Duncan Smith
Dublin Fingal East · Labour Party · Ireland
“That is three separate roads that are all in one network and are all closed or heavily restricted because of these works happening at the same time. This is impacting thousands of existing residents, and will do so for a significant period. The works are happening and the homes are being built.”
“We have a very small wastewater treatment plant that has been there for 40 or 50 years and which serviced a much smaller town. It is currently being retrofitted and upgraded, but those works are being delayed.”
“I thank Minister of State, Deputy Harkin, for taking this debate late on a Thursday evening, on the last sitting day of this term. I would like to talk about the town of Swords in north County Dublin.”
“We do not have enough schools and we have a wastewater treatment plant that is absolutely buckling under the pressure. We welcome the houses. There were no mass protests about housing development in Swords. The majority of people who live there moved there, like myself, in the past 20 years and love living there.”
“I know you cannot make an omelette without cracking a few eggs, but there is a disconnect in the planning of these projects that is causing havoc in Swords. We have a massive issue with our bus network, from bus stops to bus services, and again, we do not have a rail link yet.”
“I thank the Minister of State for her response, which speaks to the issue I am raising. Again, she will sense the tone in which I am raising it. There is an awful lot happening and being built, but it is the co-ordination of these works that is the problem.”
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“I would openly label the national gender health service as wholly inadequate in its delivery of services, and that is being polite. The reality is that the inadequate access to healthcare that trans people in this country are getting is only compounding the existing challenges they face and perpetuating the cycle of marginalisation that they unfairly and unnecessarily have to endure. There is international best practice that we could be following. WHO guidelines are there for a reason and it is a choice not to follow them. People in our medical system can be brilliant. Indeed, they are fantastic people but the system is not delivering for the people who need care.”
“When I raised this issue with the previous Minister for Health, Stephen Donnelly, he agreed with the view that creating a model of care without involving the people directly impacted is neither best practice nor logical but that is what happened with the trans community. Its members have not been listened to or engaged with properly in terms of what is best for them in the context of their own healthcare. We say, and it is Government policy, that ultimately the State aims to introduce universal healthcare through Sláintecare. One of the most important pull factors towards a universal healthcare system is equality of the care that is provided. A model of care in a universal system that does not hold closely the value of equality is not worth delivering. We have serious concerns about how transgender healthcare is delivered.”
“In an era when we are trying to decongregate and decentralise and have healthcare in the community for every person and group in society, why are trans people being dealt with differently? Why are we centralising everything through the national gender service at Loughlinstown? Why can trans people not go to their GP, like the rest of us can, and get the healthcare or the direction they need? The statistics back up this motion and show that trans healthcare in Ireland is consistently ranked as the worst in Europe. There are over 2,000 people on a waiting list. Quite frankly, it is absolutely shameful.”
“I am delighted that we are able to bring this motion to the House today. As the Labour Party health spokesperson in the last Dáil, I was privileged to receive a number of briefings and to speak to members of the trans community, a community that is so often talked about but never listened to and a community that is attacked by presidents, authors, writers and other privileged people in this world. Trans people are used as a wedge in a culture war that they want no part of. When we listen to the trans community, as we are attempting to do, what do they tell us they want? They want healthcare in their own community, which is what any group or individual would want and what any citizen deserves. That is what they want.”
“The Sudanese people deserve peace, dignity and the chance to rebuild their lives and to know the world has not abandoned them.”
“Children are dying before their parents' eyes and families are fleeing or attempting to flee besieged cities and towns with just the clothes they have on their backs. Entire communities are being erased by violence, starvation and disease. Despite the efforts taking place, the world is not doing enough and not acting with the urgency this crisis demands. Ireland's voice, people in this House, our diplomatic corps, every sinew we can strain diplomatically and internationally must be calling for a durable and just peace in Sudan. Ultimately, resolving the conflict requires significant and sustained political will and a clear voice for peace. The people of Sudan need that voice now. I hope the Dáil will commit today to continue to work and support our diplomatic corps in doing what it can in the EU, United Nations and beyond.”
“Our work as a member of the Sudan core group in Geneva, which succeeded in ensuring the adoption of a resolution on the situation of El Fasher at the special session of the Human Rights Council on 14 November, which requested the fact-finding mission to conduct an urgent inquiry into the violations and abuses of international human rights and humanitarian law committed in and around El Fasher, is a positive step. It is also a very real example of our diplomats and our diplomatic power at work. We can effect change through our diplomatic corps. Its members do an amazing job. They are anonymous to the public and to many of us in this Chamber but they are the ones who exercise Ireland’s real soft and deliberate power in this area. However, it is just one step of many more we must continue with. Millions of people are fighting for survival.”
“The role we played in the formulation of the EU 27 statement issued by the EU High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy on the atrocities perpetrated by the RSF, including following the seizure of the city of El Fasher, is also welcome. While I was unable to make this morning’s briefing from the Department of foreign affairs, to my regret, due to commitments at the Business Committee, I was glad to read of the Government’s commitment to pushing for peace in the region.”
“They are sharing our towns, contributing to our communities and working in our hospitals and communities, and they deserve our support. We should listen to what our neighbours are saying. Crises that are invisible to the world become impossible to solve. Sudan has suffered from a lack of global attention. It has been overshadowed by other conflicts and political priorities. The reality is the lack of scrutiny on what has happened in Sudan does not make its suffering vanish, it only facilitates its growth. Everyone in this Chamber needs to speak with greater clarity and urgency. It is welcome that Ireland successfully called for Sudan to be placed on the agenda at this month’s EU Foreign Affairs Council where restrictive measures against senior RSF commanders were adopted.”
“The world has seen too many conflicts where atrocities are committed without consequences. We see too many conflicts happening today. Violations of international human rights law occur when civilians are targeted, aid is blocked or weaponised, and entire communities are uprooted or massacred. Those responsible must know that they will be held to account. The ICJ has already ruled that war crimes have taken place. How many times will we allow the perpetrator of war crimes to escape the consequences? Fourth, we must raise public awareness. The Sudanese community in Ireland is demonstrating on O'Connell Street and on the streets of other cities and towns where they live, highlighting what is going on in their country. They are our fellow citizens here - for those who have taken citizenship - and they are sharing our space.”
“Second, we must firmly and consistently call for a ceasefire - not a temporary or symbolic cessation of hostilities, but a sustained and monitored commitment to end this conflict. Every day we delay, lives are lost in a conflict that has already claimed 150,000 victims. That is a conservative estimate. A ceasefire is essential to help create humanitarian corridors to allow agencies to reach those who are starving and to provide civilians with the opportunity for safety and stability. Ireland must work with partners in the region, and support partners in the region and the broader international community, to help build diplomatic pressure on the warring parties. A fragmented approach will fail, as we have seen time and again. Third, we must push for accountability.”
“The common narrative here is that Trump's America is the only state in the developed world that is cutting overseas development aid. However, in Trump's shadow, so are a lot of our European allies. We are not, nor should we, and we should be commended for that, but we should also be striving and pushing forward. The recent allocation of €3 million in funding, from which €1.5 million was reallocated to the Sudan humanitarian fund, which is managed by the UNOCHA, again shows our commitment to the United Nations, and €1.5 million to support the work of the UNHCR is an acknowledgement of the need for decisive action, but it should also be a step on which further steps should follow. Ireland has a respected voice in humanitarian aid. It is often trotted out that we punch above our weight, but that is because it is true. We can lead.”
“The conflict has destabilised the Horn of Africa and threatens to destabilise regions far beyond. Sudan sits at a strategic crossroads politically, geographically and economically. We know all that, but that is not at the core of why we need to act now. We need to act because millions are starving and the violence is growing. When the state collapses, extremism spreads, and that is what we are seeing. What can we do? First, we must support a substantial increase in humanitarian assistance and work out ways in which we can deliver it. I welcome the funding that we have already given, which amounts to a total support to the people of Sudan in 2025 of €14.3 million. Ireland stands apart and separate - proudly so - from an awful lot of our European Union partner states, who are either freezing foreign aid or reducing it.”
“In just one area of the capital, more than 5,000 cases of malaria, typhoid and dengue fever occurred just a short few weeks ago, accompanied by dozens of deaths. Cholera, measles and other very preventable diseases are now commonplace due to the lack of clean water and the collapse of sanitation and basic healthcare systems. The situation is beyond dire. While we are getting some images out of Sudan, we are not getting enough. We are getting satellite footage of mass graves and intelligence reports of what is going on but such is the constrictor-like grip that these forces have over their areas, we are not seeing what is actually going on. We can take it that the numbers are being underreported and that the conflict and violence are at a level that is much worse than we are seeing.”
“The people of Sudan deserve our solidarity as much as the people who are suffering in Gaza, Ukraine and all over the world do. That is the bargain with which the Irish people stand and it cuts through geography, colour and creed. If you are suffering, dying or the victim of war, then the Irish people will stand with you and the Irish Government needs to back that up. Analysis shows that roughly 21.2 million people are living in Sudan and 45% of the population are facing high levels of acute food insecurity. Famine conditions are ongoing in El Fasher in North Darfur and Kadugli in South Kordofan. Humanitarian access is being restricted or, indeed, weaponised, which brings us back to the point about the politicisation of humanitarian aid delivery. Disease is spreading rapidly.”
“The violence, including sexual-based violence, is of such an horrific degree in Sudan that the suffering is at a level that is almost unimaginable. That is why we in the global north need to react in the strongest possible terms. For that reason, it is disappointing that the motion agreed in the European Parliament did not include the calling out of the UAE's role. I ask the Minister of State, Deputy Feighan, to bring that back through his line Minister to their party group in the EU. Ireland has long stood for the rule of international law, strong humanitarian principles and the protection of civilians in conflict. Those values cannot and should not be selective. They cannot apply in some regions and not in others.”
“That is nowhere more the case at this precise moment in time than in Sudan, where millions of Sudanese civilians are facing starvation, disease and relentless violence. To cite a research group from Yale, the violence is at a velocity not seen since Rwanda. Those of us in this country who are old enough to remember the genocide in Rwanda in 1994 will recall the work of Ireland and our amazing transformative President, Mary Robinson, at that time who highlighted what was going on in that country. It sends chills and shivers down my spine that, in 2025, we are seeing similar levels of catastrophic violence against all civilians, but in particular the impact on women and young girls, who suffer most in all conflicts. That is another point on which I agree with the emphasis of the Minister and the previous speaker from Sinn Féin.”
“I was taken with something the Minister of State, Deputy Richmond, said this morning during foreign policy questions on Sudan. He said that this had been the worst year for humanitarian aid workers in terms of deaths and violence against them. It is no coincidence that the politicisation of humanitarian aid and its delivery go hand in hand with ensuring safe conditions under which humanitarian aid workers operate. We know those conditions have deteriorated to the point where too many are losing their lives or finding themselves caught up in warfare. That is a key part of the Minister's statement with which I fundamentally agree, namely, the need to depoliticise humanitarian aid and provision of humanitarian support.”
“This is a crucial demand of the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats group, as credible investigations have indicated that external actors, notably networks operating from and through the United Arab Emirates, have supported the RSF through financing and arms supply, thereby violating the UN embargo and EU restrictive measures. This is not unimportant. In her statement, the Minister spoke a number of times about the Quad as a group of states that are trying to broker a peace here, but the United Arab Emirates are part of the Quad and, as such, are a barrier to providing a trusted solution that can deliver peace. It feels as if we are a long way from peace at this point, as the conflict is escalating. The scale of conflicts happening all over the world at this moment is simply horrific.”
“However, the text omits some of the key reasons and actors responsible for this conflict which have been deliberately left out by the European People's Party - a fraternal group of the Minister's party in the European Parliament - and the far right. Again, unfortunately, we see the main grouping in the European Parliament, the grouping of which Fine Gael is a member, again finding themselves in problematic, to say the least, positional, policy and moral territory when it comes to humanitarian rights, conflict and war. Our group deplores that the resolution fails to explicitly mention the United Arab Emirates and its role in fuelling the war in Sudan.”
“The Labour Party was calling for this debate for the last few weeks through the Business Committee, along with others. I am happy we are having it today. I also commend the majority of the Minister's statement on this. It was detailed and contained more additional policy coherence in relation to Sudan than we have seen to this point. In that regard, it is interesting to note that the European Parliament today adopted a joint motion for a resolution on the escalation of the war and the humanitarian catastrophe in Sudan. The Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats group, of which my party is a member, voted in favour of this resolution giving the need for a strong message to the Sudanese people condemning the violence in El Fasher and across the country and urging robust action to stop the war.”
“As Ministers and NewERA have no authority to disregard the rules of the scheme, why is it taking so long to approve the increases and will the Tánaiste give an unequivocal undertaking that pensioners will receive their increases before Christmas?”
“The Tánaiste has a pensions double-header coming up from the Labour Party here. I will be returning to the issue of the An Post pensioners. The Tánaiste will be aware that, in September of this year, An Post management agreed with the Communications Workers' Union, CWU, an increase of pensionable pay by 7%, with 6% backdated to 1 January and 1% to 1 June. The current code of practice for the governance of State bodies requires An Post to obtain ministerial approval before paying the increases mandated by the superannuation scheme rules and for Ministers to consider a review by NewERA before approving the increase. This completely unnecessary review process has been underway since 23 October.”
“However, does he think there will be greater visibility on how that scheme will look maybe this side of Christmas or are we looking at the first few weeks of January? That is my follow-up question.”
“I thank the Minister of State for his detailed and very clear response in relation to this. As he articulated, the storms caused unprecedented damage, felling tens of thousands of hectares, wiping out years of growth and inflicting huge economic losses. There is encouragement in the Minister of State's response. An estimated 26,000 ha of forest has been felled or destroyed, impacting the long-term investment income retirement security of many foresters. They have been severely eroded. The Minister of State can understand that many of them are looking for urgent clarity. I know he said it will be in the coming weeks. I am not trying to pin him down too much because his response was detailed, and I think it will give an awful lot of encouragement.”
“That is a really good assessment. It is unfathomable and difficult. As complex as any conflict is, sometimes such as in relation to Russia and Ukraine, it is clear who the aggressor is. It is clear who we are supporting and what side we are on. It is far more complex in Sudan with the nature of the belligerents, both the short and long history of conflict there and the nature of the type of violence itself. There are no easy answers here and Ireland certainly does not have the capacity on its own to solve this humanitarian crisis and bring it to an end. We must ensure that people in Sudan and the Sudanese people who are here know that the Irish Parliament, Government and State are doing everything we can with our allies and partner states to try to end the violence and the humanitarian disaster taking place.”
“We have spent the last hour and a half here talking about, among other things, the illegal war in Ukraine and the ongoing tragedy and crisis in Palestine and Gaza, which are not insignificant by any means, but we need to do everything we can with our partners in the EU and the United Nations to ensure Sudan gets the attention it needs and deserves to bring the war, violence and killing to an end.”
“I thank the Minister of State for his response. It is clear to me that Ireland is taking this very seriously and is acting in our capacity, as much as we can, to support what is a very complex situation. I read one article that said the history of war in Sudan has both a long history and a short history, and both are very complicated. The numbers the Minister of State articulated in his response are absolutely astronomical. The velocity of violence taking place there is almost beyond comprehension.”
“I thank the Cathaoirleach Gníomhach. I am very thankful we are having statements on Sudan this afternoon. This question was submitted in advance of knowing that. I am looking for any update or information to the Minister can provide the House with in regard to what we are doing as a State in humanitarian terms to help alleviate, tackle, better understand or deal with the genocide, travesty and violence that is taking place in Sudan.”
“Notwithstanding the short time she has been in the job, this is the only new legislation that has come through the foreign affairs brief this year. It is not a small Bill. It has been well aired. The Minister spoke about it in the national media this year as a member of the Government. At this stage, the people of Ireland and Opposition TDs need more certainty in respect of timelines. It is not good enough for the Minister to say that the legal advice is going to come soon. We would like timelines for where it is going to happen. What are the issues in relation to the legal uncertainty? The Minister mentioned last week that she may have to have discussions with American politicians. I would like more clarity on her plans in that regard. It feels as if this legislation is being delayed unduly, with a wall of silence at this point.”
“On the economic impact side, we are awaiting a report from the Department of foreign affairs. Has the Minister set a deadline for when that report will be delivered to her? What pressure is she putting on the Department of foreign affairs in that regard?”
“Pre-legislative scrutiny ended on 31 July and a report was delivered. On 2 October in this Chamber, the previous Minister for foreign affairs said it was his expectation that the Bill would be before the Dáil by the end of November. Today is the last sitting day of November, so that is obviously not happening. Between 2 October and now, what has happened and what has changed? The Minister said in her initial contribution that there remained legal uncertainty. What work is the Attorney General doing to unravel that legal uncertainty? Has the Minister set a deadline for when she wishes to receive legal certainty on services? We believe there is legal certainty, and this was well-aired and demonstrated during the pre-legislative scrutiny stage. This feels as if it is being delayed unduly.”
“I genuinely wish the Minister, Deputy McEntee, all the best in her new role. I am sure the experience gained in her previous Ministry in European affairs will be a great grounding for the work she has ahead. My question is seeking an update on the prohibition of settlement goods Bill, which has been the primary Bill in terms of the public's attention during this calendar year. It has been on the books for seven years in some form. I would love an update to see how it is progressing.”
“The Labour Party, and I am sure others in opposition, have little faith that this approach will be taken given the actions, motions and direction this Government is taking. It is bringing Ireland to a more dangerous and unsympathetic country with less compassion. It is not the Ireland I want to live in.”
“That is an Ireland I did not think existed last year, the year before or the year before that, but it is certainly the Ireland of November 2025, the Ireland this Government is shaping with its policies and actions. This Government should choose to lead and to proactively put forward a case for migration that not only acknowledges the positive impacts that it has had on this country, but that also acknowledges the realities. That would be an approach that recognises that immigration to this country is overwhelmingly regular migration, with international protection accounting for one in ten migrants. It would be an approach that would leave the tough-guy posturing at the door and an abandonment of mean-spirited efforts such as the Minister's proposed changes to citizenship and family reunification rules.”
“The Government's actions are having a very real impact. Two days ago, I spoke to a young woman who came to this country eight years ago to flee persecution for being a member of the LGBTQI community in her home country. She came here, she studied and she worked. She fell ill and is currently in receipt of illness benefit while she undergoes very serious medical treatment. With the right help and support, she will get through that treatment and return to work. She is a young woman with an awful lot to give. She is also a young woman with a letter stating that her status in this country is now in doubt and that she may have to leave and return to the country where she was persecuted.”
“What is more, as Ministers fall over each other to follow the lead of the UK Government with the greatest enthusiasm, they are feeding into the othering of migrants in Ireland. That puts people at greater risk of attack and it undermines community solidarity. If we lose that community cohesion and our reputation as a welcoming and open society, it will have really negative impacts. We all know how much Ireland relies on workers from abroad to support our infrastructure and housing investment plans, our foreign direct investment and multinational corporation sectors, our hospitality sector and particularly our health and social care systems. When leaders choose to cynically play politics on this issue rather than to lead, it puts all of that at risk. This Government should choose to lead.”
“It has appealed to fears and prejudices rather than putting forward a positive case for migration or focusing on working towards a system that is fair, effective and humane. We have seen a concerted effort from Government involving negative messaging, symbolic exclusion and deterrence theatre on migration and the system of international protection. Concerns have been raised that the Government's legislation to transpose the pact goes further than it needs to. There is a risk that, in its efforts to follow populist rhetoric with ill-thought-through and rushed policy, the Government will go through the same process the EU has gone through and will arrive at a position where asylum is undermined and those with valid claims see their rights curtailed.”
“We in the Labour Party fully endorse the idea that there is a need for a cross-EU approach to migration and migration policy but we had strong differences with elements of this pact. In particular, we felt that the pact would see the introduction of an asylum procedure that does not reflect basic rights or contain safeguards for vulnerable applicants. It could certainly lead to a worsening of conditions in both reception and detention centres, impacting directly on the dignity of human life and on human rights. As we know, the pact is the result of a move to the right in EU migration policy that risks undermining the right to claim asylum itself. In recent weeks, we have unfortunately seen this Government attempt a similar move.”
“On the motion to opt into the regulation establishing the asylum, migration and integration fund, we should be clear about what we are discussing. This is a motion to give our assent to a package of nearly €12 billion to underpin the implementation of the EU migration pact. Along with others, we in the Labour Party have significant difficulties with that pact. Measures will be funded with this money. One of the objectives mentioned in the regulation is promoting and contributing to the effective integration and social inclusion of migrants. Previous iterations of the AMIF have played an important part in funding integration programmes and supports for international protection applicants but we should be very clear-eyed about this motion and the regulation behind it. It arises from a deeply flawed EU migration pact.”
“He was given accommodation but not given holidays for over two years. He worked an average of 56 hours per week over two years before being unfairly dismissed. This report should have set alarm bells ringing the way the previous reports on animal welfare should have. There should be a full review into terms and conditions of workers in this sector considering the State continues to invest millions in it every year. We encourage all Members to support our amendment.”
“Since that exposé Labour has called for an equine traceability scheme that covers the full life cycle of an animal. It is not just animal welfare concerns this amendment seeks to address. While hundreds of millions are invested in stud farms, breeding and horse racing every year there are serious problems for many of those working in the sector on awful terms and conditions. There was a report last summer that An Garda investigated an allegation that a worker from Pakistan was illegally trafficked into Ireland to work at the stable of a leading horse trainer in County Kilkenny. It followed a WRC award of €86,000 in pay to that worker due to a breach of minimum wage and employment law by the trainer, Tony Mullins. The worker had been required to work 13 out of 14 days, was on weekly pay of €350 with €100 of that paid in cash.”
“We know both horse racing and greyhound breeding support jobs and rural communities in particular and has a heritage in many areas and families. As I mentioned, that is not lost on us. However, we know there are significant animal welfare issues across both codes. The treatment of greyhounds has been well documented in recent years. Progress may have been made but more certainly needs to be done and independent oversight is needed. We can see the direction of travel with regard to the greyhound industry in other jurisdictions. Similar welfare issues impact horse racing. It is nearly 18 months since "RTÉ Investigates" revealed the treatment of horses at an equine abattoir, which raised questions about what happened after their racing career ended.”
“For that report, INDECON only consulted with the Department, Horse Racing Ireland, Greyhound Racing Ireland - Rásíocht con Éireann - the IHRB and their own in-house or self-commissioned reports. It did not carry out its own independent economic evaluation. There was no public consultation, nor did it engage with animal welfare organisations or community groups, workers' representatives or examine what is happening in other jurisdictions and what best practice is. It was not asked to consider whether the fund itself is the best model. It did conclude that more needed to be done on welfare, including the setting of targets. This is why a comprehensive review and replacement of the current arrangements is necessary and is what we propose in our amendment. This is the fourth year we have sought this.”
“No other pursuit or sport gets such generous and dedicated stand-alone funding from the State and none that is voted on by the Oireachtas every year. This fund started off with the proceeds of the betting levy. None of it goes on football, for example, for which a huge number of bets are laid in Ireland. For years, the Labour Party has been calling for an increase in that levy to fund investment in community sporting facilities, improved pitches and critically a programme to transform Irish football. It is long overdue that a full review is carried out on the purpose of this fund, and not just a desk-based governance review as was carried out by INDECON this year for the Department at the request of the public accounts committee.”
“Taking all that in, we have to make an analysis of whether this model of funding, which is what we are voting on, is a model that can be stood over in terms of everything we know and what comes back. It is not an easy question to answer, but it is one we have to answer and deal with differently. This legislation has been in place since 2001. Aspects of it, such as allocations of excise duty on betting and the indexation referred to in section 12 of the Act, have been abandoned yet remain on the Statute Book, ignored by the Government. Nearly €100 million is to be allocated this year. By 2027, over €2 billion will have been allocated through the fund to two specific sectors, namely, horse racing and greyhound racing.”
“I will pick up a point put across by the Minister of State on an urban versus rural divide here. That is overly simplistic, although I am not saying it is the only point he made. I grew up in a working-class area of Dublin. Many people in that area raised and raced greyhounds. There are a number of distinctions. Deputy Kenny raised that those of us in urban settings have seen, at least on the greyhound side, families who have been involved in it. There are class distinctions here as well in terms of working-class pursuits, etc. There is a whole host of complexities, heritages and everything. That is not lost on people on this side of the House, whether they are from an urban or rural area.”
“I move amendment No.1: To delete all words after "Dáil Éireann" and substitute the following: notes that: — while it is acknowledged that the horse and greyhound racing sectors do not qualify for sports capital funding, they are unique in Irish sport in that they are supported by the State through their own ring-fenced statutory fund; — payments into the Fund have increased from €68 million in 2015, up to the €99.1 million proposed for 2026, and that the total allocated to the Fund since 2001, is likely to exceed €2 billion by 2027; — there is a question as to the continuing appropriateness of the indexation formula that is intended to provide a floor for Exchequer payments into the Fund, linked to receipts from excise duty on off-course betting; — while up to 2009 the statutory indexation formula was followed, the Minister for Finance has confirmed that the formula was abandoned in 2009, without any enabling change in the Act, and that the approach since then has been for a unilateral decision by Government on the amount to be provided to the Fund in each year; — a significant amount of the Fund is used for prizes, which seems to benefit those who are most successful, and no independent economic or social impact analysis has been carried out to determine the best use of this resource; — although in the intervening years there have been reports of serious animal welfare concerns in both sectors, there is a lack of clear statutory conditionality that would make any State financial support conditional on rigorous animal welfare criteria being satisfied, nor are any conditions related to workers' rights in the sector attached to the funding; and believes therefore that the funding model under section 12 of the Horse and Greyhound Racing Act 2001, is in urgent need of comprehensive review and replacement, beyond the scope of the recent Indecon governance review submitted to the Oireachtas Committee of Public Accounts, and calls on the Minister for Agriculture, Food and the Marine to carry out such a full and independent review of the Fund, including in particular with recommendations on: — how best to support these sectors, its economic value, those involved in it and rural communities; — measures needed to ensure the highest standards of animal welfare are implemented and complied with; — how the rights of workers in the sector can be improved and an employment regulation order introduced to set minimum rates of pay and conditions; and — whether and how funding for these sectors and other sports should be aligned; the review to be laid before both Houses within six months, with a view to amending legislation being in place well before the anticipated date of any further presentation of draft regulations under this section for the approval of the Houses; and approves the following Regulations in draft: Horse and Greyhound Racing Fund Regulations 2025, copies of which were laid in draft form before Dáil Éireann on the 16th October, 2025.".”
“We need Sláintecare. We need it to be delivered as soon as possible. There is a creeping sense within the health system, the public and the political class that this Government is not truly committed to the delivery of Sláintecare. It feels as far away now as it did when it was first decided and agreed upon not seven years ago.”
“Children are timing out awaiting assessments of need in the public waiting system, which dictate what services, if any, they will get and assist with securing an adequate school placement. Those families are having to resort to claiming from their private insurance to access private assessments or, if the insurer does not cover that, paying out of pocket on top of their insurance. Even then, there are waiting lists in the private system. That is how broken the system is in terms of assessments of need for neurodiverse children. It is utterly broken. This Bill is a technical one. It is a risk equalisation Bill and a complicated one in many ways but it supports an insurance system that is being presided over by companies making huge profits off the top of bills and premiums that are going up and up while the service is diminishing.”