Maria McCormack
Labour Panel · Sinn Féin · Ireland
“I thank the Minister for coming in. I note that the aim of this Bill is to take the current eligibility criteria for social housing and put them on a statutory footing, and to create a new appeals mechanism for those refused access to social housing.”
“While Sinn Féin wants flexibility in the planning rules to allow families to provide freestanding extensions in back gardens for family members, we do not support allowing these structures to be rented out, nor do we support denying people tenancy rights and protections when they are renting them out.”
“Given the complex legal issues involved in appeals such as legal residency, habitual residency and social housing support, it would have been better to have a single, independent appeals office located in the Housing Agency similar to how social welfare appeals operate.”
“I thank the Minister of State for coming to the House. This Bill comprises a long, technical and complex series of amendments to the Planning and Development Act 2024. It is unfortunate that it is being rushed through the Houses at breakneck speed and without proper scrutiny.”
“The Minister can talk about viability all he wants but, really, all he is doing is making these developments more profitable while reducing living standards. It will not help to increase supply or bring down prices.”
“Many people living in Graiguecullen are asking the simple question, "What problem is this scheme actually trying to solve?" Residents are worried that a €3 million project could reduce road capacity, increase congestion around schools, make life more difficult for old people and people living with disabilities and negatively impact local…”
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“There is a lack of GPs in Laois. We have had a large population growth but do not have services, especially GPs, to match this. The national average GP ratio is 1:1,000 but in Laois at the moment the ratio is about 1:1,600. There are large areas in Laois that have no GP. To use the town of Ballickmoyler as an example, it has a population of approximately 1,100 people and hundreds of new houses have been built there. Surrounding areas also feed into it, but there is no GP there. There is no GP in Doonane, Crettyard or The Swan. Large areas of the county are without a GP. Where there are GPs, there are large wait times and extra pressure on our hospitals and out-of-hours services. I call on this House to have a debate about more GPs for County Laois, especially public GPs and not just private GPs.”
“I move amendment No. 6: In page 4, between lines 14 and 15, to insert the following: " Report on ban on rent increases 5 . Within a week of the passing of this Act the Minister for Housing will publish a report on the introduction of an emergency ban on rent increases for all private rental tenants, including existing tenancies, new tenancies in existing rental stock and new tenancies in new rental stock.".”
“More recently, daft.ie published its report for quarter 1 of this year, showing average new rents throughout the State were €2,223 per calendar month. Sinn Féin wants to see rents capped for three years to give renters a chance and a break from rising rents. At the same time, there need to be massively ramped-up delivery of social and affordable housing in particular. The other amendment is straightforward and relates to amendment No. 1, which seeks to introduce a ban on rent increases until 2028. Renters deserve that chance. I ask that people support the amendments. We support the residency board move but without a rent freeze more people will be forced into homelessness and more young people will leave our country.”
“I move amendment No. 1: In page 3, between lines 13 and 14, to insert the following: "Amendment of section 19 of Principal Act 2. Section 19(4)(b) of the Principal Act is amended, in the definition of "relevant percentage"— (a) in paragraph (a), by the substitution of "0 per cent" for "2 per cent", and (b) by the deletion of paragraph (b).". The amendments seek to defer any rent increase for the next three years. A total of 80% of renters are not in long-term rental so they will not benefit from the Bill. Renters need stability and security and the amendments seek to provide this. At present rents are far too high for existing and new renters. The figures in the Residential Tenancies Board report for quarter 4 of last year showed that State-wide new rents increased by 5.5%. Last year, average rents in Laois rose by 7%.”
“I ask the Minister to support the amendment to freeze rent for three years and have a proper plan to increase houses so we can see an end to this housing crisis. If we just bring this in now and rents go up, those families will be completely left behind.”
“Families do not stand a chance because their basic necessity to have a roof over their head is just not there. They have to live apart and, in some cases, they have to present as homeless, and if they are working, that is not an option. A whole cohort of working families are earning too much to qualify for social housing and, at the same time, earning too little to get a mortgage. They are caught in the middle and stuck in the rental trap. These are the people I am talking about. Extending the rent pressure zones is great, but if we do not have a freeze on the rising rents, these are the people we are affecting, and we are screwing them even more. The Bill is throwing these families to the wolves.”
“In recent months, I have heard a very similar story from constituents coming to my advice clinic, such as couples who have not had the chance to live independently as a family and couples who have a child but, because they have to live separately while raising their child, whose relationship has been strained and who now live separate lives. It is normally fathers in those cases, and they do not have adequate accommodation, so they cannot have equal access to their child. The men coming to me are desperate for help to be a good father and to have access to their kids. Where are we to put them - on a floor or in a bed at their parents’ house? One man in his forties explained to me how he is back living with his parents but they are too unwell for him to have his children over. This story is becoming very common.”
“It is like we are giving with one hand but taking back with the other. I find I am met with total confusion at the increased complexity of this new regulation. Different settings having different rules will no doubt make it harder for tenants, especially vulnerable tenants, to understand and vindicate their rights. We will probably now see an increase in rogue landlords exploiting this complexity and exploiting vulnerable tenants, or non-professional landlords getting caught out because they have struggled to understand the new rules. The RTB is already inundated with cases. For sure, these changes will only increase its workload. In my constituency of Laois, like most public representatives, I hear people’s struggles with the housing crisis every day and their experiences with renting.”
“Yet, here we have a Bill that amends the one bit of legislation that supports and protects renters with rent caps for rent pressure zones. What does the Bill actually do for renters? Instead of giving renters hope or stability, it will lead to even greater rent increases for tens of thousands of renters. They are all contacting me. The Government's solution to rising rents is to cause rents to rise even further, at a time when rents are at a record high and we have a massive cost-of-living crisis. We are in a housing emergency. What renters need is a ban on rent increases for at least a three-year period and a dedicated plan to deliver enough social, affordable and private-purchase homes in that time. Sinn Féin supports the expansion of the rent pressure zones across the State, of course, but it must be done with immediate effect.”
“Where do I start with this Bill? When I got my head around it, there is more confusion than anything else. I understand the pressures the Minister is under. We know housing is an emergency. When I went through it, I felt like this was some kind of a sick joke. The Government has failed so badly on housing that we are running out of ways to explain to it how badly it is doing. Record numbers of homelessness continue to rise, as do the record house prices and record rental prices. In addition, sadly, the number of young people giving up on Ireland and heading to the likes of Australia continues to rise. The Government is now accepting that it will not meet its target for the number of houses to be built this year.”
“This is an issue for everyone's dignity, such as the people attending court, given that it is embarrassing for them to be so public on the main street. As there is a new site, I would like to see this being pushed a bit further. Wheelchair users and parents with buggies cannot get through or use the footpath. Businesses are suffering. Public confidence in law and order is being eroded. Let us not forget that Portlaoise is home to the country's maximum security prison as well, so the idea that a town housing such a critical part of our justice system does not have a functional courthouse really beggars belief. I ask the Leader to please get an update as to when the building will commence on the new site for Portlaoise courthouse.”
“I am seeking an update on the new site for the Portlaoise courthouse building. The ongoing situation with Portlaoise courthouse is absolutely unacceptable. As a facility, it is one major incident away from closure. Judge Johnson has described the condition of the building in stark terms, citing serious concerns around health and safety and basic functionality. Yet, despite Laois County Council providing a site for the new courthouse at the Aldi in Portlaoise, we have received no update from the Government. The courthouse is on Main Street in Portlaoise, so as we can imagine, the main street is becoming very chaotic and unsafe on court days. Prison vans are parked on the footpaths. Families shout at loved ones through van windows. Antisocial behaviour is rampant.”
“Ms Marjorie Farrelly must now come before the Oireachtas to explain omissions and decisions. Why were the submissions made on behalf of Grace not incorporated into the report? We have to try to hear Grace's voice in some form. Why were the experiences of other children who passed through the foster home not investigated? This is really serious. Why after all this time is there so much silence? We are judged as a society by how we protect those who cannot protect themselves. In this case, we have fallen far short. There is still time to do the right thing. Grace deserves nothing less.”
“The report exposed the fact that what happened should never have happened, but the process of repeatedly covering up what was happening shows a culture of secrecy that has been at the heart of many of our darkest institutional failures, from mother and baby homes to the Magdalen laundries and industrial schools. Let us not even refer to nursing homes. This case is beyond horrific. There were failures that were ignored and covered up which snowballed into enormous tragedies. The Farrelly commission report is a deeply troubling part of the wider pattern, a report that after years of work delivers nothing close to the justice that was promised and which Grace deserves. The very least we owe Grace and every child in State care is full accountability. That begins with full transparency.”
“Why Grace was placed in a home that was never formally assessed or approved for a foster placement? How can that happen? Why did no social worker visit her for six full years? How was it possible that credible allegations of abuse, including sexual abuse, were discounted and dismissed from the report? Why, after she was removed from the placement, was she sent back? This is not just about historic wrongs; it is about the ongoing failure of transparency and accountability because, disturbingly, submissions on behalf of Grace by the General Solicitor for Minors and Wards of Court, who was appointed to protect her interests, were simply omitted from the final report. How can that be justified? How, after everything that Grace has suffered, can her voice once again be silenced?”
“I will start with Grace in mind. One of the things that defines us as human beings and sets us apart from all other creatures is our ability to communicate and give voice to our experiences, fears, suffering and hopes. The very act of being heard is central to our humanity. For those who cannot speak or whose voices are not heard, they are utterly dependent on all of us, including the State and its institutions, to protect and advocate for them and act in their best interests. Grace could not speak for herself and in her silence the State failed her, not once but over and over again. The Farrelly report was supposed to finally give voice to her story, but with 2,000 pages and at a cost of nearly €14 million, the report has delivered silence once more. It has failed to answer the central harrowing questions that must be asked.”
“We need legal rights of entry for social care professionals. HIQA inspections every few months is just not enough. We need a system that cares. Our older people should not just be warehoused. We need a system where families do not live in fear of what is happening behind closed doors. I ask the Leader to call in the Minister for Health for a debate on this urgently because the families of the loved ones in these homes need answers. There must be prosecutions.”
“I have also been contacted by families who, when they were shown the footage from RTÉ, did not agree to have it shown on television because the abuse was too severe. We are only seeing a snippet of what has gone on in these homes. There were only three homes in the broadcast. This is the largest private nursing home operator in the country. If this is what is happening in one, what confidence can we have in the rest? What safeguards are actually in place? Let us call it what it is. We have allowed a system of care to develop that puts profit before people. Over 70% of nursing home beds are now private. That did not happen by accident. It happened by policy. We need the safeguarding legislation that has been talked about since 2017. Social workers, experts and advocates all demand it. We need mandatory reporting of abuse.”
“I rise today furious about the "RTÉ Investigates" programme into Emeis nursing homes, one of which is in my hometown of Portlaoise. Since the broadcast aired, I have been contacted by many families of loved ones who are resident there at present and residents who have passed away. They have no answers. They are devastated and retraumatised. They are demanding answers, as they should. We cannot dress this up as poor standards or under-resourcing. What we saw was abuse, pure and simple. Older people and vulnerable people were left soiled and distressed. Staff were caught on camera handling residents roughly, shouting at them and denying them dignity. There were no towels, no gloves, no wipes and no compassion. This is just what we witnessed on camera.”
“I say this with all my heart: I am sorry to the people of Gaza because we should be doing more in this Chamber. We could be doing more. When Gaza burned, and Ireland had a chance to act, what did we do? Let this House be clear: not in our name.”
“They do not sleep or even sit down. They are starving and begging for anyone to be able to do anything. We have a voice. We are a small but mighty country, and I feel there is more we need to do. While the Government speaks about watering down our neutrality and ending the triple lock, the message it is sending to people is not good. Irish people feel deeply about our history of colonisation, occupation, dispossession and starvation. They are protesting in their thousands. Irish people are livid that this Government is allowing the Central Bank of Ireland to facilitate the raising of funds for Israel's genocidal regime. The world is watching and history will remember who stood up and those who stood by. It is now, not in a couple of months, that we need to act. The children who are starving do not have time.”
“They have never even had a chance to have a voice. We know there are things that we can do. I feel powerless and I believe that we have to stand up more and work together. This is about being human, not about being politicians. All I hear from the Government week after week is that it is thinking about it, considering it or exploring pathways. It is circles and circles of conversations and it feels like Groundhog Day. The facts are that the occupied territories Bill has not been enacted and that war bonds linked to Israel are being sold through our financial system. We could do small things. Yes, what is going on there is not our fault, and I commend the work that was done, but there is more we can do. We are standing idly by while children are starving. I was listening to a doctor on my way to the House.”
“It does not matter whether a Member is in government, in opposition or groupies in the middle; we are all humans. I am a human and the Minister of State is a human. What is happening at the moment is inhumane. We cannot just stand by and put it off and off. I was watching "The Week in Politics" on Sunday. A Minister whose name I do not know was on the programme. He was talking about the importance of the triple lock, He said that if committees need to meet twice a week, we need to do as much as we can to work to get this through. Why are we not doing this when it comes to Gaza? I understand there are restrictions - perhaps amendments need to be made to the Bill proposed by my colleague, Deputy Pearse Doherty - but why are we not moving quicker in this regard? These children are looking on as so many are injured before the age of one.”
“I have to speak plainly this morning, because what happened in the Dáil on Tuesday was a disgrace. Sinn Féin brought forward a Bill, led by my colleague, Deputy Pearse Doherty, that would have empowered the Minister for Finance to stop the sale of Israeli war bonds through Ireland. This was a straightforward, lawful and moral action that would have shown that Ireland will no longer facilitate genocide. I agree with Senator O'Loughlin, who said we are all on the same page here, but on Tuesday her Government shut this down. It blocked a chance to act and voted against a chance to make a real difference, while the slaughter in Gaza continues, while babies are pulled from the rubble and while homes, hospitals and entire communities are levelled. I am in opposition; I do not hold the power.”
“I acknowledge the Tánaiste’s opening speech on this. I find this a very difficult topic to talk about - 19 months of genocide, 55,000 dead, 50,000 children killed or injured, and if the bombs do not kill them, starvation will. They have no food, no water and no medicine. The word "horrific" does not even feel adequate as it is just so awful. We must play our part in doing what we can as a nation to oppose this genocide as Israel continues to act with impunity. I feel so ashamed to be a public representative looking at what is going on. Why did this Government abandon the occupied territories Bill? I commend Senator Frances Black on her work with the occupied territories Bill. Why did the Government shut down Sinn Féin's Bill on the Israeli war bonds?”
“I am really disappointed to see that it is not being allowed to go on to Committee Stage. Of course, if amendments are needed, we would all be interested in working on that. Homeless families and people waiting to get a home of their own having to wait another year while we kick the can down the road is just not acceptable.”
“It is clear that local authorities have been stripped of funding and have been undermined for so long by Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael that they are not in a position to collect these levies. We need a derelict sites levy with teeth because that will be transformative. Sinn Féin has called for the levy to be collected by Revenue and we would reform the CPO. We need to move towards a use it or lose it policy. In Laois I talk to grown adults who, through no fault of their own, are stuck living in their parents' back bedroom while next door is left to rot when it is boarded up. How frustrating and sickening is this for people to see? Sinn Féin will support the Bill today because anything that will help the housing crisis needs to be done as a matter of urgency.”
“We have been in the height of a housing crisis for nearly a decade and these basics cannot even be got right to make sure councils are funded properly to get social housing voids returned to stock as quickly as possible. This is absolutely baffling. The latest data on derelict site levies for 2023 show that 1,913 sites were on the register but only one in three was levied. Of the €5.6 million levied, only €600,000 was collected. The authorities across the State were owed €20.5 million. As of 31 December 2023, there were only 30 sites on the Laois register. The levy was applied to only eight of these at a value of €48,125. Less than €16,000 was collected by Laois County Council.”
“I thank the Minister of State for coming in. I am glad to speak to this Bill today. Having so many vacant or derelict homes rotting away in our towns, cities and villages while families are living out of tiny hotel rooms in homelessness is absolutely shameful. Definitely having boarded up homes at a time like this is like hoarding food in a famine. For far too long the Government has been failing to properly resource local authorities to bring empty social homes back into use quickly and efficiently. Figures received in response to a recent parliamentary question from Deputy Thomas Gould show that over 50% of council homes in the country will remain boarded up for 2025. Seriously.”
“This is not a radical proposal but one that is long overdue. Let us be brave enough to challenge discrimination where it lives, in systems, in attitudes and, yes, in our laws. Let us stand with the young man from the council estate, the woman in emergency accommodation and the families struggling, not because of lack of effort but because the odds were stacked against them from the start. Let us call this what it is - discrimination - and let us pass this Bill to end it.”
“Some might say this is too complex, that poverty is too hard to define or that it is not the job of equality law to address social class issues, but we say this: if we are serious about equality, we must be serious about economic justice. France, Belgium and other European countries already include socioeconomic status in their equality legislation, so why not Ireland? We have the data and the stories. We now need the will. I commend Senator Chris Andrews on his leadership on this issue and all the organisations involved, especially those here with us today, the legal experts and the communities who have campaigned for this for years. Organisations like the Irish Human Rights and Equality Commission have long called for this reform, as have legal academics, anti-poverty groups and community development networks.”
“This is particularly relevant to a Laois Traveller group that I met recently. I am thinking of particular youths in that group who were keen to go to further education and to progress in school, but because they were from the Traveller community, they felt discriminated against. I have stood with people who survived addiction and were trying to rebuild their lives but faced discrimination every single time they walked into a job interview or applied for a rental. This Bill does not fix all of that, but it sends a powerful message that their experience is real and the State will no longer stand by and turn a blind eye.”
“It provides a clear legal definition covering things like poverty, source of income, homelessness, education level, employment status and even regional accents. It acknowledges that discrimination does not happen in a vacuum, it intersects, and the most vulnerable people often carry multiple disadvantages, compounded and reinforced by systemic neglect. This kind of discrimination is often invisible. It slips through the cracks because it does not fit neatly into the existing nine grounds of our equality legislation. However, if you grow up poor in Ireland, it can feel like the system is designed to keep you down. We see this in Laois and all over the country. I have met young people who are leaving school early, not because they do not have the ability, but because the supports are not there.”
“It encompasses a child from a disadvantaged community being told he or she is not the right fit for a school; a woman from a Traveller or working class background being denied a job because of where she lives; a man in a homeless shelter being laughed at for using a prepaid card or being charged extra because he has no bank account; and families being told to wait at the back of the housing queue, not because they do not qualify, but because of a stigma that follows from generation to generation. This is not theoretical. This is real and it is happening every day. The Bill does several important things. It amends the Employment Equality Act 1998 and the Equal Status Act 2000 to include socioeconomic disadvantage as a protected ground.”
“I rise with pride to speak in support of the Equality (Miscellaneous Provisions) Bill 2025, introduced by my colleague Chris Andrews. This is important legislation, simple in its construction, yet powerful in its intention. It seeks to do one vital thing, namely, to finally recognise socioeconomic disadvantage as a ground upon which discrimination can occur and outlaw it under equality law. Right now, it is not illegal to discriminate against someone because he or she is poor, because of his or her address, because he or she is on social welfare or because he or she has a regional accent. We have laws that protect people on the basis of gender, race, religion and disability but not poverty. This is a glaring omission, and it is one that the Bill seeks to right. Let us be clear about what socioeconomic discrimination looks like.”
“It would limit new applications to primary residents to ensure we are supporting people who are genuinely opening their homes and not enriching private landlords. It would ban top-up payments to stop exploitation and protect the integrity of the scheme. These are reasonable, necessary changes. Without them, this House should not and cannot support the extension of the ARP in its current form. This is about fairness. It is about protecting the housing market and using public money responsibly. I urge Members to accept the amendment and we can get this motion passed.”
“It is a recipe for division. In addition, some ARP recipients are receiving unregulated top-up payments. We have heard from landlords who say this is widespread and as long as these top-ups continue unchecked, the payment reduction from €800 to €600 will make no real difference. Sinn Féin is not calling for a cliff edge. We are not looking to put anyone at risk of homelessness. What we are calling for with this amendment is a fair, balanced and workable scheme that supports genuine hosts without undermining the rental sector. That is why we have brought forward this amendment. I urge colleagues to support it. The amendment would introduce a means test for beneficiaries, like every other housing payment in this country.”
“They get a guaranteed payment from the State, often with top-up payments from tenants and with none of the responsibilities that come with formal rental agreements. What is worse is the complete lack of accountability. The Minister has not commissioned any proper assessment of the impact this scheme is having on the rental market. We need data because I am hearing that it is distorting the market. We have seen the payment lurch from €400 to €800 and now €600 without any explanation or logic. Taxpayers need to know how their money is being spent. The core issue that cannot be ignored is that there is no means test for beneficiaries. Someone in a secure, well-paid job can access this support while others in greater need of housing supports are left behind. That inequality breeds resentment, which is understandable.”
“The ARP scheme is actively distorting the rental sector and creating serious inequalities. Let us call it what it is: the ARP in its current form is deeply unfair. It was introduced in good faith to support people opening their homes to those fleeing war. Let me be clear. We commend every family and individual who did just that but the scheme has spiralled beyond its original purpose. Sinn Féin has consistently raised red flags. We warned that without reform, this payment could create an incentive for landlords to opt out of the regular rental market, and that is exactly what is happening across the country. I am hearing from landlords who say the ARP is a more lucrative option.”
“This Government is just failing them and is breaking the law by doing so. We cannot accept this situation. Emergency funding needs to be put into Cara's fund now.”
“There is just a complete lack of transparency regarding how the Government intends to meet its legal obligation. As Cara said to the Taoiseach outside Leinster House, you are breaking the law. Where is the accountability? Where is the emergency plan to clear these backlogs? Where is the leadership to stand up and say that children with disabilities deserve better than this? I call on the Government to immediately publish a clear national plan to bring the State back into compliance with the Disability Act 2005, to fully staff and fund all the CDNTs and to stop relying on agency cover and temporary workarounds, provide real-time reporting on waiting lists and hold senior management accountable when timelines are breached. Children with disabilities are not optional and their rights are not negotiable.”
“This is not just an administrative delay; it is a denial of people's rights and has real and irreversible consequences for our children. Early intervention changes lives. A delay in assessment means a delay in therapy, in support at school, in speech and occupational therapy and in mental health interventions. All this is happening while children regress and families are left in limbo. As the mother of a child with additional needs, I know the toll this takes not just on the child but also on the entire family. I refer to the anxiety, the exhaustion and the constant advocacy just to get what your child is legally entitled to. Assessments of need are now overdue for 15,296 children. That is 15,296 families. The Government knows the system is broken. We now have a growing backlog and understaffed children's disability network teams, CDNTs.”
“I speak today about one of the most shameful ongoing failures of this Government, namely the persistent and unlawful delays in completing assessments of need for children with disabilities. I have just come from outside Leinster House where I talked with the father of Cara Darmody. They are all exhausted. This is a 14-year-old girl who has to sleep outside Leinster House to fight for services for children with disabilities. Under the Disability Act 2005, it is not a suggestion but the law that an assessment must be commenced and completed within six months of an application being made. However, the reality is very different. Across this State, the legal right to which I refer is being violated every day. We have families waiting 12, 18 and even 24 months or longer simply to get initial assessments.”
“I thank the Minister and appreciate that he gives a thorough response every time he is here. I agree that we need to consider diversion and engage better with the youth diversion services but the issue of youth crime reached crisis point in Laois this week when there was no option and people felt that the youths got away free. There was no deterrent, leading to uproar in the community because so much car theft and other criminality was going on under our noses. There is work to be done. I am delighted that the Minister is looking at Oberstown to see how we can move forward on this. I hope that lots of investment and time are put into people at a young age to deter them from crime.”
“I am calling for immediate action, including the emergency expansion of Oberstown or the provision of temporary regional youth detention facilities; a full Government-led response to organised youth crime because that is on the increase, day in, day out, particularly the grooming and recruitment tactics of gangs targeting vulnerable children; proper resourcing for gardaí to respond to these escalating crimes, including youth-specific detention and intervention units; and investment in diversion and early intervention programmes, not after the tenth arrest but when the first warning signs emerge. This is not about locking children away and forgetting about them; this is about creating a system that deters dangerous behaviour, protects the public and offers real structured rehabilitation, not TikTok fame. We need action.”
“What message does it send to the victims, the public and the perpetrators? We are witnessing the complete breakdown of a youth justice system, not due to the negligence of the Garda or the Judiciary but due to Government failure. There are simply no places left to put these young people in when they offend, and the crime continues. As Judge Cody said, these youths have done so in a shocking and dangerous manner without any regard for their own or anyone else's lives. The lesson being learned by these juveniles is that they can continue to commit crime without any consequences. This just cannot go on.”
“These are children, some as young as 14, stealing cars, tearing through our streets, driving the wrong way down the M7, smashing up businesses, destroying public property and uploading it all on TikTok for clout. It is being glamorised. It is being encouraged and we are being humiliated. Judge Cody was clear. The Garda and the courts are doing their best but he said the ultimate sanction and deterrent of imprisonment has been taken away because Oberstown Children Detection Centre is full. This week, gardaí arrived with a court order to place two of these teenagers in custody. They waited 25 minutes at the gate of Oberstown only to be told that it was full. They were handed a sealed letter and told to bring the teenagers back to the Garda station. What message does that send?”
“He said, "The Government is failing to protect the citizens of the State." This is a damning verdict from one of our own judges, a judge, who, in fairness, has been forced to watch the same cohort of young offenders appear before him week after week, having committed crime after crime with no meaningful consequence, no available detention space and no sign of urgency from the Government. Judge Cody went further saying: There is a core to this gang here in Portlaoise who continue to commit crimes without any fear of recrimination. They do so because they know the courts, the gardaí and society have been handcuffed, while they walk free.”
“I am delighted the Minister is back in this House. I am deeply troubled by what I am witnessing in our community in Laois and surrounding counties. I am not alone in this concern. Over the past week, I have received numerous calls from frightened and frustrated residents who feel like prisoners in their own homes, living in fear of reckless behaviour and repeat offending. One constituent said to me that the State is absent when it is needed most. This issue is all over our local media, including the Laois Nationalis t. What has pushed this into the national spotlight is the extraordinary comments made by Judge Andrew Cody in Portlaoise District Court last week.”
“That model works. Laois has its vision, but we need Government support to make it happen. A motion was passed by local county councillors in Laois in October 2024, but we need the Government to drive this forward and engage Bord na Móna so that the project is not delayed any longer. This is more than just a local trail. It is about setting a national example that climate action can be community led, nature has value beyond profit and rural Ireland can be at the heart of real environmental leadership. We all need to enshrine the right to a clean, healthy and safe environment in our Constitution, something recommended by our citizens' assembly. I ask the Minister of State to back the new greenway in Laois and biodiversity and build a better future for all through biodiversity.”