Matt Carthy
Cavan-Monaghan · Sinn Féin · Ireland
“I move amendment No. 1: To insert after "on 2nd July, 2026": "and: further calls on the Government to provide that the Accommodation Recognition Payment (ARP) scheme shall apply only to: — existing recipients with respect to the beneficiaries of temporary protection currently benefitting from the scheme where those beneficiaries of tempor…”
“10 reads, "In page 5, line 31, after “section 2” to insert “or section 3”." Section 3 criminalises recording, sharing or publishing an intimate image without consent where it seriously interferes with a person's privacy or causes alarm, distress or harm to them.”
“In terms of the legislation, as well as the breadth of the issues covered in the Bill, the other problem is the number of amendments the Minister has introduced on every Stage on new and unrelated matters that just have not been discussed in this House at all and will not get discussed here because of guillotines being applied and the Min…”
“It is not an additional punishment to be included on the register. As has been said, this is just about having a mechanism whereby the constitutional diktat that justice should be done in public is actually made available. This is not an additional punishment. It is actually a protection for others.”
“We must bear in mind that the vast majority of domestic violence offences and abuses never make their way to court. Most of them never result in a complaint. When complaints are made, most of them never see a file being sent to the DPP. Even when that happens, most of them never actually make it to court.”
“She made the point that when a woman, in the majority cases we are talking about women, goes to a Garda station to make a complaint about domestic violence you can virtually bet your life that it is not the first instance of domestic violence that she has encountered.”
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“That Omagh bombing inquiry was established by the northern Secretary of State in February 2024 to investigate whether the bombing in the town of Omagh, County Tyrone, on 15 August 1998 could have been prevented. The Irish Government made commitments to assist with the inquiry and this Bill is to facilitate this assistance. Sinn Féin fully supports this co-operation. Last year, the inquiry heard four weeks of what could only be described as heart-breaking testimony from the victims and survivors of the Omagh bombing. It was important to do that at the very beginning of the inquiry, in my view. Sinn Féin had supported the demand of the families of the victims of the 1998 Omagh bombing for a cross-Border public inquiry.”
“Cuirim fáilte roimh an deis seo. I apologise to the Minister for being for missing some of his speech and also apologise to the House that I have to leave immediately after my own because this debate is clashing with a meeting of the Oireachtas justice committee. That affects a number of Members. I ask the Minister to engage with his officials to try to ensure that justice debates in future will not clash with meetings of the committee because a number of members of the committee would like to be here for the duration of the debate. The purpose of this Bill is, as the Minister has outlined, to provide a specific legal mechanism for the taking of oral testimony before a High Court judge in this jurisdiction for the purpose of the Omagh bombing inquiry.”
“One Department is burdening an agency under the control of her Department with significant additional responsibilities. She has a responsibility to inform this House whether she is satisfied that Tusla and her Department will be able to deal with the additional responsibilities that are coming their way.”
“It has been reported that Tusla stopped using eight private companies because they did not meet the required standards, and it referred five private operators to the Garda National Vetting Bureau. We know that a large proportion of those housed in special emergency arrangements are separated children seeking international protection and that is specifically why we raised these issues with the Minister, Deputy O’Callaghan, during the debate on international protection. His response was wholly unacceptable, and he is now rushing through legislation and ignoring the reality that State bodies, particularly Tusla, are at breaking point and are not equipped to cope with the additional workloads. These are issues that the Minister, Deputy Foley, has a responsibility to manage as well.”
“There have been significant issues with young people going missing from Tusla care. The majority of those who have gone missing have been unaccompanied minors in the international protection system. More than 1,100 children in Tusla's care were placed in what are called unregulated special emergency arrangements, SEAs, with no HIQA oversight whatsoever. This included the SEA facility where Vadym Davydenko was tragically killed. Last month in Dublin District Court, Judge Conor Fottrell severely criticised profiteering by private operators providing these unregulated placements for the most vulnerable children. He described it as wrong and shameful, and he was absolutely right in that. Notably, it was not the first time that Judge Fottrell or other judges spoke out about the failures of Tusla.”
“The Bill is going to increase Tusla’s workload at a time when we know that organisation is under-resourced, overstretched and unable to meet its statutory duties for vulnerable children, including unaccompanied minors. On Committee Stage of the Bill a couple of weeks ago, I tabled a number of amendments to ensure Tusla will have the capacity, resources and staffing for the additional workload, as well as an amendment to end the use of unregulated special emergency arrangements. The Bill is not being progressed by the Minister’s Department, but will she give an indication in her closing remarks about whether it has inputted into this legislation? Given all the failings we have been speaking about, to add additional workload and responsibility onto Tusla at this time is dangerous.”
“That organisation, therefore, has to be held to the highest standards. There are lots of questions and we have heard lots of very concerning stories, both during this debate and over a long period of time. That is why concerns about Tusla and its capacity have been to the fore in our consideration of the International Protection Bill, which the Government is currently rushing through the Oireachtas. In the pre-legislative scrutiny report on the Bill, there was a warning that Tusla lacked the staffing, resources and operational capacity to meet what are going to be expanded statutory duties in respect of unaccompanied minors.”
“There have been failures to inform the courts that children in care were not allocated a social worker. There have been multiple failures within the agency at all levels and we have a Department that washes its hands. There is long-standing shortage of social workers which is the result of Government failures and a lack planning. HIQA reviews have identified systemic governance issues, including inconsistent practice and delays in service delivery. There have been repeated findings of inadequate oversight and delayed assessments. There have been significant failures when it comes to communication with those whom Tusla interacts with. Tusla’s job is to protect the most vulnerable children in the State, to look after their welfare, to respond to concerns and to provide care services.”
“Last November, thejournal.ie reported that children in Tusla-run homes were reported missing on nearly 7,000 occasions from January 2020 to September 2025. When vulnerable children go missing, they are at severe risk of being exploited or harmed. Unfortunately, there have been high-profile cases of children who have been harmed after they have gone missing. There are major issues in Tusla in relation to staff shortages, over-stretched staff and high staff numbers. Too many vulnerable children have been left without a social worker. This problem is particularly acute in certain regions. Orders for the care of children have been not complied with on all occasions and senior management in Tusla who were aware of these issues failed to take appropriate action.”
“Cuirim fáilte roimh an deis labhairt ar an rún seo. Tá saincheisteanna maidir le Tusla ardaithe agam sa Dáil arís agus arís eile. Níl sé sin ceart go leor. I commend Independent Ireland on bringing this motion to the Dáil. I welcome this opportunity as I have raised issues with regard to Tusla on numerous occasions both here in the Dáil and in the justice committee. It is clear that there are major problems. Children who need the care and protection of the State deserve the highest standards from the State but those standards are not always met. We also need to do much better in supporting young people who are leaving the care of the State. Too many children have gone missing and too many children have died.”
“At a time when the cost of driving is going through the roof, the state of the roads people have to drive on will deteriorate. Will the Tánaiste assure people in rural communities that an increased allocation of funding for local roads will be made, and made soon?”
“A couple of weeks ago, I raised with the Tánaiste the disgraceful allocations for local road restoration in counties like Monaghan and Cavan, to which he responded that he would engage with the Minister for Transport on the matter. Has he had that engagement with the Minister, as committed to, and can he now assure the House that there will be a substantive increase in funding for local and regional roads? Since our last interaction, local Oireachtas Members have met with officials and councillors from both Monaghan and Cavan county councils. Their reports were stark. They told us that under the announced funding allocation, road conditions will deteriorate and fewer roads will be repaired than were repaired last year.”
“If individuals are entitled to the truth, they should have recourse to get it. Otherwise, how do we not create a scenario whereby there is the potential for political favouritism and a feeling that some people are entitled to truth and justice and others are not? That is why the proposal from the Irish Council for Civil Liberties and the Committee for the Administration of Justice warrants consideration.”
“That answer speaks volumes. Let me be clear: every family that lost a loved one deserves truth and justice. I say that without equivocating or engaging in whataboutery. Let us deal with the Sallins case. Anyone looking at the detail of that matter can see that the investigation was rotten from start to finish. People's confessions were coerced, and that undermined the justice system. The problem is that, under the current framework, the Minister can just say that he does not think there should be a public inquiry. It should not be up to him, me or any other politician to decide which families are entitled to truth and justice. We should have a stand-alone mechanism for people, regardless of their background, the amount of money they have or their level of political influence.”
“All of these cases cast a shadow in terms accountability and give rise to an ongoing burden for the families involved. The Irish Government has supported the establishment of an historical inquiries unit in the North. Why will it not do the same in this State?”
“Of course, there are a range of historical cases. I am talking about cases in this State in respect of which justice and accountability have not been delivered. There are well-known cases of collusion and cases relating to the legacy of the conflict. The actions of the Garda heavy gang need to be addressed, particularly as those involved were central to a number of miscarriages of justice. The 50th anniversary of the Sallins case is approaching. There was no accountability for the actions of the gardaí involved in those events. The Kerry babies case is an outstanding area of concern. Little or nothing has been done regarding a number of conflict-related events, including the killing of Eddie Fullerton, the Dublin Airport bombing, the Dublin-Monaghan bombings and the case of John Francis Green in my constituency.”
“I am sure the Minister's office is even more inundated than mine in respect of this matter. Anybody who has ever been a member of the justice committee will have dealt with a huge number of outstanding legacy issues relating to the ongoing legacy of the Garda heavy gang, unresolved cases relating to the conflict and other historical investigative failures. How we have dealt with those matters has been a matter of much debate. The Irish Council for Civil Liberties and the Committee for the Administration of Justice proposed the establishment of a historical inquiries unit. That proposal merits consideration. Is the Minister considering the establishment of such a unit?”
“Has analysis been carried out as to what happens if Britain does not meet statutory and EU requirements or if a legal challenge to such designation in the courts were to be successful? The Minister will agree that if the figures he has cited are anywhere close to the reality, this would create huge problems, which could potentially derail the entire system he intends to implement.”
“You can try, Minister. That is what I am asking. What efforts have been made? I will touch on the designation of Britain as a safe third country. Let us assume the figures the Minister has given are accurate, although a lot of work needs to be done on the collection of data as to where IP applicants are coming from. Section 220 of the International Protection Bill 2026 requires the Minister to be satisfied that any proposed safe third country fully meets EU standards, particularly in relation to non-refoulement and access to a functional asylum system. Will the Minister outline the assessments that his Department has carried out as to the prospects of Britain meeting these criteria and how these will be assessed?”
“Correct me if I am wrong, but I did not hear anything about either a fundamental change or a new bilateral agreement being on the cards. Does the Minister not accept that this is what is required between this Government and the British Government if we are to have an asylum process that works?”
“We can have our opinions on Brexit. In fact, I am sure we would agree on many points. However, we would also need to agree on the fact that Brexit is a fact of life and that we find ourselves in a unique position. It is a fact that no other state which has signed up to the EU migration and asylum pact is also part of a common travel area with a state outside of the Union. The Minister has repeatedly made the claim, as have other Ministers, that the majority of international protection applicants enter the State via the common travel area. In fact the Minister's review of Protocol 21, which was published last year, acknowledged that the opt-outs we had to things like the migration pact were important in order to maintain the common travel area. The Minister referred to discussions he has had with British Ministers.”
“I was watching in for parts of the Seanad debate on the International Protection Bill. I was interested in, but not a bit surprised about, the failure, either in the Bill or in the EU migration and asylum pact, to have due consideration for the common travel area. The latter was a dominant part of the debate. What discussions has the Minister had with the British authorities regarding the pact's implementation and its impact on the common travel area?”
“An Garda Síochána has classified more than 40 events that will need to be the subject of major security operations during the Presidency . If we are going to rely on overtime for those, it will invariably mean that there will not be enough Garda visibility in areas outside of Dublin. What assurance will the Minister provide to communities that these additional responsibilities for gardaí will not leave their areas under-policed when the events to which I refer are taking place?”
“Of course we want to see more gardaí across all the regions, but we also need to address the failure in terms of numbers. In that context, I am sure the Minister will accept that there is far to much reliance on overtime for routine police work. We have far too few community and roads policing gardaí. We are in what is probably an unprecedented year, with the EU Presidency and the upcoming Ireland-Israel UEFA Nations League game, which, unfortunately, is still going ahead. We still have the potential of a visit by Donald Trump in September. The Minister mentioned the representative organisations. My understanding is that the Garda Representative Association, GRA, has threatened to refuse voluntary overtime as part of its dispute.”
“We have outlined proposals to increase both the training allowance and the number of training places and to encourage gardaí who have left the force to rejoin it. Has the Minister done any of those things?”
“The Minister stated he wants to reach 5,000 attestations over the lifetime of the Government. It does not take much deduction to realise that 619 gardaí attesting in the calendar year of 2025 remains way below what is needed in order meet that goal. That number will come as a surprise to many people, especially when they have heard so much about the fact that over 11,000 people applied to join An Garda last year. That points to a crisis. It certainly points to a failure. Despite the welcome increase in the intakes into Templemore, there has to be a recognition the numbers are still nowhere near where they need to be. What is the Government going to do about this? What additional measures are going to be put in place?”
“For all the rhetoric, there has actually been very little progress made in tackling the Garda recruitment and retention crisis. There continues to be a severe over-dependence on overtime for routine Garda work. Considering the significant challenges gardaí will face this year, will the Minister inform the House of precisely how many gardaí attested in 2025?”
“Sinn Féin has put forward a straightforward and practical solution, that is, reduce the taxes on petrol, diesel and home heating oil to give families immediate relief. The answer is here. All that is required now is for Government TDs to wise up and recognise the reality facing families across the State and support this motion.”
“Of course, one of the reasons that the Government refuses to act is simple. Higher fuel costs are not an accident. They are Government policy. Since 2020, the cost of petrol, diesel and home heating oil has been permanently increased six times, not by Putin or Trump, but by Micheál Martin, Simon Harris, Eamon Ryan and, latterly, the Lowry and Healy-Rae Independents to such an extent that 65 cent of every euro now being paid at the pumps is going to the Exchequer. By the way, these same parties plan to increase these taxes four more times between now and 2030. When workers are struggling to fill their cars and heat their homes, the Government is deliberately driving these costs higher. There is an alternative to the immediate crisis, however. It is before this House this evening.”
“The Government's decisions to remove energy credits, increase student fees, local property tax and rent, and do nothing about the soaring costs of insurance, groceries and other essentials have meant that households today simply do not have the capacity to absorb the large increases in fuel prices we have seen in recent weeks, yet the parties in government and the Independents who prop them up seem completely oblivious to the pressures people are under. Two weeks ago, a Fianna Fáil TD told me in a TV studio that it was premature to talk about a cost-of-living crisis. It is cloud cuckoo land stuff. I ask Government TDs this evening whether they still think it is premature or have they finally realised that, for many families, the cost-of-living situation has moved beyond a crisis and become an emergency?”
“It is fair to say that families across the State are in absolute shock at the rising costs they are facing, especially for petrol, diesel and home heating oil. The truth that is lost on the Government is that many of these families were already struggling long before these latest price hikes arrived. They were struggling because Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael removed vital cost-of-living supports in the most recent budget and actually left working people and families worse off this year than they were last year even before the recent hike spikes.”
“That is happening at a time when the cost of repairing roads is also increasing, so the funding cuts are even more unacceptable. Will the Tánaiste ensure that the local road funding allocations are reviewed as a matter of urgency so that people who are paying all these charges actually have roads that are in a fit condition to drive on?”
“At a time when petrol and diesel costs are rising again and when the Tánaiste's Government has indicated that it intends to raise carbon tax even further, does he understand the anger of people who cannot drive on their local roads because of the conditions? People in rural areas, as well as paying for huge fuel costs, are forking out for motor tax, local property tax, which the Government has increased, and soaring insurance prices, yet many local roads are in the worst condition in decades. In that context, it is unacceptable that funding provided to local roads has actually been reduced in counties like Cavan and Monaghan. In fact, in Monaghan, for example, the allocation for local roads improvements has been reduced by nearly €800,000 this year compared with last year.”
“The cover-ups that had to have been involved to allow this man to commit the crimes he committed over such a long time deserved to be investigated and now we are getting there. I welcome the fact we have a scoping exercise. I sometimes fear scoping exercises are delaying tactics. I hope it is not the case in this instance. I have huge respect for Lorcan Staines. After so many years and so many Members of this House - I am thinking of Caoimhghin Ó Caoláin, Arthur Morgan, Gerry Adams, Imelda Munster, current Louth Deputies and others - repeatedly demanding a thorough investigation, I hope the victims will finally get to the truth.”
“I want to say what is abundantly clear: the failures for children with spina bifida and scoliosis represent a major scandal and the investigation and review of that scandal needs to be comprehensive. Families have been failed for far too long with too many broken promises. Therefore, nothing should get in the way of full truth and delivering on promises made. I welcome progress made on the Michael Shine case but it is hard to celebrate the appointment of a senior counsel to carry out a scoping exercise because the story is very familiar. Allegations against Michael Shine first emerged in the 1970s, before we were even born. They continued throughout the seventies, eighties, nineties and 2000s. Victims have come forward and any of us who have met those victims knew this represented another scandal.”
“Crucially, we need to expand the services through post offices from banking and financial services to greater access to government services because here is the simple truth: Ministers talking the talk. How many services from each Department are actually provided from within the post office? If the Government really wanted to support our post offices, that would be the first move it would be making.”
“Some 11 post offices have closed in my constituency of Cavan-Monaghan in the past ten years alone. These closures did not happen by accident, and they are certainly not the fault of the people who live in their communities. They are the result of political choices, a failure to properly invest in the network and a decision by Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael to support the EU postal service directive, which actually prevents Government from recognising post offices as essential public infrastructure. Sinn Féin believes that the decline can be reversed, however. We are calling for a long-term government funding programme to secure the post office network, including investment needed to keep rural post offices closed.”
“The local post office is far more than just a place to send letters. In towns and villages across Ireland, the post office is the lifeline for communities. For many older people, those living alone and especially for people in rural communities, the post office is where the pension is collected, bills are paid and where the friendly face might be the only social contact somebody has that day. It provides vital access to cash and State services in communities. Despite that enormous social and economic value, however, successive Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael Governments have allowed this network to steadily decline. In the past decade, 257 post offices have closed across the State. That is a post office closure every fortnight. Rural communities have, as always under those parties, been the worst hit.”
“We have seen it with secondary schools fighting, as recently as this week, for additional special needs classes, even though the demand was apparent years ago because the children were coming through the primary sector. We know in this instance that the demand for the special school will only increase. What is required is a bit of forethought. I ask the Minister of State to ensure the NCSE does not only deal with the urgency of the immediate, which is important, but also deals with the prospects for the future.”
“Let us not make the same mistakes as have been made in countless other areas, where interim schools have been put in place with extensions and prefabricated building on prefabricated building to deal with demand at any given time, rather than recognising there is a need to plan for the long term. Demand for this school will only increase. The needs in terms of capacity will increase. Do not wait until the current site is completely exhausted before starting the entire process of finding and identifying a site and going through the whole process, which, as we know in this instance, can take years. We need a sea change. We have seen it with the SNA debacle.”
“I want to be clear that whatever modules or extensions are needed in the short term to increase capacity at the current location should happen without delay. The Minister of State mentioned that the Minister visited the school and, of course, she was very welcome. I was in the vicinity when the parents of the children who attend had a discussion with her. They had one ask, which was to make sure there is a permanent school that has capacity for future demand. The truth is that successive Governments have been far too slow in delivering special education. The Minister of State's answer alludes to this. What has been done is that Governments have been responding rather than planning. I am asking that in respect of the special school in Monaghan, let us plan.”
“We need a greenfield site to deliver a permanent special school that will have the capacity for future expansion. The current site is perfect for the kids there now insofar as they have the special education they need. It will allow for some expansion but will not allow for the type of expansion we know is needed in the future. I hope the Minister of State will outline a vision to say we will deliver a special school on a site with the capacity to deal with future demands.”
“The crucial term used on delivery of that school was "interim." The building in which the special school is housed was previously a secondary school, which the school moved out of. It is limited in capacity for future development and expansion, and we know from experience all over the State that when you build a special school demand and capacity needs will increase. Therefore, I have been calling on Government since September to start the planning to deliver a permanent special school. That is what is required. We know the school is already at capacity, after being in place for only one term. We know future accommodation is required to facilitate even the needs there now. We know there are proposals for modular extension at the interim special school but what is needed is a bit of forethought.”
“For too long my county had not the option of that last avenue. We had no special school. There was one special school between Cavan and Monaghan, a good school by all accounts, but the numbers and travel distances meant that for many, it was not an option and the capacity of that school was limited. Thankfully, primarily due to a sustained, dignified and determined campaign by families and supporters of children with disabilities, the Government agreed, in advance of the most recent general election, to the delivery of an interim special school. That opened in September last year with 18 students finally given access to the education they need, 18 families whose lives have been changed for the better and an entire community that is so proud of all who brought it to that point.”
“In recent weeks, we have seen how important special education is as an issue, not just for the children and families affected but to the wider community that recognises if a child gets the right educational support in the right school at the right time, it can have a profound and life-long benefit. We know special education will take different forms. For many children an SNA in a classroom will allow them to participate and thrive in mainstream schools. We know for others there is need for units within mainstream schools. They have specific needs to be catered for. We know for a relatively small number of children that what is required is enrolment in a purpose-built special school that has the expertise, staffing and policies in place to support some of the most vulnerable children through their most formative years.”
“Sinn Féin has been clear that IPAS centres should be placed in areas that are resourced to accommodate them, that community engagement has to be a real and defined concept, and that the private interests of property owners should not be allowed to be prioritised above all other considerations. The first step is to end the planning exemption and to support this Bill.”
“That has put elected representatives and other community leaders in a very difficult position as people are wondering whether it is the request for the exemption or the departmental statements that should be heeded. It is time for the Government to recognise that it has badly mismanaged the IPAS accommodation system. The failure to do so thus far suggests that previous mistakes are likely to be repeated in the future. That is why it was so worrying that last night the Government and others rejected my amendment to the International Protection Bill that would have ensured that a community impact assessment would be conducted prior to any new IPAS accommodation going ahead. It seems that the Government still has not learned that communities have to be part of the decisions that affect them.”
“We have seen that the exemption has facilitated the use of unsuitable buildings, vacant commercial buildings, old factories and office blocks. Without planning scrutiny, local authorities cannot properly assess the suitability of a site or a building, which is not in anyone's interest. It is a system that has led to bad decisions and community alienation. People continually tell us that they feel they are denied a say. It has also led to consternation in many cases, where property owners request an exemption for buildings for which they do not have a contract for accommodation and which the Department tells us they have no interest in using.”
“I thank Deputy Ó Broin for his work on this legislation. This Sinn Féin Bill seeks to end the current planning exemption for IPAS and temporary protection accommodation. That exemption has been in place for too long. A standard measure of a democratic system is that communities should have the ability to provide input on planning proposals that affect the area in which they live. Legislation currently allows for IPAS accommodation to be exempt from this minimal public engagement process. We have seen examples where it has led to anger, frustration and even division. It is now time for the exception to end. Ending the exemption for IPAS accommodation is not just about community input, although that is vital. It is also crucial to ensuring that the accommodation provided is suitable for housing those seeking international protection.”
“If the Minister really wanted to have a teased-out discussion on how all of this would work on a practical basis, the point has been made but I will make it again: we should be having this conversation in the committee room.”