annual report. SIPO has highlighted the gaps that exist and its lack of power. Will the Minister display some sense of urgency in relation to the issues that have arisen regarding insider information? Examples in this regard relate to the disclosure requirements, on which nothing has happened, and to the commission itself. There are members who are working full time in other areas. That needs to be looked at. The resources need to be looked at. There is also a need to look at what we do when we leave the Dáil, for example, where we go and the conflicts of interest that may arise.”
“Could the Minister give me an update on the plans to review and strengthen the ethics in public office legislation? The review of the need to change it was done and we are into our third year now since December 2022. Could the Minister give us an update on the specific plans of the Government?”
“The project cost has gone from €9 million to €50 million. Finally it has dawned on the establishment that this is a very serious and complicated project and it will take time but we need somebody to drive it. I am asking the Minister of State to drive that given just some of the dates that have slipped. The project was going in one direction and then there was an argument with the consultants over the price, and I understand that. However, all of this should have been foreseen. At this point, I just want a commitment to a hands-on approach with regard to this and that there will be no further slippage in dates.”
“I hope the Minister takes a hands-on approach like his previous colleagues. I live in the Claddagh. I know the area; I have a vested interest. Besides that, however, it is a very important project. From day one there was a misunderstanding with regard to a once in 100 years event. That is what they were planning for when it was quite clear, and we witnessed the recent storm, that this was going to be a frequent event. Of course it is complex and I understand all that. We need to bring the public with us. If there is structure going up, the public need to be with us. There has been one public consultation, which was years ago. There will be a walk-in consultation to look at the plans and then down the road there will be a further consultation for the options. That will be really important.”
“With regard to the figure of 312 properties, the city council knows that as well the engineers from back in 2021. The project has gone from €9 million to €50 million.”
“I wish the Minister of State the best in his job. Forgive my frustration. Maybe I should not use the phrase " appalling delays", but rather the absolutely unacceptable delay. I sat on the council. Like many people here, I was very familiar with the CFRAM programme and the necessity then following that to have flood defences. I think I am on my fourth Minister; it could be the fifth. Everyone took a hands-on approach. Planning originally was to be September 2023. Then it changed to July 2025. Then it became July 2027. The construction was to commence in October 2025, then June 2026, then December 2027. The completion date was to be September 2027. The next completion date was 2029, and March 2031 is now the completion date. We have had one public consultation. I know there will be another walk-in consultation in June this year.”
“My question relates to the urgent need for flood defences in Galway and specifically an update on the Corrib na gCósta project. Have the design options been developed? I understand from a previous question that they are now out, but the Minister of State might just clarify that, and the status of the project given the appalling delays that have taken place up to now.”
“They have significant implications for the city in terms of spending power. We need to diversify. We need to put a big emphasis on indigenous industries.”
“I do not think I can agree with Deputy Geoghegan on Europe being a shining light of the application of the rule of law but that is not for now. I understand there is uncertainty. I have read the ESRI report on how it will affect our exports and jobs. It is all being debated here this morning. I have listened to the debate and I have heard what the Minister has said. Long term we absolutely need to diversify. Obviously we need diplomatic efforts now, and we need various steps, but in the medium to long term we need to diversify our economy. We have been warned for a very long time about the urgent need to do this. Coming from Galway city I am acutely aware of the value of the big pharmaceutical and medical devices companies based there, with almost 12,000 people working in them.”
“To bring home and put focus on what we are talking about, this refers to: the supply of surveillance and identification equipment for settlements; the wall and checkpoints directly linked with settlements; and the supply of equipment and materials facilitating the construction and expansion of settlements. This is the list drawn up by the UN more than eight years ago to say we should not be investing in those companies. I appreciate the Minister is making the case it is a small percentage, but it is morally significant, not to mention the genocide taking place.”
“In a previous answer, I was told by the former Minister for Finance: "My officials are in contact with the NTMA on an ongoing basis across a range of issues, including those arising from the Illegal Israeli Settlements Divestment Bill 2023." I fully understand ISIF is independent but there is a policy issue in respect of illegal occupation. The Minister admits and accepts there is a country committing genocide and that we are investing in its trading companies. We still have a sizable proportion, albeit not in the overall scheme of things. Direct and indirect, it comes to more than €10 million.”
“I thank the Minister. I will look at those figures and I appreciate his answer. I respect the NTMA and the subgroup. I was on the public accounts committee and remember the NTMA's proactive approach to divestment from fossil fuels and to former Deputy Thomas Pringle's Bill. I welcome that, and the NTMA grasped the nettle when the time came. The Minister listed several Israeli banks and a retail chain. It is welcome that we have divested from them, but we are still investing. In the overall scheme, it is a small sum of money, but we are still investing in companies and banks in territories that are illegally occupied. I want to know the timeline of when we will divest directly and indirectly from those companies, given our stance on Palestine.”
“As the Minister knows, for more than eight years, the UN has maintained a database of businesses involved in specific activities in the occupied Palestinian territories. I followed my original question up with a number of questions. What is the timeline for the NTMA to fully divest from all of Ireland's strategic investment and global portfolio investments on that UN list and the details of ISIF's direct and indirect investments into the companies on same?”
“The Minister met those involved. Is another meeting scheduled that will clarify this to avoid continuous misunderstandings?”
“I do not think the Minister was. I do not think the farmers who were up here protesting were scaremongering either. They were clearly setting out their concerns. I have set them out as best I can in the context of the two percentages being used. The percentage for mineral soils and the percentage for wetlands and peatlands could be clarified in simple terms. I accept the Minister's bona fides in the context of what he said, but farmers tell us in serious representations that they are worried they will particularly affected on the west coast - Galway, Mayo, Donegal and so on. I can only listen to them and do my best to understand. It seems that there is huge scope and flexibility for the Department to comply with the regulation to protect wetlands and peatlands while not including the mineral soils that have been included.”
“I prefaced my remarks by saying that I am no expert, but questions have to be asked and answered in a way that reassures small farmers who clearly think they will be disproportionately affected compared with the larger intensive farms.”
“I understand the baseline conditionality. I am no expert on this, but I listened to carefully to what those who are experts are saying. It seems on the face of it that small farmers are disproportionately affected by the percentage employed. I can only tell the Minister what I have been informed of, which is that the Department has decided that if 51% of the parcel comprises peatlands and wetlands, the entire land falls under GAEC 2. This means that 100,000 acres of mineral sites are captured that were not meant to be captured. On the other hand, by using this percentage, if 49% is peatlands, it is excluded. That takes 200,000 acres of carbon out of it.”
“This is a very specific question. I know the Minister is very familiar with this because there was a protest outside the Dáil on the issue. I am not sure whether things have moved forwards or backwards. What is the reason that mineral soils were included under GAEC 2 and why was the percentage chosen despite the regulation being intended only to apply to carbon-rich soils? I fully support the provision regarding carbon-rich soils, that is, peatlands and wetlands.”
“That is what wool is classified as. There might be scientific reasons for that but imagine that we are classifying wool as a waste product when there are so many possibilities for it. The Department and the Government should take a hands-on approach in light of the possibilities, particular given the urgent need to diversify our economy.”
“I understand the restriction on the Minister with regard to the evaluation process. I understand that but will he clarify the dates for me because I missed them when he was delivering his response? On wool in general, I am very concerned at how slowly progress is being made. It took us years to get the report that was commissioned. Some €100,000 was set aside. The report cost €70,000 while €30,000 went into the establishment of the Irish Grown Wool Council. I wish the council the best of luck but the Department has completely pulled back from it. I am a little concerned that I cannot see minutes anywhere. There are no minutes up on the website. I have asked about that repeatedly. I would be the first to support an open and accountable wool council that drives the wool industry so that wool is no longer a waste product.”
“I thank the Minister. I have been following up on this for a number of years now. We got a report from the Agile Executive on the possibilities for wool. Like seaweed, this is an area we have utterly neglected despite the substantial potential for growth for indigenous industries. The report tells us that "Wool has a unique composition that makes it applicable to many markets including Horticulture, Packaging, Insulation, Textiles, Cosmetics, Filled Products and Composites" and many more. This is an initiative from farmers that would benefit the local community. What has happened with regard to that specific application? Is it one of the 27 the Minister said had been selected? If not, where should the proposers go? This is a fantastic initiative that builds up possibilities for wool. It needs help at some stage.”
“I do not know which Minister is answering this question but it relates to the Irish wool industry and a farmer-led initiative that will be a crucial lifeline for rural areas. It specifically relates to the status of an application under call 6 of the European Innovation Partnership. I have provided the details. When will funding announcements be made? Can the Minister give any further details?”
“The Government is simply ignoring the Housing Commission, which was set up at its request and which held all of those meetings. The commission made 83 recommendations and indicated that we need a radical reset of housing policy. Anybody with a bit of sense would say we have failed. Put your hands up. We all agree. The system has failed, but the Government persists in rewarding developers and rewarding private, for-profit businesses on every level - in direct provision and in housing. In respect of homeless services, a figure was cited earlier by one of my colleagues. Surely at some stage the Government is going to recognise the cost of not doing something, as the commission has pointed out. That cost is going to be astronomical, both psychologically and financially.”
“There is lots of land at Ceannt Station where an entity is doing entirely its own thing. Do you know what the docks area is going to develop? Not social housing and not public housing but premium housing on public land held in trust by the harbour company for the people of Galway. They are going to get the highest price on their site to develop premium housing. This is in a city where we have a catastrophic housing crisis. The Simon Community produces a report every quarter to say there are no houses available, even under the discretionary scheme where the money goes higher under HAP. No houses are available. I am again waiting for the Simon Community's first quarterly report for this year. We all have people coming to our offices who have been waiting between 16 and 20 years for houses. Homeless services in Galway city are at capacity.”
“We cannot have a well-functioning society if tenants are going from emergency to emergency to emergency accommodation. Another prominent finding was the negative impacts of housing crises on overall quality of life in Ireland. Some 74% of respondents indicated that their housing situation negatively affected their quality of life. Another really important recommendation for me was that "account must be taken in housing policy of the full economic and social costs associated with not meeting Ireland’s housing requirements." Of course, the easiest cost to identify is the money we are putting straight into landlord's pockets and calling it social housing under HAP, under long-term leasing and under RAS. Then we have a situation in Galway where we have entities working on their own.”
“Gabhaim buíochas le mo chomhghleacaí an Teachta Healy. I was elected in 2016 and since then, with all my colleagues here, we have begged, implored and appealed to the Government to declare a housing emergency to recognise that we have crisis but it has utterly failed to do that. Once again, it keeps turning language on its head, even in relation to social housing as it called HAP provision social housing. I am here to support this motion. The Housing Commission report has been quoted many times. It is really worth quoting because the Housing Commission had 200 meetings and developed 83 recommendations. I want to highlight three alone that we rarely hear from the Government. The report said we should base our housing policy on an assessment of the housing required for a well-functioning society.”
“Tá ardmholadh tuillte ag an ESB i ndáiríre, ach arís, bhí air foireann ó thar lear a tharraingt isteach agus níl a dhóthain infreastruchtúir ar an talamh. Críochnóidh mé agus mé ag rá gurb é an t-aon rud ag teastáil ná na moltaí ón ngrúpa ar an talamh. Tá an grúpa tar éis na moltaí seo a chur le chéile agus tá siad ag impí orainn, ar an Teachta Connolly agus na Teachtaí eile go mbeadh na moltaí seo san áireamh cibé cén plean a bheidh réitithe ag an gcomhairle contae tar éis an phlean a bheith réitithe ag an Rialtas agus gealltanais. Déanfaidh mé é sin agus seolfaidh mé chuig an Aire é.”
“Tá réiteach á chur ar fáil acu agus tá siad ag rá gur mhaith leo obair as lámha a chéile leis an Rialtas, cibé cén Rialtas atá ann, ach plean cuimsitheach agus plean cumarsáide a bheith ann agus cinntí déanta roimh ré. Níor tharla sé sin. Tuigim go raibh an stoirm ollmhór. Bhí wind speeds 183 km/h i gConamara ag Mace Head. Tá a fhios agam go raibh sé deacair, ach tá gá leis seo. I ndeireadh na dála, tá orainn breathnú ar an infreastruchtúr atá ar an talamh. Bhí cruinniú leis an ESB inné. Ní raibh mé ann, ach fuair mé an cur i láthair. Leag sé amach go soiléir na fadhbanna a bhí aige. Thóg sé lá go leith chun rochtain a fháil de bharr cé chomh báite is a bhí an talamh. Leagadh amach na cúiseanna go léir agus cén fáth go raibh moill.”
“6, lorg siad "Go mbeidh pleananna éagsúla ann do thubaistí éagsúla" agus - tá sé seo tábhachtach - go mbeadh pleananna maidir le tubaistí ar nós "tuilte, sneachta, gálaí srl". Dúradh gur cheart go mbeadh "plean ann dá ndéanfaí damáiste don R336" - bóthar thar a bheith tábhachtach agus bóthar atá lochtach amach is amach. Freisin, d'iarr siad "An féidir aonad cosanta sibhialta nó aonad céadfhreagartha a bhunú i gConamara?". Ba mhaith liom cur leis sin gur cheart go mbeidh gineadóirí ar a laghad ar fáil d'ionaid leighis. Bhí glaonna á bhfáil againn ó na dochtúirí éagsúla ar fud Chonamara. Ní raibh cumhacht ar bith acu. Sin iad na rudaí praiticiúla. Níl na daoine seo ag breathnú ar an rud mar fhadhb - tá siad ag breathnú ar na réitigh.”
“Tá na moltaí thar a bheith réasúnta agus soiléir: "Go gcuirfí ar a laghad dhá mhol ar fáil i gceantar Chois Fharraige". Two special mols. Chuala mé an tAire ag caint faoi ghineadóirí, agus luaigh siad freisin "Go gcuirfí gineadóirí ar fáil chun fearais leictreacha a mhuirearú" agus "Go gcuirfí gineadóirí ar fáil chun foinsí uisce a chosaint". Tá sé thar a bheith tábhachtach gur mhol siad "Liosta a chur le chéile díobh siúd go léir a bheadh sásta cabhrú i gcás éigeandála". Tá siad ag rá go bhfuil siad thar a bheith sásta cabhair a thabhairt, ach go mbeadh liosta ann. Bhí plean cumarsáide in easnamh, agus luaigh siad "Plean Cumarsáide chun eolas a roinnt leis an bpobal i gcás nach bhfuil leathanbhanda, leictreachas, trealamh cumarsáide ar fáil". In éileamh Uimh.”
“Tar éis na stoirme, d'fhreastail mé féin agus mo chomhghleacaithe i nGaillimh ar dhá chruinniú mí ó shin. Bhí na Teachtaí John Connolly agus Mairéad Farrell ann. Bhí cruinniú amháin maidir le cúrsaí tithíochta agus ceann eile maidir leis an stoirm. An teachtaireacht ba shoiléire ná go bhfuil daoine ar an talamh sásta chuile chabhair a thabhairt d'aon Rialtas. Bhí siad réasúnta, agus na rudaí a theastaigh uathu ná go mbeadh an chumarsáid níos fearr, go dtabharfaí aitheantas do na grúpaí ar an talamh agus go mbeadh córas i bhfad níos éifeachtaí ann tar éis cibé stoirm atá le teacht. Fad is atá an t-am agam - ní raibh a fhios agam go mbeadh an méid sin ama agam, ach ní úsáidfidh mé an t-am uilig - fuaireamar litir inniu tar éis an chruinnithe a bhí ann mí ó shin. Dhírigh siad ar sheacht bpointe.”
“Gabhaim buíochas le Sinn Féin as an deis cainte a bheith agam maidir leis an rún seo. Tá sé leagtha amach nach bhfuil na figiúirí agus gach rud ann. Gabhaim buíochas leis an Aire as an soiléiriú a thug sé maidir le phase 1 agus go mbeidh sé ag dul ar aghaidh go dtí an 24 Aibreán. Is maith an rud é sin. Is rud é sin a bhí á lorg agam, soiléiriú, agus is maith an rud go bhfuil sé ann. Is dócha go bhfuilimid go léir buíoch go ndearna an Rialtas rud, gur thug sé airgead agus cabhair. Tuigim é sin. An fhadhb ná an bealach ar thug an Rialtas é. Ní raibh leanúnachas i gceist. Is dócha go n-aontaíonn an tAire. Bhí easpa struchtúir agus easpa leanúnachais ar an talamh. Dhírigh an stoirm, an stoirm ba mheasa fós, spotsolas ar an easpa infreastruchtúir ar an talamh.”
“I am not really sure what we do with the Irish language as opposed to giving it meaning and punch. Many people have criticised GSOC. Whatever about GSOC being accountable, what I have read about repeatedly is the failure to fund it. Year after year, GSOC produced an annual report, just like SIPO, and told us it was underfunded, under-resourced and could not really do its job properly. As well as changing the structures, we need to commit to funding properly. I will finish on community policing. Like every Deputy, I want to see more garda síochána - the hint is in the name "Garda Síochána", which means guardians of the peace - on our streets so we can feel safer. All of the time the language is changing and we see fewer gardaí on the street. I stop in my tracks or on my bicycle when I see gardaí to welcome their presence.”
“I was at the protest in Galway yesterday. I could not describe a more peaceful, dignified and silent protest to highlight the genocide in Gaza. Something similar happened in Dublin, and like the other TDs, we have got repeated reports of appalling, disproportionate behaviour by the Garda. As a new Minister and with his background in law, I wish for the Minister to comment on this. Strip-searching and cavity-searching of women who were out peacefully protesting against a genocide - how can that happen in the 21st century when we are talking about structures to bring in accountability? I go back, a Cheann Comhairle. I have not strayed at all from the topic because they are the topics. Instead of GSOC, we will now have Fiosrú. I was talking with my colleague here about the word "fiosrú". It is a strange word because it is just "inquire".”
“It is funding to make the various entities open and accountable, to get rid of the culture that led to the Act in 2005 that was never a success, and to change the various structures again because accountability failed. Not by the ordinary gardaí on the ground, let me say. My introduction to the Dáil was the O'Higgins report, which I know the Minister also read. I read the Morris tribunal report. I read the Smithwick report. On every single level, there was no accountability for the culture of secrecy and protecting the institutions rather than not human rights or garda rights. I was horrified at what happened to Sergeant McCabe. That was my introduction to the Dáil. We are now looking at putting these structures into a new Act that will be commenced tomorrow to change the culture and bring in accountability. What do we find?”
“I welcome that the Minister has set out this very clearly and that he hopes to commence tomorrow the new Act, which will replace the 2005 Act. The 2005 Act was supposed to be a sea change in Garda culture and it arose for many reasons. I will come right back to what happened yesterday because it relates to what is absolutely an integral part of openness, accountability and the structures we are now introducing. Three structures were introduced: the ombudsman, GSOC; the Garda Inspectorate; and the Policing Authority. They are now being changed around. I have no difficulty with that or with what the Minister is asking so that the Act can be commenced tomorrow. My difficulty relates to the behaviour yesterday. Let me go back so I can put it in context for the Ceann Comhairle.”
“It has effectively reduced the opportunity for openness and the accountability on the part of the Taoiseach by reducing the time available to Members to question him. It has reduced the time for the Order of Business. It has reduced the time for our Private Members' business. All the time, it has said it is doing the opposite.”
“They simply do not trust the Government because it has turned language on its head. When it rams through changes that it says will ostensibly give more speaking time to backbenchers, which is far from true, it is also telling lies and being disingenuous.”
“This Government has pushed a policy of might is right at every level. It has seriously undermined years of Dáil reform. That reform was brought in to make democracy stronger in order that all voices within the Dáil would be heard. The Government is being disingenuous and dangerous. I take particular note of the speeches of the Taoiseach, the Tánaiste and one of the Ministers in which language was turned absolutely on its head. The Government rammed through changes. It placed the Ceann Comhairle in an invidious position because that ramming through was announced in various interviews on RTÉ, etc. The Government made no attempt to change the language because it was always going to ram through the changes. All of this has added to the growing distrust among people as regards the political process.”
“I do not look forward to the next meeting with muintir Inis Meáin agus an lucht gnó ansin. Tá siadsan thar a bheith corraithe ó thaobh an easpa dul chun cinn.”
“Gabhaim buíochas leis an Aire. Luaigh sé An Caladh Mór agus Céibh an Chóra, agus tá an ceart aige, ach ní thuigim cad atá tarlaithe. Tá a fhios agam go bhfuil castacht i gceist. Tá a fhios agam é sin agus ní saineolaí mé ach táimid ag dul timpeall i gciorcal an t-am uilig agus ar ais arís anois go dtí an tús agus an preliminary business case. Ar a laghad tá sé ráite ag an Aire anois gur naoi mhí atá i gceist. Nine months - a woman cannot hear the words nine months but we think of a pregnancy. Hopefully, at the end of the nine months there will be a delivery of something substantial in relation to this. What is the further plan after the preliminary case is ready in nine months' time? I welcome the fact the Minister is going to take a hands-on approach.”