Emer Currie
Dublin West · Fine Gael · Ireland
“I wish to begin by recognising the substantial work undertaken by the Government-led shared island initiative, the ESRI, academics and opinion leaders. Without that work, we simply could not have a debate of this quality.”
“This is not simply about replacing old buildings; this is about building a modern educational campus that reflects the needs and the wishes of the families in Dublin 7 and Dublin 15 for generations to come. The community has waited long enough.”
“Rather than simply replacing the existing buildings, they have come together with an ambitious proposal to create one educational campus on the existing site. This project has the potential to be one of the most significant primary school developments in the State. However, the project has been stalled at stage 2a since 2024.”
“Many of the economic gaps that will likely be highlighted in the wider debate as barriers to unification - productivity, earnings, disposable income, tax revenue and educational attainment - are not as inevitable as some would like us to believe.”
“However, Northern Ireland has outperformed many UK regions since Brexit, helped by the competitive advantage created through dual access to the UK and EU goods markets under the Windsor Framework. More recent research suggests the productivity gap is narrowing.”
“If you believe in a united Ireland, then making Northern Ireland more prosperous, a better place to live and a more attractive proposition for the people who are undecided about how they would vote in this referendum should not be a secondary objective; it should be central to achieving a united Ireland.”
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“Parents need reassurance today that the Department is ready, willing and able to work with them on providing a new building and that the building will be suitable for the type of education that they want their children to have. What the Minister of State has outlined in relation to the engagement between the school and parents is important. I am confident enough that after that engagement that the parental survey results will still stand because this community wants a new school in a new method of provision.”
“This is not simply about replacing old buildings; this is about building a modern educational campus that reflects the needs and the wishes of the families in Dublin 7 and Dublin 15 for generations to come. The community has waited long enough. They deserve a modern school campus and the opportunity to shape the modern provision of education in their area. When we have previously discussed this building project, I have made it clear from the start that it should be an objective that the building be suitable for co-educational provision. That should be in-built into this project. I have had reassurance from the Department that this will be the case. We do not want for a project that has already taken long enough to get to this point to be in any way stalled by progress on co-educational provision.”
“That is not just clear in the survey but when I speak to families at their doors, which we are privileged to be able to do when we are canvassing. I have two questions. First, what practical supports will the Department provide to schools that decide they wish to move towards co-educational provision while remaining on the existing campus where they have three separate schools? Is the Department working to a timeline? Second, could the Minister of State assure me that this building project is being actively prioritised and that the design process will be sufficiently flexible to accommodate co-educational provision?”
“Following the publication of the survey results, I understand that the Department intends to engage with boards of management to discuss the findings and consider the future configuration of schools. I also understand that boards of management have been asked to engage with parents, staff, patrons and the wider community, and to notify the patron and the Department by the end of October as to whether they want to put these results into action. Engagement is welcome. I understand that if about 50% of the school population participated in the survey, schools may want to engage further to bring the whole school community with them. This gives them the timeline to do that. We have a real opportunity here. There is an appetite for change.”
“The survey looked at educational provision through co-education and through multidenominational provision and through the medium of Irish. Some 73% of parents who responded across these three schools supported co-educational provision across Cabra, Phibsborough and Dublin 7, which is their school planning area. Support rose to almost 89% among households with children currently in primary school. The results are striking. In Mary, Help of Christians, 96 out of 140 respondents supported co-education. In St. John Bosco Senior Boys National School, it was 100 out of 131, which is 76%. In the junior national school, 46 out of 60 or 77% supported co-education.”
“Rather than simply replacing the existing buildings, they have come together with an ambitious proposal to create one educational campus on the existing site. This project has the potential to be one of the most significant primary school developments in the State. However, the project has been stalled at stage 2a since 2024. It now needs real momentum because this is about more than bricks and mortar. Through my engagement with families across Dublin 7 and into Dublin 15, I know that many parents feel they have too few options when it comes to choosing schools. This is an area where single-sex provision dominates and many families have gone without the suitable option of co-educational schooling. This is not just my opinion; the Department's recent primary school survey confirms it.”
“I want to raise the urgent need to progress the long-awaited school building project for St. John Bosco Junior Boys National School, St. John Bosco Senior Boys National School and Mary, Help of Christians Girls' National School on the Navan Road. These schools have served generations of families in communities on the Navan Road and in Ashtown with distinction, but the reality is that the school buildings have reached the end of their life. Parents, teachers, staff members and past pupils all say the same thing whenever I speak to them. These buildings are outdated, deteriorating and no longer provide the modern learning environment that their children and staff deserve. These are three distinct schools, but they share a common vision.”
“I appeal to my colleagues again today, as I did last week, that we all must work together. Responsibility does not only lie with the Government of Ireland but also with anyone in a position of leadership to bring us closer to that vision we all want.”
“If you believe in a united Ireland, then making Northern Ireland more prosperous, a better place to live and a more attractive proposition for the people who are undecided about how they would vote in this referendum should not be a secondary objective; it should be central to achieving a united Ireland. I wish to conclude by recalling that great economist of war, peace and reconstruction, J.M. Keynes, who said, "anything we can actually do, we can afford." He argued that national ambition should never be constrained by money. Yes, we need to work hard to quantify the costs of a united Ireland. The people who will ultimately decide on whether to unify deserve and demand that detail but cost must never be a barrier to opportunity or a break on ambition.”
“However, Northern Ireland has outperformed many UK regions since Brexit, helped by the competitive advantage created through dual access to the UK and EU goods markets under the Windsor Framework. More recent research suggests the productivity gap is narrowing. So much more could be done to avail of the opportunities and investment coming from dual market access. Economic outcomes are not fixed; policy matters and leadership matters. People in Northern Ireland have the same ambition, ability and entrepreneurial spirit as anyone anywhere else on this island. If we are serious about building a vision for a new and agreed Ireland, then prioritising the closure of economic gaps should be every bit as important as debating the need for preparedness and deadlines.”
“Many of the economic gaps that will likely be highlighted in the wider debate as barriers to unification - productivity, earnings, disposable income, tax revenue and educational attainment - are not as inevitable as some would like us to believe. Research suggests the scale of those gaps are shaped by policy choices, which can be changed. The most striking report I read was Northern Ireland Productivity 2040, which identified areas where policy can make a difference, such as business performance, skills, institutions, health and well-being and investment in infrastructure. Most importantly, it argues these challenges are interconnected and require joined-up Government stable institutions and long-term decision-making. As I said last week, Brexit is not good for anybody.”
“This means designing this island for economic success, with stronger regional balance, strategic investment in infrastructure, better connectivity and full cross-Border growth, unlocking the potential of an integrated north-west region as one of our greatest opportunities for growth. It means recognising the economic synergies that exist across healthcare, education, transport and infrastructure, when they are planned on an all-island basis. It is incredibly frustrating that so much of the wider debate presents Northern Ireland as a fiscal liability rather than for its economic potential. I also find it deeply frustrating that Northern Ireland has missed out on so many opportunities compared to the South.”
“The second is the fiscal transfer from Britain, what replaces that subvention and what this could mean for our public finances. Whether you agree more with Professors FitzGerald, Morganroth or Doyle, these debates are necessary. They quantify the challenge and help define the scale of decisions that would have to be made. Occasionally, we also discuss the one-off costs of the transition itself - the administrative, legal and institutional costs of constitutional change. However, there is another side to this wider debate that receives far less attention, and that is the opportunity to build the strongest possible all-island economy; a market of more than 7 million people with strong ties to the UK, EU and international markets.”
“I wish to begin by recognising the substantial work undertaken by the Government-led shared island initiative, the ESRI, academics and opinion leaders. Without that work, we simply could not have a debate of this quality. For anyone who genuinely wants to prepare for a united Ireland, a unified Ireland or a new and agreed Ireland - whatever terminology they prefer - this is the opportunity to move beyond rhetoric and into practical realities. People will not simply vote on history and identity; they will also weigh up the economic proposition before them, especially those we need to win a referendum. Much of the economic debate has, understandably, focused on two questions. The first is harmonisation and differences in taxation, social welfare, healthcare, education, pensions and public services, which would have to be reconciled.”
“This Bill proposes an 18-month consultation period to produce a Green Paper, followed by a citizens' assembly, within a fixed statutory timeline. I understand the desire to begin preparing. I share that impatience. I want us to work towards a Green Paper together but I do not believe we strengthen that preparation by placing deadlines on it, nor do I believe that a citizens' assembly - valuable though that model has been on other issues - can by itself shape the future constitutional settlement of an entire island. The conversation must be broader. It must invite new ideas and voices and every tradition to help shape what a new and agreed Ireland could become, not through deadlines but dialogue because that is what has worked before. It is about working in partnership and with respect.”
“The lesson of the peace process is not simply that an agreement was reached but how an agreement was reached - patient dialogue, partnership and building confidence before asking people to make profound constitutional choices. I served on the Joint Committee on the Implementation of the Good Friday Agreement with some of my colleagues here today, whose work is referenced in this Bill, the recommendations of which I agree with. They were much broader than this Bill suggests, however, which is why it reached consensus. The committee recognised the scale of preparing for constitutional change - not simply ending partition but imagining how a new and agreed Ireland might work in practice. I want us to be true to that work.”
“It should be shaped here as an expression of the hopes, ambitions and aspirations of the people who share this island. The legitimate questions many people in Northern Ireland are asking about the future cannot be ignored, their frustration with repeated political stalemate and the impact Brexit has had on how they see their place in these islands and in Europe. If you are ask people to consider constitutional change, whether they live in Castleknock or Castlederg, we cannot speak only to their sense of identity or longing but to their everyday lives, jobs, healthcare, pensions, their children's education and their economic security.”
“I thank Sinn Féin for bringing forward this Bill, for the event in the audiovisual room today and for making us feel welcome. Peace and partnership on this island was not built around a single document, declaration or day but as a gradual process of dialogue, agreements and framework-building, a process that demonstrated time and again that neither violence nor coercion would ever unite us. There is no doubt in my mind that we are living in a period of constitutional reappraisal but it has been decisions taken in Britain, not on this island, that have brought constitutional questions back to the forefront of public debate. If there is to be another chapter in the constitutional story of this island, it should not be driven by decisions taken elsewhere.”
“Will the Minister ask the Office of Public Works, OPW, and the National Parks and Wildlife Service, NPWS, to prioritise protection of the Liffey Valley and the acquisition of more lands by the State in the public interest?”
“The Liffey Valley is an unrivalled green corridor in Dublin, an ecological and biodiversity treasure for our capital. That is why I asked the Minister of State, Deputy Moran, to reconvene the stakeholders of the Liffey Valley Park strategy. I welcome his agreement to do so. However, that vision set out 20 years ago this year to connect a necklace of amenities along the Liffey Valley remains unfulfilled. We have seen positive steps through the acquisition of Castletown House and Lucan House but we have also seen an attempt to rezone high amenity lands at St. Edmundsbury. The Government must do more to protect and secure the future of the Liffey Valley.”
“I have seen bills ranging from €1,000 to €10,000 for ECCE-only services. These services are 100% Government-funded. Why would the Government give them funding to operate and be viable and then, through another arm of the State, charge them commercial rates?”
“I thank the Minister. I know she is not responsible for this and it is something that has really come to light. The legal implications of the valuation tribunal and a case in the High Court have had an impact since 2024 but there is an urgency about this. Legislation seems to be required. I have worked on legislation. Will the Minister consider working with me on that to deal with this in an urgent way? Part of that legislation also includes sessional services that offer 30 minutes of care to support parents with flexibility but they are being penalised for it. As part of that legislation, I have included that if they operate those 30 minutes at ECCE rates of €4.60 per hour, they too should be exempt. This is affecting services in four counties but it is coming to more counties.”
“It is going to reduce childcare places. ECCE-only services, I believe, are already in decline. Some of these services have reached out to me saying they are potentially closing in June and will not reopen in September.”
“When Tailte Éireann was before the housing committee a couple of weeks ago, I raised this matter with the representatives. They said they had taken legal advice via the Chief State Solicitor's Office and the Office of the Attorney General and it was unequivocal that ECCE services are rateable and are inherently operating for profit. This means that all ECCE services, including 100% Government-funded stand-alone ECCE services that receive no parental fees, are fair game for commercial rates, which in turn means that commercial rates for ECCE services are coming to every county in Ireland. Three-hour preschool services that do not charge parents any fees are going to be liable for commercial rates. I do not believe they should be treated like commercial businesses. I fear this is going to close down services.”
“The early childhood care and education scheme, ECCE, is transformative for children, particularly those from low-income families and disadvantaged backgrounds. The State now offers two free years of pre-school, 15 hours per week and three hours per day. Ninety-six percent of children take it up. The Government has said it wants to get that to 100%. Why are we allowing the imposition of commercial rates on ECCE services and on ECCE-only services, which could potentially close them down?”
“Very recently the school's patron and the board of management submitted an application for a new school building under the major capital works programme. I have looked at the figures. Between 2015 and 2023, over seven years, €750,000 was put into emergency works. More has gone in since I was elected. Can the Tánaiste encourage the Minister, Deputy Naughton, to visit the school, which I am doing, and give its development the priority it really deserves?”
“When Coolmine Community School opened in 1974, it was one of Ireland's first community schools and a trail-blazer for education. It had an enviable mix of academic achievements, extracurricular activities and social activity. For many in Dublin West, it represented a modern community with a strong sense of identity and pride. Many of the parents of students attending today are former students who remember that pride. More than 50 years later, however, the building remains largely unchanged. While Blanchardstown has grown into one of Ireland's largest and most dynamic communities, the spaces where our students learn have been left behind. The young people of today deserve facilities that are as ambitious as they are, and that match the quality of education they are getting at Coolmine.”
“Ireland must do everything it can to support the Palestinian people, to support peace, tackle injustice and work on a humanitarian level. I thank the Minister for bringing forward the Bill.”
“I acknowledge there is a legitimate debate about how far this Bill goes. It is a practical and principled step that ensures compliance with international legal obligations as identified in the ICJ advisory opinion of 2024, including the obligation on states to take steps to prevent trade of investment relations that assist in maintaining the illegal situation created by Israel in the occupied Palestinian territory. It will not resolve the conflict today or tomorrow. However, it has contributed and will continue to build on a growing momentum for collective, concrete and meaningful action. It reflects Ireland's commitment to ensuring that human rights and international law are respected, upheld and protected. Several member states are moving on this and we are seeing that momentum.”
“Ireland has recognised the State of Palestine and consistently advocated for a two-state solution and the only viable long-term solution. Our objective remains collective action at European level, which would have a greater reach and impact than the national measures alone. However, where there is the absence of consensus, we have also taken necessary action. No state should be immune from scrutiny when it comes to compliance with international law, and that is why this legislation matters. Peaceful societies are built on foundations of justice and accountability. History shows that injustice endures, retraumatises and perpetuates cycles of tension and conflict until it is confronted, something Ireland knows only too well. We criticise all violence, including the 7 October attacks.”
“By the end of 2026, Ireland will have provided approximately €144 million in humanitarian support to the Palestinian people. We have engaged in international legal processes, including the ICJ and work through the United Nations and with our European partners to strengthen the international response. We have called for this suspension of the EU-Israel Association Agreement in response to the humanitarian situation and continue to press for necessary and stronger collective European action, including European-wide measures on trade with Israeli settlements. Alongside this diplomatic work, we have taken practical humanitarian action. We have facilitated the medical evacuation of seriously ill children from Gaza, accompanied by family members, for treatment in Ireland and supported over 300 people to leave Gaza since the conflict began.”
“The Bill will not on its own end the unimaginable suffering people have experienced and are experiencing in Gaza. However, it sends out a clear message to Israel and the wider international community that there economic, political and reputational consequences for the continued expansion of illegal settlements, the occupation of Palestinian territories, genocidal action and grave violations of international law. As a country with a long tradition of peacekeeping, peacebuilding and multilateral diplomacy, the Bill helps build international pressure and encourages other states and entities to make meaningful action. Ireland's response has been consistent and sustained and is based on a deeply felt commitment to human rights and the right to self-determination.”
“The not-for-profit services that are due to provide it, at least in the short term as it evolves, need a system around them so they can scale up. That is achievable. Core funding requires reform but it is fixable as the State continues to play a greater role. I could go on but my point is this: these are not just problems to fix; they are opportunities for genuine reform and innovation.”
“The Tánaiste is right that it is difficult to compare like for like and that we have to look at working families and their budgets in the round. He has consistently referenced childcare as an area where he wants to support working families. Every week, I speak, as I know the Tánaiste does, to families, women and services about the cost of childcare and about provision. Today, with Deputy Carrigy, I met with Longford Women's Link. I know the Tánaiste is completely committed to reducing childcare fees to €200 per month over the next four years but the wider reform I spoke of earlier is critical too. That means putting systems in place that last and that people have confidence in. State-led childcare is a major opportunity in the short and long term and should be allowed to evolve.”
“I welcome the principles of what the Tánaiste is setting out. I know he cannot get into the details. I can see the Government, in an extremely difficult geopolitical situation, is trying to future-proof our country with the infrastructure and the foundations it needs as a growing modern state, and to deliver on our promise to move away from cycles of boom and bust to something far more consistent, stable and sustainable, planning ahead with the Future Ireland Fund and the Infrastructure, Climate and Nature Fund. However, workers need to feel more of the benefits of that strategy now, especially considering what has happened in the last six months. A quick look at other countries in the EU will show we are pushing average workers into the higher tax band at one of the lowest entry points.”
“Working families are under pressure. They feel like they are often chasing their tails and that there is not enough at the end of the month to show for all their hard work. It is what I have always described as the struggle to juggle. We have consistently supported working families over the years. The Tánaiste and others have said this budget will include income tax changes, which I welcome because those families deserve to get more back based on what they are putting in.”
“They are working on diagnosing the problems in the community and seeking funding to activate the associated plans. There is potential in this regard under the town and village renewal scheme. It would work for other villages in my area, such as Clonsilla, Blanchardstown and Ongar. We want to replicate in suburban areas the Government's success in rural areas. My colleagues are interested in doing this in other parts of the country as well.”
“I thank the Minister. He is absolutely right. There is a lot of interest in this. Interest is growing. I am just going to talk about Castleknock. The population directly around and including the village is about 15,000, whereas the wider area has about 30,000 people. That is why we are not eligible. We would not be eligible either under the urban regeneration and development fund. I have said before that we are falling between two stools. Just over a year ago, Fingal County Council agreed that under the town centre first initiative, it would actually do a health check for Castleknock and Blanchardstown villages. That work is going to start in September, led by a town team that includes Castleknock Tidy Towns and the Castleknock business forum that was set up about a year ago. That is really positive.”
“In places like Castleknock village, we would be looking at upgrading the public realm, strengthening walking and cycling access and addressing chronic traffic issues because that would drive more footfall to the village. It would bring more life to the village and would support the businesses. There are wider funding streams such as active travel, business supports, playgrounds and other community centre investment funds but town centre first is unique because it devises plans for the village, by the village, and it tackles specific issues within a village.”
“I thank the Minister. I appreciate how positive and successful the town centre first and town and village renewal schemes have been for my rural colleagues, which is why I want to access them for Dublin 15. There is a distinction between Dublin city or major population centres and then suburban villages that have been subsumed into the wider metropolitan area. Despite suburban growth, which we need, these communities still have village hearts, with residents eager to nurture, support and develop their village centres. During Covid, there was a new-found appreciation for local, suburban villages and supporting businesses and amenities in local communities within a short distance of people's homes. Building sustainable communities has never been more important.”
“I thank the Minister and the Minister of State for their work on the town and village renewal scheme, the town centre first scheme and their engagement with me on these issues. I want to keep them on the agenda. Town centre first and town and village renewal are excellent schemes delivering tangible results for rural towns and villages. Suburban villages, like ours in Dublin 15, are not technically eligible. Will the Minister widen the schemes so more communities can benefit and could he do this for budget 2027?”
“I was careful to state that Templemore should be retained as the primary Garda college but a second located in Dublin would be regionally advantageous for recruitment. It would broaden appeal. Progress is being made in capacity. The Minister has spoken about increasing capacity at Templemore to 250. We need more investment in roads policing, community policing and community safety strategies. Where better to do that than among the fast growing and most diverse population in the country? It is not just about numbers; it is about the types of policing challenges we now face like digital capability and cybercrime. Where better to train than in a modern and dynamic university? TUD Blanchardstown has the space, sports and exercise facilities and land zoned for educational purposes. The infrastructure exists for a pilot programme.”
“Locating a new Garda college in Blanchardstown would send a signal that the policing challenges in Dublin and, in particular, in the growing communities around the M50 belt, are being taken seriously. If we are serious about delivering the Garda numbers our communities need by 2030, we must be equally serious about where, when and how we train them. Dublin 15 is ready to play that role.”
“It would offer major recruitment advantages across Leinster and align Garda education with the future needs of policing, digital capability and emerging technology rooted in community engagement and modern urban policing skills. As I have raised with the Taoiseach previously many times in the Chamber, Blanchardstown and west Dublin face significant policing pressures. The K district is one of the busiest policing districts in the country. Blanchardstown is comparable in size and scale to a regional city but there is just one Garda station serving more than 100,000 people, compared to three stations in Limerick city. Since 2012, over 8,300 homes have been built in Dublin 15. Entirely new communities have been developed but no new Garda station has opened.”
“The policing needs of the country have transformed just as our country has transformed. The time has come for a second training college, one that should be based in Dublin and that leverages the potential for greater linkages with the State's recently expanded network of technological universities. There is a compelling case for that second training college to be located in Blanchardstown. Blanchardstown represents one of the fastest growing population centres in the State, of which I am proud. It has diverse and dynamic communities, one of the country's largest retail centres, a university, the national sports campus and an expanding technological and economic corridor. We also have a campus of TU Dublin, an ideal site with ideal synergy.”
“I warmly welcome the latest Garda recruitment campaign. It is encouraging that we are on track to surpass 15,000 gardaí by the end of this year. As the State recruits more gardaí, I want to raise how and where the State trains gardaí. The town of Templemore has served the State well, hosting the Garda College that has trained men and women who have proudly served the people of this country as our gardaí. I hope the Garda College in Templemore has a long future as the primary Garda training college. I wish to ask the question: why only Templemore? The demands of modern policing are more complex than ever while, at the same time, Ireland's population is growing rapidly and becoming more diverse. The nature of society, crime, urbanisation and the communities we live in have all changed utterly.”
“Does the Tánaiste agree the next four budgets provide an opportunity to take a more ambitious approach to widening the standard rate and strengthening the principle that work should pay?”
“Fine Gael has always believed in rewarding hard work, encouraging initiative and aspiration and supporting people who try to build a better life for themselves and their families, but increasingly our tax system is sending the opposite message. Workers today are pushed into the 40% tax band at income levels that are no longer considered high by any reasonable standard. We now have one of the lowest entry points to the top rate of income tax anywhere in Europe. That means people who take on extra hours, who go for promotion, who build a career or try to earn a little more are seeing more and more of that effort taxed away. A tax system should reward ambition and not penalise it, making work pay and not making people question whether it is worth it.”
“Investing in court capacity, judges, clerks, registrars and digital integration is the right approach. I absolutely agree with the strategy that we must digitise documents, share information in real time and free gardaí from unnecessary court attendance. That work does not need a camera strategy to begin. We know this work requires as much urgency as we can possibly bring to it. I know genuinely great work is happening but our road traffic incident numbers are higher than they should be. We must tackle that issue with every tool at our disposal. We are not just here to manage problems; we are here to solve them.”
“Let us be honest about what is happening. A major reason people challenge fixed-charge notices in court is to avoid penalty points. Too often, they succeed because there are weaknesses in how offences are matched to driver numbers on the national driver and vehicle file. According to a Department of Transport review, approximately 1,500 people a year are getting away without any points being recorded. That is the problem we should be urgently solving. If we capture the driver number earlier in the process, ensure penalty points follow convictions properly and make it absolutely clear that offenders will not evade consequences, compliance rates will rise quickly. Prioritising downstream constraints instead of fixing the root problems is not the right approach.”