Nessa Cosgrove
Labour Panel · Labour Party · Ireland
“The Minister of State recognised that there was a grassroots movement and the documentary "Groundswell" captured it. There is also the documentary "Gasland", which was made in America and came out in 2010. We know it is going to come from America. Again, this is the Trojan horse.”
“The amendment defines "fracked gas", which does not appear anywhere in the Bill. This, with amendment No. 13, would make clear that the importation of fracked gas would not be possible under the Bill. LNG particularly when sourced in the US, is usually derived from fracking.”
“I move amendment No. 3: In page 8, after line 39, to insert the following: " "hydraulically fractured gas" means liquefied natural gas, or natural gas in any other form, that has been produced, in whole or in part, by means of hydraulic fracturing within the meaning of section 5A of the Petroleum and Other Minerals Development Act 1960;".…”
“I am sorry but I just do not buy the argument that it is security. A floating LNG storage facility in Qatar was blown up. It is actually more of a risk to our security to have a floating LNG terminal. This whole thing is mad.”
“All of us were probably at the IFA briefing yesterday. When they gave us the briefing document I saw that it was exactly the same as the one last year and I wondered whether it had got anything it looked for. I was told not really, apart perhaps with regard to areas of natural constraint.”
“Historians, no doubt, are going to refer to this legislation in that way, because the reserve is not going to be used solely for emergencies. We are trying to define what an emergency is. There is no definition. Seven years ago, we led the way in the international community by committing to phase out oil and gas exploration.”
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“To do that, the administrative burden could be alleviated. I hope the amendment will not be pushed to a vote. I hope the Government will reconsider its position. If the results of the task force are going be out at Easter, perhaps matters can be expedited. I commend Senator Black on the Bill. I am happy to support it.”
“I will be bringing forward a fourth Bill next week, and I hope we will not get the same response, namely a 12-month delay, to that. To get elected to the Seanad, I had to canvass all the county councils throughout the country. I tried to visit every county council, and that was what came out as most important. Councillors do not have sufficient time. They are overburdened. They are acting as councillors and therapists and are the first port of call at the coalface. We know this from being councillors. The workload is getting heavier. This is a good Bill that could alleviate the pressure to which I refer and that would encourage people to remain in place or to run for councils. We spoke about women in politics. This has come up for Women For Election Ireland. We want to get more women involved.”
“I, too, welcome Councillor Joe Malone and commend the work of LAMA and AILG, especially in respect of new councillors. I was not on the council for long. However, I know that councillors go way beyond the call of duty in the work they do in addition to their own work. They have asked for this. I know from being a county councillor and trying to do two jobs - and I would like there to be a possibility further down the line to look at having it as a full-time role - that having administrative support would be one of the biggest things that would be of help to councillors. We all agree on that. As new Senator, when I saw the timed amendment, I did not really understand what it meant. It seems, however, that the Bill is being down the road.”
“Cuirim fáilte roimh an Aire Stáit. I commend Senator Black and the Civil Engagement Group on bringing forward this motion, which I am happy to support it. I echo what Senator Ahearn said. The greatest honour of my life was to be elected to Sligo County Council. Making the move from not being elected to being elected is possibly one of the biggest achievements a person can have. However, I am also disappointed by the timed amendment. I have to acknowledge the Moorhead report. There have been huge improvements. There is no doubt about that. It is also great that a local task force is being set up, but I hope this Bill can be passed before the outcome of that task force's work. It is a great Bill. I was happy to be at the briefing relating to it.”
“If that were put in at the same time, in tandem, there could be a commitment to ensure that the next Government or future governments would do this, because it might not be for this Government. If it were in there, would it not ensure there is adequate infrastructure to address young people's mental health?”
“The Minister of State explained that she does not want to put this in. However, are we not at this stage just legislating for failure, rather than making a commitment? If we have the 72 hours, and have a specific time frame so young people cannot stay longer than 72 hours, will that not be a commitment and put pressure to build the adequate infrastructure and have the adequate staffing levels that are needed? This might apply in particular to the north west. It is wonderful to have the children's hospital, with all the money that has gone into it, but there are not enough emergency beds for the young people who need them. It is about putting in safeguards to ensure it cannot be longer than 72 hours.”
“This also relates to amendment No. 41, which is on the same lines. I can wait and contribute at that stage, but I might as well make my point now. I hear exactly what the Minister of State is saying about the timeframe and not wanting to put in the 72 hours. I worked for a long time as a youth worker. I worked with CAMHS, and I was involved with many young people who ended up going to Merlin Park. I can see the point about not having the 72 hours without safeguards. The Minister of State 100% brought down the waiting lists, which is amazing, and it is fantastic to see that admissions to adult wards reduced. That has to be commended big time. However, in the absence of safeguards on the 72 hours that young people can stay in adult wards, what are the chances it will just go back up again?”
“I move amendment No. 17: In page 16, between lines 35 and 36, to insert the following: “ “mental health difficulty” and/or “Psychosocial disability” mean, in relation to a person, any mental illness, condition or disability, whether of a continuous or intermittent nature, which affects the person’s thinking, perception, emotion, or mood and impairs the mental function of the person;".”
“Maybe other jurisdictions did not have the same history of mental institutions as this country. We are just getting used to the term "mental illness" or having positive mental health. It was very clear that having a mental illness was a lot more severe than looking after one's mental health. We were just coming to terms with that and people were comfortable with this. These are people's real-life experiences and those of their families and they are sharing their stories. I cannot understand why the Minister of State would not listen to that. The expert review group is recommending it. It is less stigmatising using the term "mental illness" than the others. It is a regressive step and I wish the Minister of State would reconsider it. She has put so much work into this and there has been so much consultation and debate around it.”
“We are not looking at replacing "mental health disorder". The term "mental disorder" is in the Bill not "mental health disorder". I find it a bit confusing. It is Government policy. Sharing the Vision refers to "mental health difficulties". The expert review group refers to "mental illness". If the Minister of State does not want to use the term "psychosocial disability" or "mental health", which is not ideal either, would she consider using the term "mental illness" as opposed to "mental disorder"?”
“I am disappointed, because the Minister of State's response is a bit out of kilter with the findings of the Department's expert review panel. There is no doubt that there is a big difference between mental health and psychosocial disability but the Minister of State forgot to include the term "mental illness". This is coming from someone experienced. My own family has experience of paranoid schizophrenia. The term "mental disorder" is a regressive step. It is all very well to hear Deputy Martin Daly speak about that as a GP but that is why we have a full team looking at social, psychological and environmental factors. The terminology that comes into play here not only affects the person who has a mental illness, but it also affects his or her family and wider social circle and friends. The term "disorder" is regressive.”
“I would also like to speak to the amendment. This is coming from people who have spoken about having lived experience and their concerns around this decision. It is paramount that their opinions and their voices are heard in this. They have come back and said that people living with mental illness have found the term "mental disorder" stigmatising and overly medical and that it overlooks the psychological and environmental factors involved. Why is the Government not aligning with the language that is used in its own mental health policy, Sharing the Vision, or with the international rights framework such as the UNCRPD?”
“I move: That leave be granted to introduce a Bill entitled an Act to provide for the entitlement of employed young persons to the full national minimum hourly rate of pay; to provide for the inclusion of apprentices within the application of the National Minimum Wage Acts 2000 and 2015; to provide for the payment of the national minimum wage to certain persons doing work as interns or on work experience; for these purposes to amend the National Minimum Wage Act 2000; and to provide for related matters.”
“I want to speak about the need to bring the minimum wage for those under 21 and those on apprenticeships into line with the wider workforce. Currently under employment legislation, people under the age of 21 have a lower minimum wage than the rest of the working population. The Irish Congress of Trade Unions believes this is unfair and exploitative. The removal of sub-minimum rates of pay was recommended by the Low Pay Commission following a report by the ESRI on potential economic impacts. Despite this, the Government has reneged on a previous commitment to phase out sub-minimum rates of pay, postponing the change until 2029. I propose an amendment to the Order of Business, namely, "That No. 14 be taken before No. 1."”
“I am very heartened to hear the Minister of State fully supports this motion. We need to act on the proposals in the motion and begin the serious process of planning towards reunification. It is a real privilege for us to stand here and have this conversation and that we are alive at a time when we can do so. I am happy to support this motion. I do so with hope and expectation that we do so in a spirit of fairness, co-operation, and equality. Mar a deir an seanfhocal, "ar scáth a chéile a mhaireann na daoine".”
“Connollyite republicanism means that Irish reunification is about more than changing the flag in the North to the Tricolour and expecting northern society to just row in behind our way of doing things. As James Connolly said: If you remove the English Army tomorrow and hoist the green flag over Dublin Castle, unless you set about the organisation of the Socialist Republic your efforts will be in vain. England will still rule you. We believe that building a state that will work for all citizens is an important part of building the argument for a united Ireland. We will only achieve our potential when we genuinely plan and actively work for a shared future. This motion sets out some of the processes that will need to be undertaken in advance of a united Ireland. This is the time for preparation. This can no longer remain an academic debate.”
“As has also been mentioned, the welcome work of the Taoiseach's shared island unit has been a hugely positive initiative, but now is the time to move towards real preparation. As the Minister of State indicated, many people will vote on the basis of economic and social issues every bit as much as on the basis of their national or cultural identity. We will of course discuss and debate flags and anthems during this process, but as John Hume famously said, "You can't eat a flag". That has been well accepted at this stage. My party, the Labour Party, is the oldest political party in the State, and was founded on the ideals of James Connolly. We aspire to an equal, fair and united Ireland.”
“Engagement cannot be a repeat of the dysfunctional Northern Executive, where the two largest parties rely upon a division, which as the signatories of the 1916 proclamation stated, was "carefully fostered by an alien government " to maintain their own positions . The consent of a majority on both sides of the Border in a border poll is a legal necessity, but a majority cannot simply be 50% plus one. We cannot force through a unification upon an unwilling minority. As a party, we absolutely agree that an all-island citizens' assembly or assemblies - ideally approved by the Stormont Assembly as well as the Oireachtas - should be an integral part of the preparatory process. We would also like to see a Green Paper and a White Paper that would identify problems and solutions ahead of the citizens' assembly process.”
“Organisations such as the Hume foundation and the Shankhill women’s centre have been instrumental in bringing about peace and unity within the various communities in the North. They have done this, offering leadership in peaceful change, brought forward through thought-shaping activities. This period of preparation should be used to engage in thought-shaping activity. We need a radical approach towards our relations with other communities that share our island. It is our challenge to further extend the hand of friendship in equality and justice to the other people who share our island and to engage with northern Protestant and unionist opinion about the future of Ireland.”
“As was mentioned earlier, Brian Ervine, brother of David Ervine of the PUP, spoke about this more than ten years ago when, as a champion for the use of Gaeilge, he said that Irish could no longer be used as a cultural stick with which to beat unionists. Linda Ervine, who is married to Brian and who I had the pleasure to meet, is on record as saying that Irish is very much the language of Protestants, unionists and even loyalists . The phrase she used, "Is Éireannach mé-ach is Briotanach mé fosta", is one we should encourage not disparage. She and other language enthusiasts successfully opened a naíscoil in east Belfast in 2021. Its motto is "Páistí sona ag foghlaim le chéile" or "Happy children learning together". This is what unity means.”
“This makes it all the more important that we abide by the principles of the Good Friday Agreement. Our goal must be to achieve the consent of the maximum possible number of people from all traditions. As a lover of Gaeilge, our native tongue, I see the potential that embracing our culture can bring in the context of inclusion and as an antidote to the poison of extremism and exclusion. This is not wishful thinking; it is a historical fact. The 1911 census showed that up to 17% of all people on the Shankill Road - all Protestants - had some level of Irish. Hidden Ulster: Protestants and the Irish Language , the 1973 work by the late Pádraig Ó Snodaigh, tells the same story, namely of a strong proportion of Gaelic speakers among Scottish settlers in Ulster. The real truth is often more complex than the simplistic stories we tell ourselves.”
“Cuirim fáilte roimh an Aire Stáit. This is a timely motion. I thank the Sinn Féin Senators who brought it forward for giving us the chance to discuss this most fundamental issue in the House. As someone who lived and worked in the North before and after the Good Friday Agreement – I worked across all communities – and who is from the Border region, I have a strong interest and belief in the successful reunification of our island. We all know that the Ireland of today, North and South, is greatly changed from that of 1998, when the Good Friday Agreement came about. Our society is now pluralist in nature, North and South. The very concept of national identity is unrecognisable today from what it was a century ago. On our island, it is a living, breathing thing.”
“Vincent de Paul, Barnardos and the front-line family support services that are working every day in all of our counties and parishes throughout the country but are particularly active and on whom we rely so much at this time of the year. They are in all of our areas and I pay special tribute to ones in my own area: Cornerstone, which was formerly Sligo Social Services, and Sligo Food Bank. They are led by volunteers and work every day to ensure that families are getting essential, basic provisions at this time of the year. I urge our Government to not just talk about it and keep bringing up the same conversations about looking at ways to eradicate child poverty but have a really meaningful debate on it in this House.”
“It affects their emotional, social, educational and language development. Research done by Trinity College Dublin in 2023 shows that even a brief amount of time spent in child poverty will affect children for the rest of their lives. The Children's Rights Alliance says it takes four generations to break the cycle of child poverty. I have brought it up before that one fifth of children living in Ireland, which is a really rich country, do not have a decent standard of living. That is where a person can afford to buy a winter coat, a new pair of shoes or to replace broken furniture. Child poverty is a stain on our society. I commend people and organisations like the Society of St.”
“I will use this opportunity today to speak about the eradication of child poverty. Many of my colleagues in here are also members of the Oireachtas Joint Committee on Children and Equality. We spent a lot of time looking at ways and listening to external organisations about ways to eliminate child poverty and about political choices. Instead of giving €750 million of a VAT cut to restaurant chains, we could have introduced a second tier of child benefit. There are many examples where political choices are involved when we look at the eradication of child poverty. Almost 5,000 children are now living in emergency accommodation while we have increased our capital spending on defence by €660 million. We know the long-term effects on children of living in poverty do not go away.”
“There is no evidence that this will increase housing supply and there are no conditions attached to it that developers have to build affordable housing if they are going to avail of this tax cut. There is no evidence that it will actually boost housing supply and there was nothing in the budget that gave us any hope about a radical reset in housing policy. We got this 9% VAT cut. It can never be justified. It was like a gift to developers and big lobbyist groups. This is a big, sprawling Bill. We could talk more about it and there will be much more to say, but the flagship policy in this Bill - the 9% VAT rate for big property developers and the restaurant industry - is somewhere where the Government has gone wrong, and we will definitely not be supporting it.”
“The tax cut to 9% is scandalous and it will not be passed on to workers or consumers. It is an expensive tax break for a sector that is already adding jobs and where more openings than closures are taking place. That has been researched right across the country. It is a bad policy and no one seems to agree with it besides the Tánaiste and the restaurant lobby. The Minister could have done what we in the Labour Party suggested and established a specialist body to support the industry to become sustainable and consider reforming and modernising the commercial rates system. We have been raising this for years. Instead, this pre-election promise to restaurant lobbyists leaves us with this bizarre policy change which will take hundreds of millions that we can ill afford out of the Exchequer. The tax cut to 9% on apartments is the same.”
“The only positive change we can see in the personal tax code is the raising of the 2% ceiling on the USC on account of the 65 cent increase to the hourly rate of the national minimum wage, as was proposed by the Low Pay Commission. The Labour Party brought that in. The lack of indexation means that there is nothing but effective tax rises next year for ordinary workers. This paltry tax rise for ordinary workers was at the expense of the cut in VAT to 9% that was given out to fast food restaurants. Senator McDowell referred to Sligo, and said nowhere is open until after 5 o'clock. I would argue that the reason for that is that people have no money in their pockets to spend before 5 o'clock and that people in the hospitality services are among the lowest paid workers in our economy.”
“We in the Labour Party, like my colleague said, will definitely not be supporting this Bill. There was talk here about a strong economy but one in five children are still living in homelessness. After this budget, households across Ireland will be 2% worse off. The worst part of this is that one in five people are on low pay in Ireland. We are lauded as one of the richest countries in Europe but one in five are on low pay, and this has been going on for two decades. That figure is from the European Commission. The tax changes in this Bill do very little for ordinary families. We see that there were no targeted measures to reduce energy costs or the cost of living.”
“To follow on from Senators Ruane and Boyhan, the use of sedatives in psychiatric settings must balance therapeutic intent and the rights and dignity of patients. This is why we need a comprehensive review. The guidelines resulting from such a review would provide clarity for clinicians and safeguard patents' rights and would enable the Mental Health Commission to assess current prescribing patterns. A comprehensive review would produce clear results.”
“In a 2020 report, the European Committee for the Prevention of Torture and Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment found that PRN medicine was not being used in an appropriate manner at the establishments visited and recommended that the Irish authorities carry out of a review of this type of prescription at all psychiatric institutions, particularly as regards potential overmedication, chemical restraint and involuntary treatment, and draw up guidelines on the use of PRN medication. We hope that the Minister of State will listen and consider these amendments.”
“This would bring things more in line with human rights standards and promote a more transparent, accountable and rights-based approach to mental healthcare. It is welcome that the Minister of State has recognised the importance of regulation in this area and has tabled her own amendments. However, our amendment provides for a broader definition than the one offered by the Government and allows for inappropriate use or overuse of pro re nata , PRN, sedatives to be included in the definition.”
“Chemical restraint and the administration of medicine to control behaviour or restrict movement rather than treat a mental health condition can have serious physical and psychological consequences - I know the Minister of State knows this - and its misuse is often difficult to detect due to its invisibility compared to physical restraint. Without a clear legal definition, oversight mechanisms and reporting requirements, there is a heightened risk of overmedication, coercion and violation of individual rights. Embedding statutory safeguards would ensure that chemical restraint is only used as a last resort under strict conditions with appropriate documentation, time limits and independent review.”
“I move amendment No. 7: In page 15, between lines 9 and 10, to insert the following: “ “chemical restraint” means the use of medications with the primary intention of controlling a person’s behaviour or of restricting, preventing, or otherwise limiting their freedom of movement;”. Amendment No. 7 will insert a definition of "chemical restraint" into the Bill. Together with amendments Nos. 27, 28, 155 and 301, it would take the important step of including critical safeguards around the use of chemical restraint in the Bill, particularly the current absence of any regulations or code of practice governing its use.”
“I welcome the Minister of State. I also welcome the opportunity to speak, but I am also disappointed that the Government's amendments came so late in the day A total of 300 amendments is an awful lot for such substantial and important legislation. This Bill is going to affect the lives of some of the most vulnerable groups in society, as the Minister of State well knows. The amendments have arrived too late in the day for us to be able to properly scrutinise them. It is disappointing that we are not able to give them the attention they deserve. I welcome the fact that the Minister of State will be here for the next few weeks, but it is disappointing that even in the context of our first sessions this evening, we were not given adequate time to go through the amendments.”
“The concerns we have, and this has been raised, is the failure to uphold the Adapt 3 policy despite its incorporation into contract documents. It has been approved. There is a lack of programme discipline and there is an absence of departmental oversight. Despite having a suitable site, clear planning support, dedicated local authority efforts - the county council is fully onboard with this - and a detailed set of contractual programme requirements, the project to deliver a permanent building for Gaelscoil Chnoc na Ré has stalled entirely. Níl sé sin ceart. Níl sé cothrom go gcaithfidh an scoil fanacht chomh fada leis seo ar fhreagra. Ní mór dúinn rud éigin a dhéanamh faoi seo. Níl a fhios againn cad atá á dhéanamh anois.”
“The school has reported poor communication, withheld information and a lack of structural engagement between the school management and the Department of education. The Department is paying €181,000 annually in leased prefab accommodation. The school is forced to seek increased voluntary contributions to avoid closure, and it is the only Gaelscoil in Sligo. The population of Sligo is growing. Taxpayers' money is being wasted through prolonged consultant engagement and delivery. The príomhoide is set to retire. He has been working on this and has been principal of that school for generations and he is set to retire. He thought he would be moved in a long time ago. The site is there; the planning is there.”
“On 14 June, an architect design team was to be appointed, which was 13 months after the project manager's engagement, which was all very positive. This is under the Adapt 3 programme requirement which is intended to expedite the delivery of schools in leased accommodation. The whole point of this Adapt programme is accelerated delivery of architectural planning and tendering. The actual project at the moment is at stage 2A. After going through all these processes, it should be well up on stage 2A at this point. There are soundings of the children's hospital at this stage because the performance periods and contract have been routinely breached without consequences. There has been no revised programme communicated. The Department never received a programme about the school. It was only achieved through a freedom of information request.”
“Bunaíodh Gaelscoil Chnoc na Ré in 1996. Is í an t-aon Ghaelscoil i gContae Shligigh. Tá an scoil ag feidhmiú ó 1998 ó chlubtheach CLG Naomh Muire agus i deich seomra réamhdéanta atá ag dul in aois. Tá na háiseanna thar a bheith bunúsach agus faoi chaighdeán, níl halla tionóil ann, agus tá costais ard fhuinnimh á n-íoc ag an scoil. In 2006, the Department initiated site acquisition via OPW offices for a site to be purchased for a new Gaelscoil in Sligo. In 2009, at the school initiative, nearby land was zoned for community use. In 2020, following Sligo County Council endeavours, the Department acquired a four-acre site. This site is fully supported by planning, roads, heritage and Irish Water as suitable for a school. In May 2022, the Department appointed a consultant project manager to drive the design team in this.”
“This Bill could tackle social isolation and ageism in the workplace by leading from the front and rightly championing the contribution that older people continue to make to the workforce. While the Bill takes a small step in the right direction, it is a missed opportunity to do much more for older workers. The Government could have showed more ambition and legislated for change to allow older people to exercise choice and agency over how they want to live their lives. Nevertheless, we will support the Bill.”
“With greater ambition, we could have gone much further and allowed real flexibility and freedom for older people to choose their own path. By removing the barriers to remaining in the workforce after 65 for those who wish to work beyond that age by abolishing mandatory retirement altogether, we would not just give those individuals the dignity and purpose that comes with living life on their own terms but we would unlock economic benefits as well. Increased labour force participation, with the knowledge and experience of older workers, is invaluable in any workforce and leads to increased productivity. It also leads to increased tax revenue through more workers choosing to work for longer. As a consequence, it will ensure our pension system is sustainable at a time when we are under demographic pressures.”
“An older employee may be unaware of this legislative requirement and may indeed be unaware that their contractual employment age is lower than the State pension age in the first place. This has happened to me many times in my own area. Surely it is the responsibility of the employer to proactively engage with an employee approaching the contractual retirement age and to begin the conversation on the worker's preferred path. The Minister of State has come to hear feedback and that is something that could be easily added. Currently, many employees fall through the cracks when a contractual retirement age of 65 leaves them adrift for a year before receiving the State pension at 66. There is no doubt this Bill will help to address that problem.”
“I am concerned this legislation will not unlock the many benefits of allowing older people to work beyond retirement age where they wish to. The Bill allows an employee to pose a question, but it provides employers with broad and vague means to decline the request. In that way, it is reminiscent of the Government's deeply flawed legislation on the right to request remote working, rather than the right to remote working. If an employer can show that an employee's retirement is objectively and reasonably a legitimate aim, they can decline the request to continue their working life. It is not clear if or how this stipulation will give employees greater rights than they currently enjoy under the Equality Acts. Furthermore, the employee has to bring the request in writing to the employer three months in advance.”
“Cuirim fáilte roimh an Aire Stáit. The Bill at hand makes a focused and specific policy change. It is really significant and deals with big questions. Overall, we completely welcome it as a party. It deals with what is like to be an older person in the workplace and responds to the demographic realities of an ageing population. It touches on the need to give each and every older person the freedom and support they need to live their lives as they see fit with dignity and purpose. The Bill takes a small step for the better by requiring an employee's consent to a contractual retirement age that is lower than the State pension age, but it could be so much more. There are real issues that are not addressed here.”
“Unfortunately, a rent supplement scheme does not help those who cannot find accommodation at all. There are still nine counties, including my own area in Sligo-Leitrim, that do not have a refuge space. People are given temporary refuge or safe spaces for women and children in other counties. Of course, the whole situation is getting worse so there are gaps in the services within those counties. With 35% of women experiencing some form of intimate violence in their lifetime we need to consider the wider and more systemic issues. That is why it is important to welcome this international day and this week. This evening at 6:30 p.m. in Sligo, North West Mothers for Social Justice will be holding a vigil to highlight and demand an end to the violence against women. Some of these groups have events happening all over the country.”
“Violence comes not only from strangers but usually from those closest to women. Then, these brave women when they are strong enough to seek help, need to be strongly supported by our State. Survivors need to be protected during the court processes and defence teams should never be allowed access to counselling notes during gender violence cases. We need action by the State. We need to resource our gardaí so that abusers are removed from the family homes. Why is it that still in 2025, and why was it ever the case, that women and children who are being abused typically have to leave their homes when it is their abuser that should be removed? For those who do leave, easier access to the rent supplement scheme for people fleeing domestic violence is a very welcome development since 2020.”
“Like many of my fellow Senators have said, today is International Day for the Elimination of Violence against Women. Al Jazeera reported last week that nearly one third of women worldwide have faced sexual or partner violence. One in three women in Ireland has experienced domestic abuse, and 277 women have died violently in Ireland since 1996. While certain cases hit the headlines – the murder of Ashling Murphy springs to mind, as does that of Stella Gallagher in Cork last week – most cases do not make the news or come to the public’s attention. Last year gardaí were called to 65,000 incidents of domestic abuse. That is 1,250 every week. Horrendous as these figures are, they do not even come close to the true scale of the problem. It is thought that only 40% of victims seek any kind of help.”
“The devolving and delivery of greater powers and responsibility to local government, so that the needs of local communities, old and new, can be met has to happen as a matter of urgency. We need to stop deflecting away from this real issue. I will briefly refer to the amendment to the motion related to the unique culture and linguistic heritage of the Irish people. Immigration to Ireland is nothing new. As Senator Clonan said, we are a mixture of the Fir Bolg, the Tuatha Dé Danann, the Celts, Vikings, Normans, Welsh, Scottish and English populations. There is no such thing as a pure Irish race. There is only one race and that is the human race. Populations mix, develop and evolve and that is the way world runs.”
“We need to tell the true story of why people come to our island, who is an asylum seeker or a refugee, how they contribute to our economy and wider society, and the international obligations to which we are subject. In Sligo-Leitrim and right across the country we have new communities living alongside existing communities who are not able to access essential services such as medical care, education, and early-years care and education. Most striking of all, and the fact that justifiably causes the most outrage, is the chronic shortage of housing. Our housing crisis is not the fault of immigrants and the targeting of IPAS centres by demonstrators and criminals does not provide a solution to the housing shortage. The solutions to the shortage of housing and other essential services lie in the hands of central government.”
“No one will deny that it is right that we have a fair, efficient and transparent immigration policy and that those who do not have the right to settle here are informed of such decisions swiftly and humanely. Events in my own constituency of Sligo-Leitrim have mirrored those in all other parts of the country, where rumour, innuendo and outside actors have sought to stoke fear, division and hatred. I agree wholeheartedly with the final paragraph of the motion, that we need to renew the focus and purpose of the community recognition fund to ensure that it meets the needs of local communities which are supporting new arrivals so that every community benefits from guaranteed supports for vital services. We in the Labour Party have repeatedly called for a comprehensive public awareness campaign on immigration.”