Darren O'Rourke
Meath East · Sinn Féin · Ireland
“It is a statement of fact that in recent years we have seen a reduced number of classroom teachers. Budget 2026 led to the removal of 498 classroom teachers, a net reduction of 381 when one looks at the gains. The year 2025-26 saw a reduction of 290 and 2024-25 a reduction of 237. That has a real impact.”
“It has created duplication, inefficiency and a barrier to our natural prosperity. It has left the North underfunded by Westminster’s austerity and battered by the chaos of Brexit while the South has suffered from a fractured market and a divided island. We are both less than we could be. Irish unity is not a burden; it is an investment.”
“I welcome the opportunity to speak on statements on the fiscal implications of Irish unity. We hear people tell us Irish unity is a cost we cannot afford but the truth of the matter is partition is the cost we have already paid for for a century and more, and it is a price that is too high.”
“I thank the Minister. She said from November that 97% of posts were filled. In real terms at the same time, 996 teaching posts were unfilled, which is almost 1,000. Figures as recent as last week tell us that over 39,000 primary school students were in classes of 30 pupils or more in the past school year.”
“Again, we have those figures from a briefing we had with the Department as recently as yesterday. It is all welcome progress but the question I am asking today is what is the unmet need as things stand? How many children do not have an offer of a school place?”
“I wish the staff and the Minister all the best for the summer. I know it will be a busy summer but I hope that everyone gets a break. I ask the Minister to state the number of children with additional needs who require but have yet to receive an offer of an appropriate school place for September 2026, based on her most recent meeting with…”
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“I welcome the opportunity to speak on this Bill and thank Deputy Bacik and the Labour Party for bringing it forward. Sinn Féin supports this legislation and any step towards ensuring that survivors of institutional abuse can finally access the justice they have been denied for so long. I welcome the visitors to the Gallery. For decades, survivors have shown immense courage in their fight for recognition and redress. They have campaigned tirelessly to break the silence of a shameful chapter in our history. Sinn Féin has consistently stood with them, as we did when we brought forward amendments to the Supports for Survivors of Residential Institutional Abuse Bill to provide for a contributory State pension, a full Health (Amendment) Act, HAA, medical card and other supports to reflect the intergenerational trauma suffered.”
“There are two major issues. One is that the planning rules and guidelines need to be improved. We have 4,000 schools in the State, and there is an ad hoc arrangement for getting access to their sporting and green spaces. This needs to be addressed.”
“Along with Sinn Féin colleagues, I met representatives of the GAA. They spoke about the report published by the GAA, No One Shouted Stop - Until Now: The GAA's Response to Ireland's Demographic Shift. This is a document about rural depopulation and rural decline. It is also directly related to massive pressure in urban areas. The representatives spoke about the need for support for balanced rural development and its inclusion in planning policy frameworks. We need to strengthen frameworks. There was a reference to Britain having a 6-acre standard, which local authorities should deliver on. In regard to delivering facilities with the OPR, I welcome this aspect. There is a need to develop an all-island sporting facilities strategy, as is zoning for sport and recreation facilities, as well as funding for sport and recreation facilities.”
“I am aware of all that detail, and it actually spells out what the problem is. That is the current state of affairs and it is not working. The Minister of State knows this as well as I do. Anyone who is a public representative, and anyone who has an interest in sport, the outdoors or building communities, knows this is not happening at a local authority level or in county development plans. Too much is dependent on a deal being made between a local community and a local developer to provide a pitch as part of a housing development. It is a nonsense. Communities are being failed as a result. In many places, the community facilities never materialise because they are promised and when the houses are delivered, the developer has left. We have to get this right. Too many communities have been failed.”
“There needs to be a policy change and a step change to empower local authorities as a matter of priority to deliver on this vital community infrastructure. Will this happen?”
“We want the sequencing of developments, meaning playing pitches, parks, playgrounds and river walks must be delivered in tandem with houses and not put on the long finger. We want funding ring-fenced from development levies and we want green and blue spaces placed on an elevated footing in our county development plans. Most importantly, we want the voice of local communities heard at every step, from design to planning to delivery. If implemented, these proposals would transform County Meath and every other county. They would help us to build communities and not just houses. They would ensure that our children have somewhere safe to play and they would give us a fighting chance of dealing with the policy failures of the past.”
“We have a siloed planning system and communities right across the State - I am talking about my constituency of Meath East and I live in one of this communities - are being failed. We are being incredibly frustrated by the lack of progress. I am frustrated because this is an issue I am passionate about. It is one I have tried to make constructive contributions about but we are seeing no progress. Along with colleagues, I launched Delivering Liveable Urban Spaces, Sinn Féin's policy document, alongside our proposal for a dedicated public park, green space and woodland fund, which we call Ciste Beithe. Our proposals are clear and practical and the Government should listen to them.”
“The people of Meath lived up to their side of the agreement. They bought houses, raised families and built communities but local and central government failed to live up to their side. The Minister of State in his response will likely point to the planning and development Acts, development plans, guidelines for planning authorities, the sustainable residential development and compact settlement guidelines and probably to other planning Acts because we have asked these questions previously. The fact of the matter is that it is not happening. The parks, pitches and playgrounds are not being delivered. The truth is when we ask who is responsible for making it happen we get pointed to somebody else or we get a blank response.”
“I thank the Ceann Comhairle's office for selecting this matter for debate. It is something I am very interested in and is something that communities across the State and in my constituency are very interested in. They struggle to understand why we cannot do better on it. It is about access to playing pitches, playgrounds and public green space. In my home county of Meath during the 20 years between 1996 and 2016 the population significantly increased and it continued in this vein until 2022, which is the latest census we have. There are thousands of houses but parks, playgrounds and public playing pitches did not materialise. The truth is that our communities were failed and continue to be failed. During the Celtic tiger developer-led construction and poor planning meant we got dense residential estates but zero public green space.”
“That is a strategic vulnerability, and this Government has entrenched it rather than fixed it. This move would further entrench it. Sinn Féin has a better vision. We want to achieve energy independence through renewables which are publicly-owned and community-owned, and serving the common good. We want to follow countries like Spain, Norway and Denmark, which insulated their citizens from crises through public investment. If this facility must go ahead, then it must be strictly State-led, fully transparent and subject to democratic oversight. It must not be a backdoor for commercial LNG or an excuse to hike bills further. The State must lead and the people must come first.”
“Ordinary workers and families are already struggling with the cost of living, and Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael want to add a new tax to their bills to pay for their failures. This is simply unacceptable. The Government will tell us this is necessary for our N-1 gas reserve criteria but the reality is that we are in this position because this Government has failed to develop our indigenous renewable resources. Ireland has 640 GW of untapped offshore wind potential. How much of it has been delivered? The answer is zero. We actually have less now than we had 20 years ago, such is the level of incompetence. The Government talks a big game but it is all hot air. Projects in the pipeline have not even broken ground. We are one of the most fossil fuel-dependent countries in Europe, importing 94% of our energy from fossil fuels.”
“This legislation is not fit for purpose. It disapplies the planning Act, strips local communities of their democratic rights and treats people with contempt. By removing normal planning safeguards, this Government is guaranteeing one thing: legal challenges and further delays. The Bill rolls out the red carpet to commercial LNG. The 2023 energy security review recommended a State-led facility as a strategic reserve, and it set out specific conditions. This legislation ignores those conditions. It allows private commercial developers to bypass the rules to which everybody else must adhere. Why is this? It is to impress international developers and not to serve the Irish people. This Bill will hike up household bills. The estimated €60 million annual running costs will be socialised through a levy on energy bills.”
“Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael have been in government for over a decade. They have had years to secure our energy future, yet they have failed. They have squandered our renewable potential and left us dangerously overexposed to volatile international markets and geopolitical conflict. We saw this during the invasion of Ukraine, and we are seeing it again now. Families and workers are left paying extortionate energy bills because this Government refused to plan. Now, in a panic, it is asking us to spend €1 billion to fix a crisis of its own making. Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael cannot be trusted on energy security because they do not treat it as a public good; they treat it as a corporate commodity. Sinn Féin believes that the answer to Ireland’s energy security must be State-led and guided by the public interest and not the corporate bottom line.”
“This Bill is an important step but it is really important to get it right. I appeal to the Minister of State to work with the Opposition to ensure that happens.”
“Sinn Féin advocates for strong protections to ensure technological advancements do not erode workers' rights, safety or employment security. We must also look at the bigger picture. Sinn Féin has serious concerns about the direction of travel at EU level. The digital omnibus package significantly weakens broader AI regulations and I am proud to say our MEPs voted accordingly. We will not accept a future where safeguards are traded away in the name of simplification and where the primary focus is on facilitating innovation, profits or competition between tech bros to the neglect of fundamental rights. The drive for competitiveness cannot come at the cost of our citizens' safety. The Government must stand firm against any efforts to dilute protections. There are real questions in that regard.”
“New and stronger legislation may be necessary to ensure that AI systems process data in a lawful, fair and transparent manner. There must be proactive delivery of public information and education. We need to ensure AI is inclusive and accessible for everyone. Public campaigns, online tutorials and the education system must inform citizens about how to use AI in a safe and appropriate manner. The rights of children and young people need to come first. Operators must ensure their platforms account for child safety and protection. There must be engagement with people with disabilities and supports for older people navigating technological developments. Adoption of AI comes with the danger of job losses, which we are already seeing in manufacturing, technology and finance.”
“There is a need for improvement and enhancement of every aspect of the Bill. The Oireachtas AI committee has argued that the EU AI Act must be treated as the minimum legislative requirement, not the ceiling. As AI development moves much faster than legislation, the Government must be able to combat negative developments in a swift manner. We need regular monitoring of AI systems to ensure illegal activity, inequality, bias and discrimination can be detected and removed. That will protect citizens' rights where AI is used in decision-making, where deepfake images are circulated and when AI is used for the delivery of public services. It will ensure that racial, gender or socio-economic discrimination is prevented. GDPR and copyright legislation must continue to apply to AI.”
“We must ensure that technological advancement does not come at the expense of the rights and dignity of our citizens, particularly our most vulnerable and especially children. When we talk about vulnerable groups, we are talking about real people, including young girls whose images are stolen and manipulated, women whose career and reputation can be destroyed by a single malicious deepfake image and members of minority communities that are already disproportionately targeted by disinformation and algorithmic bias. These are not abstract risks. They are present dangers that require an immediate and robust response. The Bill before us introduces enforcement powers. It will allow regulators to issue contravention notices requiring compliance, withdrawal, recall or destruction of AI systems.”
“While the Government did not oppose our Bill, it remains to be seen whether it will match our and others' commitment to this measure with meaningful action. The message must be made clear that creating such material is illegal. A zero-tolerance approach to violence against women and children means taking action when new threats emerge, not waiting for harm to be done before we intervene. The victims of such attacks deserve more than sympathy. They deserve justice. The State's approach to AI regulation cannot simply be reactive. The Government cannot afford to wait for a scandal to force its hand. For Sinn Féin, the focus is clear. Safety, ethics and fundamental rights must be central to the design of our regulatory framework.”
“It is our duty to do both and to do so with foresight and determination. The Grok scandal some months ago, where generative AI was used to create non-consensual sexualised deepfake images of thousands of Irish women and children, was a watershed moment. It was not an event that could not be predicated. Rather, it was a direct consequence of a regulatory vacuum and the failure of successive Governments to act with the vigilance and urgency the situation demanded. The scandal exposed a profound failure to protect citizens from the predatory usage of AI. What happened was not a glitch or accident and it certainly was not acceptable. Sinn Féin brought forward legislation to close the loophole in Coco's Law by explicitly criminalising the generation of non-consensual intimate deepfake imagery.”
“Along with my colleagues in Sinn Féin, we will chart our own way forward on this legislation but I am flagging these issues at this Stage because they are concerns that immediately are apparent to me and I know others have raised, and will raise, similar concerns. We in Sinn Féin recognise the immense potential of artificial intelligence. The benefits are there to see, including automation of repetitive tasks, improved accuracy in data analytics, enhanced healthcare outcomes and increased productivity. The potential at least is there for those outcomes to be achieved. However, we are equally, if not more, aware of AI's profound capacity for harm. Those aspects are very apparent and have already been seen. This is not a choice between embracing the future and protecting our citizens.”
“There are also very real concerns in relation to child protection. Children are a vulnerable group and there is concern to ensure their fundamental rights are protected. It was frustrating for the members of the AI committee that we were not more central to the design of this legislation. However, we have an opportunity now to discuss it. Concerns were raised about the independence of the AI office and how it will be constituted. I am open to discussion on this but I still question the influence of the Minister, the role of the Department and the potential for executive overreach.”
“I ask that the Minister of State engage with the Opposition on the Bill as it goes through the Houses because there are opportunities for improvement to every aspect of it, to put it mildly. Fundamentally, I would argue that it prioritises economic competitiveness over the protection of fundamental rights. It is important that we get the Bill right. There are systemic gaps in the regulatory architecture. The enforcement regime is not what it needs to be. The AI office needs to be more than a single point of contact. I know from different iterations of the Bill and pre-legislative scrutiny that some surveillance powers or duties were not included. Regarding the enforcement regime and its funding and resourcing, there is a deep concern that we will end up with a regime that is incredibly fragmented and impossible to navigate.”
“I welcome the opportunity to speak on the Regulation of Artificial Intelligence Bill 2026. It represents a significant step in establishing the institutional and enforcement framework for the EU AI Act in Ireland. It creates a new AI regulator as an independent statutory body and establishes the supervisory powers and penalty regime we need to meet our obligation to have an operational regulatory framework in place by 2 August. That deadline falls during our EU Presidency. As a digital regulatory hub, it is essential that we demonstrate our commitment to online safety. Let me be clear from the outset. The Bill is the absolute minimum required. Meeting the deadline is not the same as meeting the moment.”
“Now that we have the EU asylum and migration pact there needs to be particular recognition and consideration of the Border with the North and the common travel area. Has the Taoiseach discussed or considered how those asylum and migration systems will work North-South and east-west? Are there plans for improved co-operation?”
“Last week, we read headlines such as "No improvement to water quality standards in 2025 - EPA" and "Ireland’s ‘best rivers’ continue to deteriorate in water quality". I will raise the specific issue of combined sewer systems. In many of our urban areas, these are a particular contributor to deterioration in water quality. In these systems, wastewater and surface water are combined. The EPA has a programme to address this issue but it is not ambitious enough. Significantly increased investment is needed in the town of Kells in County Meath to rehabilitate its sewers through this combined sewer programme.”
“The overall numbers waiting have more than doubled from 734 to 1,565. These are the most severe cases representing those most in need. The waiting lists are absolutely obscene. Will the Minister of State please do something about them?”
“I called about four years ago to see why he still hasn't been called and they said that due to Covid, everything was delayed. It's an absolute joke. A parent wrote to me: "My daughter is 13 and has never been called to see a HSE dentist and is starting secondary school in September." Another parent told me of a daughter who is 15 and had her first HSE check-up eight weeks ago. That is the pattern not just across my constituency but across the State. The figures provided by Deputy Cullinane comparing waiting lists in quarter 1 of 2026 with quarter 1 of 2021 are absolutely stark. The number of orthodontic patients at grade 5 waiting more than 48 months, or four years, significantly increased between 2021 and this year from 180 to 250. We can only imagine the pain those children are suffering.”
“I thank Deputy Cullinane for bringing forward this important motion. We need action on this issue. A number of parents in my constituency of Meath East have written to me. I was told about a 12-year-old in Dunshaughlin who has never been called to the HSE dentist. One wrote: "My daughter is 11 and has not been called for any HSE dental services at all." A parent wrote about a son, who is 12 this year, who has never been called. Another parent wrote: My son is 12, nearly 13, just about to finish in primary school and has never been called to be seen by a HSE dentist. Obviously, I have gone private and paid myself but it is a totally different experience to my daughter, who is 12 years older and got all her checks through the HSE.”
“Sinn Féin will work constructively with the Government to ensure this happens and hold the Minister to account on these fundamental points.”
“An essential goal of this evaluation must be to minimise noise impact on existing neighbours and nearby residents. Communities in places like Ratoath, Ashbourne and St. Margaret's and the Ward are being ignored and left in the dark. They are facing unauthorised flight paths, sleepless nights and, in some cases, worse. There is a better way to do things. Local experts have gone a long way towards spelling that out. The Minister must insist on action in this regard. That is what our amendment will seek to achieve. Everyone can recognise that Dublin Airport is a vital national asset, but it cannot be treated as a law unto itself. Growth must be planned, transparent and mindful of the families who live in the airport's shadow.”
“Second, the Minister should take the opportunity to improve aviation sector governance in the Bill. Sinn Féin will push for a review of the structure and operation of the Aircraft Noise Competent Authority to be completed within 12 months. If the airport is to grow, we need a regulator that is truly independent and robust enough to perform its duties and protect local residents. Currently, the body being regulated, the DAA, is responsible for collecting and collating data, including complaints data. This is an anomaly that has eroded public trust and it must be changed. Third, and crucially, we need an independent evaluation of the airport's flight paths. This evaluation must be completed within nine months and present proposals for alternative routes.”
“First, the Minister must ensure that the commencement of this Bill is contingent upon a comprehensive and independent assessment of the economic implications of lifting the cap, modelled on CE Delft analysis for Schiphol Airport. The model is there. The assessment must look beyond balance sheets. It must consider the impacts on health, housing, education, water, transport and the social fabric of our communities. It must also look at the impact of lifting the cap on other airports and regional and local economies on the island, and aviation policy more generally. As the UN special rapporteur on the right to help the environment noted during her visit to Ireland, "urgency cannot justify bypassing our obligation to undertake comprehensive ... assessments". The Minister should not ignore that advice.”
“I welcome the opportunity to speak on this Bill. Dublin Airport is incredibly important strategic infrastructure for the island of Ireland. Sinn Féin does not oppose the lifting of the passenger cap in and of itself. We acknowledge the existing cap is no longer fit for purpose and we committed in our 2024 general election manifesto to address that. However, the Bill before us risks rushing headlong into expansion without a proper assessment or plan for the consequences. It fails to meet the basic test of sustainability and, very disappointingly, it seems to ignore many of the substantial recommendations from pre-legislative scrutiny. As a result, Sinn Féin will table amendments on Committee Stage. I will now outline three of these.”
“We must also ensure the drugs reimbursement system is fair, transparent, accountable and commands public confidence. That is why I am proud Sinn Féin Healthcare (Transparent Payments) Bill 2022 which I cosponsored with colleagues will go to Second Stage next week. This Bill is about ensuring integrity in our health service. It will require pharmaceutical companies to declare all payments and transfers of value to healthcare professionals and organisations, ending the current inadequate voluntary system and bringing Ireland in line with international best practice. An estimated 300,000 people are waiting for action. They need timely diagnoses, access to medicines and a system they can trust. We must deliver for them.”
“I welcome the Minister's commitment to a review and the additional capacity in the system. A tracking system was committed to which must be delivered on. Importantly, there is a commitment in the programme for Government to try to ensure early access. Government must ensure early access happens. I acknowledge the pilot but while pilots are something, they are by their very nature exclusive. I noted the Minister's comments early on Skyclarys for Friedreich's ataxia. She has to know time is of the essence and every day counts. It is similar for boys with Duchenne muscular dystrophy. I welcome recent developments with respect to accessing givinostat but I implore the Minister and the Government to maintain momentum until every child who would benefit from that drug has access to it.”
“I welcome the opportunity to speak today. An estimated 300,000 people in Ireland live with a rare disease. Too often, they are faced with years of uncertainty, navigating a fragmented system. This must change. The national rare disease strategy is welcome and provides a framework but it must be properly funded and implemented. It promises integrated life-course care pathways, expanded newborn screening and wraparound supports. To deliver this, the Government must deliver the necessary funding. The development of diagnostic, critical specialist and general multidisciplinary capacity must be a priority. It is still the case that access to life-changing drugs is far too slow. Government must deliver on its own commitments in the programme for Government.”
“There should be a detailed review of this service, the Dublin to Ratoath via Ashbourne corridor. It is hugely important and very popular. Lots of people want to use the bus but are not getting the opportunity of a reliable service.”
“It is very common. Across the political spectrum, local representatives at Oireachtas level and local authority level have met the NTA and Bus Éireann but it is like we are banging our heads off a wall. That is why I am raising this specific route here today. Considerable residential development is happening in Ashbourne and Ratoath and it is welcome but these services are not fit for purpose. If the Minister of State has this information I would appreciate it and if he does not I ask him to send it on to me. He has acknowledged that there are failures in these services. Has Bus Éireann been fined in relation to this and, if so, to what extent? It is important that the Minister of State puts the focus on this. There is a review of the Navan-Dublin bus corridor.”
“The bus due at Harts Corner at 17:10 is usually a coach, what's the point in that? [...] There are only so many times an employer is going to listen to the excuse, the bus was cancelled or full. What do we say to these constituents? What does the Minister of State say to them?”
“As I said, there is not a day passes that constituents do not raise concerns in relation to the service. Sometimes it is better to use their words rather than mine. I will give an example from the last 24 hours. To Whom it may Concern, I am writing this email as i am so disappointed and disgusted with the Bus Eireann service Ratoath/Ashbourne to Dublin. Number 103. I have lived in Ashbourne since 2004 and now in 2026 the bus service is worse than it was 22 years ago. How is that possible? Constantly late, no shows, the last few weeks there have been buses cancelled both ways, no explanation given and the notice given for the cancellation maybe less than 20 mins. When i am trying to get home from work i get on at Harts Corner, the buses are usually full and don't stop, especially when schools and colleges are open.”
“I want to ask about the measures being taken to address the deteriorating service on the 103 bus route serving areas including Ashbourne and Ratoath to and from Dublin. There is huge frustration about the services. Not a day passes without constituents raising concerns about the service, not just to me but also to Government colleagues in Meath and in Meath East. We need improvement on these services.”
“Payment of the TV licence fee has collapsed. Fewer than 300,000 licences have been sold so far this year. It is a significant drop on last year. It is no surprise that far fewer people are willing to pay the licence fee. People are turned off by the financial scandals at RTÉ, the waste of public money, the culture of arrogance and the lack of accountability. We need vibrant, diverse and financially sustainable public media in Ireland but the funding model, through the TV licence, is broken. People are voting with their feet. It is time to scrap the TV licence. It is time for a modern funding model that strengthens public broadcasting and builds a thriving, secure and independent media sector in Ireland. Will the Government deliver that?”
“They engaged in good faith and outlined their particular circumstances but it is more than ten working days later and they have had no response from the Department. That has to change. When will the sanction letters for the home-based programme be issued to give people a clear indication that they can go about making arrangements?”
“I would be interested to know the numbers. I recognise they have been increasing year on year. My understanding from replies to parliamentary question that I have received from the Department is that the budget has increased but it has not increased in the past two years and has been static. I know there were 1,800 schools and 71,000 children last year. How many schools and children are there this year? Will the Minister of State indicate whether more schools will participate this year and whether more children will be accommodated? I know many schools are engaging in the appeals process. I implore the Minister of State to ensure timely responses. I am dealing with a number of schools that have appealed.”
“In some cases, tutors, teachers and SNAs are only available in the month of June. Their own children are at primary school and they are working in secondary schools, so they have the flexibility in the month of June that they do not have in July and August. These children are going to miss out on the summer programme as a result of these delays. What is going on? Can the Minister of State urgently address those deficiencies?”
“It wants to roll out a literacy and numeracy camp but will have to exclude children with additional needs because of the lack of SNA allocation. This is one very important issue that I want addressed by the Minister of State. The other is the home-based programme. There is an absolute delay in sanctioning this to the extent that children, particularly secondary school children but also some in primary, might not get the opportunity at all. We know that in previous years the sanction happened way earlier. We are now running towards the end of June, and this has not been sanctioned. Schools that applied earlier in the year were told that it would be late May or early June before they would get the sanction letters but they are now told it will be the end of June.”
“I am hearing this from school communities and parents across the length the breadth of Ireland. A thread running through all of the complaints is that an entirely different approach is being taken now by the Department regarding SNA allocation. I have specific examples. In County Offaly, a school does tremendous work in special education and has an above-circular allocation in recognition of the complex needs in the school. It has nine SNAs but has been told it will have six for the summer programme. In Trim, a school with a tremendous track record in special education has 18 SNAs but has been told it has 12 for the summer programme. This means that children with additional and complex needs will be locked out of the scheme. There is another case in a DEIS school in County Cavan.”
“The level of support provided by the summer programme and its recognised benefits are very clear. It is recognised by school communities, parents and children themselves. There is increasing demand for the programme and, in recent years, an increased number of places have been provided. However, very real problems have been identified this year. Something different is happening in the administration of the scheme this year. In some cases, this means that children who were intended to benefit from the programme now will not. I have my suspicions about what is going on here. We all hear about the budgetary challenges in the Department. I believe they are at play here. We raised the issue of the very narrow application window, which the Department revisited, and that was welcome.”
“I raise the issue of givinostat. I know it has been raised repeatedly but there was a packed audiovisual room briefing. There was welcome news on it yesterday. This is givinostat for Duchenne muscular dystrophy. It was recommended for reimbursement by the HSE drugs group and it is with the senior leadership team now. There are two specific asks I wish to raise with the Minister. First, this process must happen speedily. These children still do not have access to this drug, and they need access to it. Every day counts. The second ask is an important one. When it is recommended and reimbursed, it must be consistent with the National Institute for Health and Care Excellence, NICE, guidelines in Britain so that everyone who can stand or walk, with or without support, is included in the scheme. That is an important point.”