Jennifer Whitmore
Wicklow · Social Democrats · Ireland
“The Minister for justice recently brought in reforms for the criminal justice legal aid system. While we all recognise that there is a need for reform within the system, the reforms that the Minister has brought in are ill-considered, not backed up by data or evidence and have led to absolute chaos in the courts system.”
“Hundreds of jurors were recently told that their services were no longer required. Many vulnerable people in the legal system are falling through gaps.”
“A hosepipe ban will come into force in a number of counties on the east coast from tomorrow. I completely understand that because we are seeing record temperatures and are in the middle of dealing with the climate crisis and climate change.”
“In 2024, 1,000 incidents of antisocial behaviour were recorded on Dublin Bus. That was nearly double the figure recorded just a few years earlier. Unfortunately, this is not just limited to Dublin. We are also seeing instances of this in my constituency, Wicklow, on Go-Ahead services.”
“More than 1,000 people died in Spain due to heat-related causes in June of this year alone. By early July, Spain had 14 major forest fires and 50,000 ha of land had been burned. Across Europe, more than 10,000 excess deaths associated with the recent heatwave were recorded in a single week. These warnings have to be taken seriously.”
“As a family member, you wonder if the person is getting care, whether they are being fed properly and whether they are being looked after. There is no visibility. There is a dementia care home in Shankill that a lot of people from my constituency use, St. Joseph's. It is incredible. I visited it recently.”
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“I thank everybody who contributed today. It is clear that this Bill is supported by most Members of the House. Most people can understand the need for it and the urgency with it. That is why, when the Minister of State spoke initially about a 12-month delay, I was concerned because that would mean that, over those 12 months, another 100,000 pups will be born in Ireland, many of them in horrific conditions. I understand the need to go through processes and I know a number of consultations are taking place. It is really important that the voices of dog rescues, vets and those involved in looking after dogs are heard. I understand the need for those processes but I want the timeframe to be expedited.”
“It is something that has huge support from the public and that they really want to see happen. I thank Dog Law Ireland for its support for this Bill, as well as Dogs Trust and Wicklow Animal Welfare, which I have worked with very closely over the course of this. I also give a shout-out to all those rescues who put in so many hours looking after our animals.”
“It introduces a 16-month minimum age and eight-year maximum age for breeding; a maximum of one litter per year per breeding female; a maximum of four litters per breeding female during her lifetime; a minimum age of ten weeks for pup separation; and mandates a one to ten staff-to-animal ratio for proper care. It also outlaws surgical artificial insemination and other harmful practices. This is a modest Bill. We are not coming into this Chamber saying every single puppy farm in the country should be shut down. We want them to be properly regulated and we want the welfare of dogs and pups to be at the centre of this. This Bill will go a long way to ensuring that we are caring for those dogs properly. I am interested to hear what the Minister of State has to say. I hope that the Government can work with us on this.”
“Many people will be very surprised and shocked to learn that, at the moment, there is no cap on the number of female dogs that can be in a puppy farm. The legislation envisages there are over 300. It would be incredible to have that many breeding females and their pups on-site. Not only that, there is no mandated number of staff required to be there to look after those pups. We can really see where the difficulties set in. Female dogs can have up to six litters in their lifetime. Dogs as young as four years old, when they are only puppies themselves, can be forced to have their own pups. The dog welfare Bill the Social Democrats are bringing to Second Stage today strengthens the 2010 Act by capping the number of breeding females on-site at 30.”
“It is a real example of an industry that can gain a huge amount of money at the expense of vulnerable animals but where there is not sufficient oversight of regulations. Rescues are left to pick up the pieces of this and they are exhausted. They are tired and finding it so hard to deal with the number of pups and dogs that are being abandoned at the moment. These are all run by volunteers. They are the ones who get the mother dogs who arrive matted and terrified into their care. They are the ones who get the puppies who are too old to be cute any longer and therefore the breeder cannot sell them, so they dump them. They are the ones who get the puppies that are brought in by families because they were given up due to health or behavioural issues. It is all down to a lack of regulation.”
“What happens in that instance is not only does the mother dog have horrific health problems but the pups have horrific health problems and often have behavioural issues. Those pups are sold to families who are so looking forward to having this gorgeous little bundle of joy in their home. Instead, they get a dog, a little pup, that has never been socialised and may never have had much human interaction because these pups are often fed by automatic machines. This pup then becomes a difficulty and a real challenge for these families, one they are sometimes not able to deal with. It is a conveyor belt of misery and it has huge animal welfare concerns. Puppy farms are a profit model gone absolutely mad.”
“I move: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time." The Minister of State and I both know that Ireland is a nation of dog lovers. We love our dogs and we love our pups but the reality is many people in Ireland would be absolutely horrified if they knew what the back story of those pups was. They would be disgusted to know that those pups came from a nightmare situation the pup's mother is probably still living through. It is where a pregnant female dog can be bred over and over again in horrific conditions that are dirty, cramped and cold, often with not enough water or light, and where she is matted, covered in sores and not getting any care, love or human interaction. That dog is just seen as this production line to pump out pup after pup. These terrified mother dogs are breeding absolutely terrified pups.”
“I ask the Minister of State to speak to the Minister and ask him whether he would consider putting in place a 12-month timeframe. That would be a welcome result. I ask the Government to not say a blanket "No" to this; it is too important.”
“I ask the Government consider putting in place a 12-month timeline and using that 12-month period to work with the commission and ensure that the Bill or principle of just transition and the commission are put on a statutory basis. That is what we need to see. The risk of not getting this transition right cannot be understated. Ireland is not immune to this. Many countries have been torn apart and societies and communities fight each other when it comes to the impacts of climate change and biodiversity loss and the approach of Governments to managing it. It is important that we are very strategic and proactive in how we deal with this so that we provide supports before people are afraid and start thinking that they are being left behind. When people feel like they are being left behind, that is when the trouble will start.”
“While I can understand the rationale that the work is ongoing, and we do not want to slow that down or distract from it, what the commission has said is different. From what I have read in its report, its reaction is different. I ask that before we vote on the Bill the Minister of State discusses this with the commission. The just transition commission would appreciate having that legislative framework available to it. The Government has put a 12-month timeframe on the latest few Bills that have gone through the Dáil. I would be okay with that. It would be a much better result than plainly saying "No" to the Bill.”
“It also made the point that Ireland's approach since 2021 has been piecemeal and reactive, rather than a whole-of-society approach and that the just transition framework the Minister of State spoke about is in place but is not being utilised. It is very clear that just transition must be embedded structurally and that is what I am attempting to do with the Bill. The Bill would embed it in the legislative framework so that it is in place going forward and is not reliant on a favourable Government or Minister. Rather, it would work for the people across the country. It would be consistent, clear and cannot be removed at the whim of any Minister or Government. The first report rings an alarm bell. It states that the current approach leaves Ireland on a trajectory towards an unjust transition.”
“According to the commission: "A just transition offers a powerful opportunity, not only to manage the risks of the climate transition but to reimagine and reshape Ireland’s economy and society to be more inclusive, resilient and sustainable." That is from the Just Transition Commission's press release about its first report. It also says that Ireland must move much faster. So, the Government's fears about taking this too fast are misplaced. The commission says: Ireland must now move much faster and with much more ambition if we are to keep the people and places we care about safe from the effects of climate change, and to seize the unprecedented opportunity that a just transition offers to build a fairer, more inclusive, and resilient society.”
“I thank everybody for their contributions this evening. It is a very important issue and debate. I take the Minister of State's point in relation to the current commission and the work it is doing. I understand that the Government is afraid that legislating for this now may distract from its current work programme but I ask that the Minister of State or the Minister go and discuss this with the commission. When we look at its first report, it is very clear about what needs to be seen. This is a really positive message when it comes to just transition.”
“As Ireland makes the shift from planning to implementation, it is crucial that we embed fairness into the foundation of Ireland's climate response and see ambitious, science-based targets and social justice not as competing priorities but, rather, as two sides of the same coin. There is no reason that the Government should oppose the progression of this Bill. I hope the Minister of State will be able to support it. I acknowledge the work of Sinéad Mercier, who worked with me on this Bill in the previous term. I know she worked with Eamon Ryan on this Bill. I acknowledge the unions, which contributed greatly when we first developed this Bill. This is important legislation and I hope the Minister of State gives it full consideration.”
“Since 2021, just transition has become central to national and international climate governance. The case for embedding fairness into climate action has never been stronger. In the coming years, we will be asking a great deal of society in order to meet our climate targets and to respond to the realities of climate change. Public awareness of inequality and vulnerability linked to climate policy is at an all-time high, creating political and social momentum for action. With major climate policies, change is being rolled out across energy, transport, buildings and agriculture. This is our chance to ensure that fairness is built in from the get-go. Ireland has an opportunity to show that climate action can improve lives, strengthen communities and build a fair economy, rather than deepen inequality.”
“Ultimately, change is scary, and this is a change that is happening to us in Ireland and globally. People are afraid. When we talk about climate change, it is often framed in the negative. When we talk about climate action, people think it will be punitive, will cost them more and will be socially difficult. Ultimately, though, if we get our just transition right, it will lead to a much fairer society where people's homes are warm, there are buses they can take and they work in jobs where they also have a good work-life balance. This is about moving to a much better, much fairer way of living. Without stronger commitment from Government and a clear strategy for just transition, the potential for an unjust transition in Ireland will continue to grow.”
“It defines just transition principles as being the importance of taking action to reduce net Irish emissions of greenhouse gases in a way which supports environmentally and socially sustainable jobs, supports zero carbon investment in infrastructure, develops and maintains social consensus, creates decent, fair and high-value work in a way which does not negatively affect the current workforce, and contributes to resource-efficient and sustainable economic approaches which help to address inequality and poverty. Centring climate action on a just transition approach is a unique opportunity to deliver climate solutions that not only cut emissions but also improve lives by creating better jobs, warmer homes, cleaner air and a more resilient and self-sufficient society.”
“This Bill’s explanatory memorandum defines a just transition as "a transition that ensures the economic, environmental and social consequences of the ecological transformation of economies and societies are managed in ways that maximise opportunities of decent work for all, reduce inequalities, promote social justice, and support industries, workers and communities negatively affected, in accordance with nationally defined priorities, and based on effective social dialogue".”
“We must meet them in a fair and just manner and this must be driven by the Government. Crucially, this Bill also amends the Climate Action and Low Carbon Development Act 2015 to include, for the first time in Irish legislation, a definition of just transition and its principles. Unfortunately, this was left out of the legislation when we debated it and passed it in the last Dáil. It is a fundamental piece of the information that people need and it needs to be in the legislation to ensure a just transition.”
“It publishes an annual report on Scotland’s progress and is available to all Scottish ministers who seek its advice and support. Legislating for the just transition commission in Ireland now would demonstrate a long-term, cross-Government commitment to fairness that survives political cycles and changing Ministers and their respective agendas. We have an opportunity to show that Ireland is serious about a fair transition, not just reacting to the pressures of 2025 but also building a durable structure for the future. We all know we have significant changes to make, and we all know we have major targets to meet. There is a general acceptance that we will strive to do our best to meet those targets. However, the question of how we meet them is fundamental.”
“It would bring together workers, communities, employers and the Government into a social dialogue that would drive climate action plans, mitigation plans, adaptation plans, and the policies and investments needed for a quick, fair and just transition to a zero-carbon economy. If we look to our neighbours across the channel in Scotland, we see a great example to follow. Scotland established its own just transition commission in 2018 with the intention of centring its just transition plans on partnership between those impacted most by the transition to net zero, with co-design and co-delivery at the core. At the start of each year, Scotland’s minister for just transition writes to the commission to inform it of planned government work that can help inform the development of the commission’s work plan.”
“The programme for Government commits to establishing a just transition commissioner on a statutory basis; however, unfortunately this has not been carried out to date. I welcome the fact that the Government set up a just transition commission. I was very pleased to see that and that its members are very good and strong in their expertise. While it is a very valuable commission, it is not on a statutory footing and so needs a legislative framework. This Bill could lay the foundation for that legal underpinning. The just transition commission proposed in this Bill would be similar to the WRC.”
“Part of the just transition is providing a mechanism for workers and their communities to hold to account the Government, including its Departments, State agencies and other bodies, in the development and implementation of climate action plans and mitigation and adaptation strategies that underpin our national response to climate change. At present, there is no legal mechanism for workers and their communities to hold just transition policies to account. The Workplace Relations Commission, WRC, is available to workers, as are the courts, but neither specifically deals with the disruption caused by the transition to a zero-carbon economy and the implications of this for workers’ rights and employment issues.”
“At present, we are seeing huge problems and vulnerabilities when it comes to energy and pricing. We see many families struggling and energy prices going up exponentially. This is not going to go away as we move further into a situation in which we are trying to move away from fossil fuels. People are vulnerable but there is a genuine opportunity to make households more resilient and more self-sufficient when it comes to energy usage. The Social Democrats have always been very strong proponents of solar power. Solar is one way we can assist in making homes more resilient. There are many changes we can make that would benefit people and our environment at the same time. People need assistance to make the changes and we want and need the Government to step up.”
“We need to recognise that moving to a more future-proofed economic model will impact everybody in different ways and we have a responsibility to ensure that no one is left behind and that all members of society are in a position to grasp the opportunities a just transition will bring. Our just transition needs to apply to our farmers as we move away from intensive practices. It needs to apply to our fishers as we implement marine protected areas and better stock management. It needs to apply to our industrial base and our businesses, including those of the mechanics. As we move to a position where we have more electric vehicles, the whole motor industry needs to change, including in respect of workers such as mechanics. Just transition also needs to apply to people who are vulnerable or at risk of energy poverty.”
“It means a fair deal for workers, farmers, fishers and communities and it means protecting their rights. We cannot have a successful transition without buy-in from all these workers, including those who produce our food, catch our fish and work and live in urban and rural communities. They must feel secure and supported as things around us change. The just transition needs to be across society. To date, we have had work on a just transition but it has focused primarily on the midlands. It was important to ensure those who worked in Bord na Móna or on the bogs were supported in making the transition. However, what is entailed is so much broader than that area and that cohort of workers.”
“What we really mean when we talk about it is ensuring that as we move to a more sustainable way of living, no one is left behind and we do not disadvantage anybody by the transformation. It is a really important principle of climate action and climate justice. The Paris Agreement recognised that workers are at the interface of the upheaval that climate change threatens to impose and that states need to adopt a just and fair transition to a zero-carbon economy. It is a quite technical term and when you start trying to work out exactly who it should be for and what it should mean, you find it gets quite technical. Technically, it means that people, workers and communities who may face significant changes to their lives as a result of the need to move to a zero-carbon society are supported in making those changes.”
“This Bill provides for the establishment of a body to be known as An Coimisiún Náisiúnta um Thrasdul Cóir, or, in the English language, the National Just Transition Commission, to oversee the bringing together of workers, communities, employers and government in social dialogue to drive the plans, policies and investments needed for a fair transformation to a low-carbon economy; to require the preparation, by certain prescribed bodies, of just transition plans; to provide for the conferral of other functions on the said body; to amend the Climate Action and Low Carbon Development Act 2015, as amended; and to provide for related matters. What do we mean when we talk about just transition? I do not particularly like the term "just transition". Many people do not understand it or know what it is about. It actually puts a lot of people off.”
“I move: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time." I really welcome the opportunity to bring the Just Transition (Worker and Community Environmental Rights) Bill 2021 to Second Stage and have it debated here in the Chamber. As we move closer and closer to the 2030 and 2040 targets, as our world becomes more vulnerable and we can see much more clearly the impact of climate change and the need to change how we are operating, this Bill is becoming increasingly important.”
“It has had that information for two months. While all of the children in mainstream schools are now being told whether they have a school place and the school they are going to, children with additional or special education needs have no idea because the NCSE still has not provided that information. I understand the need for a new process but the NCSE is absolutely failing to implement this properly in the first year of its existence.”
“It is absolutely incredible that two months after the NCSE said that it would update its website to inform parents about the next steps if they did not meet the deadline, the website is still not updated, even though I have raised it by email with the Minister and the NCSE. I have also raised it on the floor of the Dáil. It is completely unacceptable. It is so un-child and un-parent centred; it is incredible. I am all for forward planning but please treat people with respect and provide them with the information they need to relieve some of their stress. When it comes to developing a clear picture of local demand, I absolutely have no problem with the principles behind this process. The reality is that for two months now, the NCSE has had a picture of the exact number of children in an area eligible for a letter of eligibility.”
“I am finding this really frustrating. In the response the Minister of State gave – I absolutely acknowledge that is the response she was given and I know this is not her portfolio – she stressed that the NCSE will continue to support all children made known to it after 1 October. First, how are children to be made known to the NCSE if the portal is closed? Second, this has not happened. There has been no contact at all in respect of those parents and children who were not able to get their letter of eligibility. They are now in a vacuum and the risk is that those children will not have a school place, or a suitable school place, for 2026. They could end up in a mainstream school but that is not the best place for them. That is the first point.”
“On multiple occasions when they did medical assessments and made recommendations, the SENO, who is not medically qualified, has refused to accept their recommendations. I was told of a child in Wicklow who is autistic, non-verbal and cannot toilet themselves but was deemed to be not complex enough to warrant a letter of eligibility. That information goes back to the parents and not to the medical professionals. I am wondering how many parents out there have been told "No" by the SENO when their medical professional has said "Yes". This is something that I am really worried about.”
“I have spoken to principals who have yet to be told whether they will be sanctioned for classrooms for next September. Those principals need to get everything in place and they are not being told anything by the NCSE. I ask the Minister of State to pass this on to the NCSE and to the Minister of State with responsibility for special education needs. Parents need to be informed immediately. If there is a shortfall of places, those places need to be found somewhere. They need to sanction and open up new classrooms. It absolutely has to be done and they need to get on top of it now. The other concern I have, which is really worrying, relates to what I have heard from medical professionals who do assessments for children.”
“The second issue is that those parents who did get the letter of eligibility have not been able to secure a school place. They were told that this was the process they needed to go through and when they had done so, the supports would be there but they are not hearing anything at all about school places. Children who have special needs and their parents need not only to be sure of a place, they also need time so they can get their children ready for going to school. Any transition like this is very difficult for children with additional needs. The fact that parents still do not know whether their child will get a sanctioned place is completely unacceptable. The whole point of having this new online system was that it would take the uncertainty out of it for parents but that uncertainty is still there.”
“We both know how difficult it can be to get the assessments done as well as the costs involved, the timelines and the waiting times. Therefore, there is a cohort of children who did not make that 1 October deadline. The NCSE's page on the portal says that the council will give guidance to those parents who did not make the deadline and that guidance would be available within a matter of weeks. That was on 1 October but the council still has not updated the page. I have asked the council and the Minister of State over and over what those parents and children are meant to do. It is not just an issue for Wicklow but across the country. I have been contacted by parents across the country whose children did not get their letters through the portal.”
“Today I want to raise issues in relation to special education needs in Wicklow. I am really concerned about children who have special education needs. I have been trying to raise this with the Minister of State and am really disappointed that he is not here today. I have been trying to talk to him on the floor of the Dáil for the past few weeks in relation to this issue. I am worried from a number of different perspectives but ultimately, there are three areas of concern. First, the NCSE has set up a new system through which parents can get a letter of eligibility which they then use to get a special needs place in a school. The portal for that letter of eligibility closed on 1 October. That deadline was for children who need classes in 2026.”
“Next year, when we have this disconnection on arrears data, there is going to be a huge increase in the number of people who cannot afford to pay their bills. What I would say to the Minister of State is to please, as a Government, be proactive. It should help those people now. Do not let them go through a winter where they are cold, stressed and worried about turning their heating on and feeding their children. The Government should support them now with the targeted energy credits the Social Democrats have been calling for because this problem is not going to go away. It will get worse. The Government should please deal with it now before that happens.”
“The Government did nothing on it and has continued to ignore it. One of the recommendations of the energy affordability task force was that an analysis of the price differentials should be done to see whether there is gouging happening. That action has to take place immediately. The task force was set up in June. The interim report was reported last month, and it is now going to be next year before we get any actual tangible measures. That is not acceptable when we are in the teeth of an energy crisis and a cost-of-living crisis. The number of people who are going to fall through those gaps over the winter is enormous. I ask the Minister of State to move on whatever measures he can to ensure that those people who are struggling are assisted and do not fall further into debt because that is exactly what is going to happen.”
“That is where the money, support and assistance should go. We do not want to see €100 million wasted on holiday home electricity meters because that is what happened previously. It was a huge waste of money by this Government. We want that money in the pockets of the people who actually need it. We heard the Minister mention a disconnection moratorium for registered vulnerable customers between 1 November and 31 March and that there is a winter disconnection moratorium for all other customers between 8 December and 16 January. That is a measly four weeks. When we talk about vulnerable customers, that means medically vulnerable customers. That does not mean financially vulnerable customers. I brought a Bill forward in the previous term to address that and include financially vulnerable customers in that moratorium and in that definition.”
“If we could not find it via all these retailers' websites, I do not think he could say it is clearly available for anyone who is actually struggling to pay their bills at the moment. The Minister was really sold a pup with those hardship funds. We have also heard an awful lot over the past number of weeks since the budget about why we should have energy credits. The Social Democrats will maintain our position on this. It is the same position we had last year and the year before when it comes to energy credits. Energy credits should be targeted. We are not calling for energy credits for holiday homes. We are not calling for energy credits for wealthy people who can afford to pay their bills. We are calling for energy credits to be targeted at those people who cannot pay their bills and who are really struggling.”
“It is just calling them out. The Minister met with the energy companies a month ago and sat down with them and had a chat. He came back in here and said that it was great, and that the energy companies are going to put in hardship funds. Hardship funds will do nothing to drive the price of electricity or gas down. They will do absolutely nothing to address those systemic problems that we have in our market at the moment. What I would also say to the Minister of State is to go on to any of those retailers' websites, because we did it this afternoon, and search for "hardship fund" and come back and tell me how many of those websites are making it easy to find if someone is in trouble. We could not find any information about how much is available, how to access it or what is there.”
“What I would say to that is that it is way past time that energy companies were called out. Now it is time to call out the Government for its inaction on this issue. Energy companies are in the business to make money and make profit. That is their financial and legal responsibility. It is the Government's responsibility to regulate them and ensure vulnerable people, families and businesses across this country can actually pay their electricity bills and that there is not gouging happening. We all know in this Chamber, and even the Taoiseach mentioned it, that there is gouging happening with electricity prices. However, rather than the Government actually sitting down and going through the analysis and examining exactly, bit by bit, where that gouging is happening and who is gouging, it is not taking that action.”
“They are hiking up their prices and they are paying less for the wholesale energy they are purchasing. There are 300,000 homes in electricity arrears at the moment, and 180,000 in gas arrears. The average electricity arrear per household is €436. That is a lot of money to have sitting as a bill a person is not able to pay. For gas, the average is €186. There are 187,000 customers who are in long-term arrears for electricity. That shows the Minister of State the extent of the problem. That is a red flag. If 190,000 electricity customers have not been able to pay their bills for over 90 days, that is a warning signal to which the Government needs to listen. We heard earlier from both sides of the House that it is now time to call out the energy companies.”
“It is freezing outside and, as we sit in this Chamber, there will be people sitting at home - elderly people and people experiencing energy poverty - who will be afraid to turn on their heating because they know they simply cannot afford to. They will leave it as long as possible before they can make themselves comfortable, and that is not right in a wealthy country like Ireland. We are at a situation now where prices for electricity have almost doubled in the past five years. It has gone from €976 for an average bill to €1,817. The pressures being put on individuals and businesses are astronomical. Many retailers have increased their prices by 10% to 12%, adding an extra €150 or €200 on to a Bill. That is while their own costs are going down.”
“Incredibly, funding for active travel is not inflation-proofed in this plan, which really just amounts to an effective cut across the next five years. This failure to prioritise public transport means increasing gridlock, longer commutes and higher emissions. We all know why this is happening, and it is primarily so that money can be given to roads over public transport. The last Luas project was delivered in 2017. It will now be at least 13 years before there is a new one, and that is the short extension. How can the Government stand over this plan while claiming it wants to prioritise public transport?”
“I am hugely concerned about the lack of ambition in the national transport plan that was issued yesterday. Luas Finglas, which received planning permission this month, will not start construction until 2029. This is not a complicated project; it is a 4 km extension. Earlier this year, the Taoiseach promised to accelerate the Cork Luas. There is no funding for it in this plan. Similarly, DART+ South West is also now on the long finger. That has had full planning permission but it will not start construction until 2030. There is no funding for Luas to Lucan, Poolbeg or, indeed, Bray in our constituency. There is no funding for the reopening of the Waterford to Rosslare rail line, which is a critical project for the development of the south east. That has been ignored.”
“The Minister of State, Deputy Healy-Rae, was asked about Mercosur on the TV during the week and he immediately went to the nitrates derogation. Can the Minister confirm there has been no deal done in Europe that the nitrates derogation would be given, contingent on his support for the Mercosur deal or not fighting or opposing it?”
“It is also interesting that when the nitrates directive is mentioned, whether it is the Taoiseach or the Minister's colleague, the Minister of State, Deputy Michael Healy-Rae, the immediate response is to deflect to Mercosur. It seems there is a conflation of Mercosur and nitrates in the minds of some Government TDs-----”
“My understanding is the nitrates action plan has screened out appropriate assessments. Is that correct? How does the habitats directive fall into that action plan? The Minister is saying appropriate assessments may be part of this for farmers. I do not know whether that is on a catchment level or an individual site level. Our concerns have always been that farmers were being led to a cliff and there was a level of uncertainty for them. There is now a three-year gap but, unfortunately, I imagine we could be back into this situation again in three years, where farmers are at the end of their tether and wondering what will happen in a number of months. I ask that the Minister completely avoid this.”