Nicole Ryan
Administrative Panel · Sinn Féin · Ireland
“This is not just happening in my area; it is also happening in other places where estates are not being taken in charge and, therefore, residents do not know who to call if something happens. They are left alone. Tanyard Wood is unique because nobody has taken charge of the estate for ten years.”
“By 2007, the developer had gone bust and therefore, Cork County Council submitted an appeal to take charge of the estate. It has been almost ten years and it still has not taken charge of the estate. It sits in no man's land. The estate has not been maintained. No proper maintenance at all is happening.”
“It means that cancer patients in the mid-west have virtually no opportunity to access clinical trials. Accident and emergency access, dentistry and now access to clinical trials for cancer patients - how did we get to this point?”
“I will speak briefly on amendments Nos. 39 and 41. Amendment No. 39 is quite straightforward. It ensures that applicants are clearly informed of two fundamental rights within their international protection process.”
“At the core, the amendment is about ensuring individuals entrusted with supporting some of the most vulnerable children in our system are properly trained, suitable for the role and held to appropriate standards.”
“We need clear timelines. Interim measures are required to ensure residents are not left feeling unsafe or conditions are allowed to deteriorate while progress drags on. People bought homes in the area in good faith.”
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“Her mother was a survivor of the industrial school system. The trauma she experienced did not stop with her generation. It seeped into the next, shaping her parental ways, which were sometimes distant, cold and devastating. There were no birthday cards, no Christmas presents, no swings, no hugs, no pride, just duty, silence and survival. By the age of eight, the woman to whom I refer was scrubbing paintwork and cleaning floors to perfection. At 16, she had left school to work and support the family. Her childhood, her self-worth and her potential were all collateral damage of a system that brutalised her mother and then abandoned her too. This is the legacy of institutional abuse in Ireland. It is not historic; it is generational. The Bill in its current form fails to recognise that truth.”
“I join colleagues in what they said about Senator Boyhan's contribution. I thank him for giving it. You can never beat lived experience. I am here to speak in support of those whose lives have been shaped and often devastated by Ireland's legacy of institutional abuse. I do so not from a place of abstract policy but grounded in the lived reality of someone in the constituency in which I live. She is an eldest daughter, now a woman of immense strength, whose story I carry with me today. From as early as the age of seven, she was not just a child but a caretaker. The eldest of eight, she was responsible for feeding and changing her baby siblings, soothing their cries when visitors called because it was the only time she might receive a glimmer of praise. The praise never came from the one person she needed the most, her mother.”
“We can account up till sovereignty while quietly surrendering it in practice. We cannot make good policy decisions in the dark.”
“In an area as politically sensitive as migration, where public trust is fragile, this approach is deeply irresponsible. We in Sinn Féin support effective co-operation with EU partners, in particular on matters like information sharing, but we also support maximising Irish flexibility and control, in light of our unique position with the common travel area. That is why we are calling for a pause. This is not a blanket rejection of co-operation with the EU, but rather a refusal to sign a blank cheque today. Ireland does not have to opt in now. We can retain the right to opt in later, once we have the full picture, know what has been negotiated and can assess whether a truly aligns with our national interests. This is a matter of principle, and we cannot build a fair and robust immigration system by sidestepping democratic oversight.”
“We are elected to scrutinise decisions that affect the lives of people living in the State and the Government is now asking us to give blanket approval to something as important and sensitive as migration policy without the necessary information, safeguards or any guarantees that Ireland's interests are protected. Third, there is the issue of sovereignty and qualified majority voting. If Ireland opts in, we will have a vote at the European Council but we will not have a veto. Once the deal is agreed by the qualifying majority, we are bound by that, even if the final agreement is not in the interests of Ireland. This is not just a technical motion; it is a political choice. The only justification the Government is putting forward is the desire to align with EU migration policy. That is not leadership; it is outsourcing.”
“Instead, the Government is seeking to hand over control to the EU without the Irish people or, indeed, the Oireachtas having sight of what is on the table. That brings me to the second issue of transparency, or the lack thereof. We are being asked to rubber stamp a motion that contains little to no detail about what the European Union intends to negotiate with Kazakhstan. We do not know the incentives, funding or commitments being proposed in Ireland's name. Members of the public have even less insight and that should concern us all.”
“I speak in opposition to the Government motion to opt in to the European Council decision authorising negotiations for the readmission agreement between the European Union and Kazakhstan. We fully support a fair, efficient and humane migration system. We believe that where a person is not entitled to be in the State, return mechanisms need to be robust, lawful and enforceable, but we also believe in sovereignty, transparency and accountability. Unfortunately, the motion falls short on all three counts. First, Ireland already has the option to negotiate bilateral agreements with Kazakhstan as other countries like Germany and Poland have already done. If this is genuinely the priority of the Government, it would have pursued this route directly, retaining full control over terms, implementation and consequences.”
“We also need to ensure that breast cancer services are inclusive and accessible to all, especially those from under-represented communities, from a Travelling background or whatever. Symptomatic services should be expanded to ensure every woman is seen promptly and treated with the needed dignity and urgency. Breast cancer does not wait for budgets or for policies to come out. It does not discriminate but our system sometimes does. Women in Ireland deserve better. We need real change that is rooted in science, compassion and equality.”
“If this is combined with high breast density, early detection is even harder. Our breast symptomatic services have improved. The detection rates are significant. That proves that proper investment and timely, well-resourced and accessible diagnostic care really does work. However, these services can sometimes be overstretched and women still face delays in follow-up, particularly in rural or underserved areas. I ask that we invest in a public awareness campaign for women like me who are not educated on BreastCheck, what that entails, how to check our breasts and what to look out for. This would educate all of us who are younger as to how to check our breasts, how often we need to do it and all that kind of stuff.”
“As other Senators have said, the Irish Cancer Society has pointed out that marginalised groups, including Travellers, migrants, disabled people and women in poverty, face greater obstacles in accessing services. This might include transport, a language barrier or, sometimes, discrimination. These structural issues require immediate policy action for women. While BreastCheck currently sees women who are 50 to 64 and there are plans to extend this to the age of 69, we must ensure there is an extension nationally without delay. I accept the scientific caution as regards extending screening to those under 50. The risks of false positives, overdiagnosis and unnecessary treatment are real. However, when cancer is present in younger women, it often seems to be more aggressive.”
“It was first mentioned by my colleague Senator Cosgrove. Women with dense breast tissue are often at a higher risk of developing cancer but the dense tissue also makes it very hard to detect the cancer through standard mammograms. Sometimes it is like trying to find a little snowball in a snowstorm. Most women are never actually told that they have dense breasts. This is a barrier in our diagnostic process and it is costing people their lives. The lack of awareness and transparency around breast density has to be addressed. We need to ensure that women are informed about their breast density status and what it means for their risk levels and screening needs. However, that will not be enough if access continues to be limited.”
“A fantastic woman from Breast Cancer Ireland named Juliette was doing workshops on checking breasts and looking for lumps in a school for any young women and men who wanted to participate. She mentioned things like rashes. I did not have a clue that a rash could be a sign of cancer. If I had not been in that school on that day, I would never have learnt that. My generation, those in our 30s, 40s and even a little bit younger, never had education like that in school. We were never taught about checking your breasts or what to look out for. If we are not looking at checking women who are younger, we need to empower them and build out the education system as to what to look out for and when to worry. As other Senators have said, we need to talk about breast density because it is a topic that is not spoken about enough.”
“It is lovely to see the Minister again today. As she will know, breast cancer affects a great many women across Ireland. There is an urgent need to improve how we detect, support and treat those who are affected. Breast cancer is the most common cancer among women in Ireland and yet, according to Breast Cancer Ireland, only 19% of women who do not regularly check their breasts say they would recognise a symptom of breast cancer. That is quite alarming and tells us that we are not doing enough to educate and empower women as regards BreastCheck and breast cancer. I am mortified to admit that I only learnt how to properly check myself last year. I am 32 so I was 31 years of age. There is a demographic group of such women. I only learnt by chance.”
“Whatever world they are living in, it must be nice because they are literally changing things to make matters even harder for people at a time when homelessness is at an all-time high, children are living in consistent poverty and people are being forced to emigrate. They are locked out of systems completely. It sometimes seems the Government is just throwing half-arsed ideas at the wall and looking to see what sticks. I ask that the Minister for housing stop stalling and come before this House to have a debate on this issue as soon as possible. It is a serious issue, and it needs to be resolved.”
“Landlords will be able to reset rents to market rates between tenancies and new-build apartments will be exempt from the 2% rent cap, with inflation linked increases allowed instead. These reforms may please institutional investors, but they spark serious concerns in the rental market, growing insecurity and systems that risk encouraging tenant evictions in order to secure higher rents. Meanwhile, renters already struggling to stay afloat in the first place will face steeper costs if protections do not keep pace. Is the Government serious? I do not know if those in government are living in the real world.”
“Across towns and villages, especially in rural Ireland, we see beautiful one-off homes falling into ruin because of probate delays, family disputes and sometimes the absence of a will. These homes are idle for years while people are crying out for a place to live. We must introduce a statutory time limit after which, if a home remains unused or unoccupied, there should be a process for others to take it at their own expense and risk. This would help address the housing need and tackle dereliction in one stroke. It is a common-sense solution, but this alone will not solve the housing crisis. The Government has announced significant changes to the rent pressure zone system.”
“Too often our rural towns are left behind in these conversations. If the Government is serious about rejuvenation, outdoor hospitality needs to be part of a wider plan that includes public realm investment, reliable transport and all the other services that rural areas need. While we support this extension, we want this to be the last one. We need the permanent legislation that has been promised in order that we can give our hospitality sector the certainty it deserves and give our communities the kind of places and public spaces of which they can be proud.”
“The outdoor seating provisions were a lifeline for our businesses during Covid, but we now have to have a much broader conversation on what kind of spaces we want in our towns, villages and cities. As was pointed out, this should not be treated in isolation. It should be part of a comprehensive, national strategy for place making, local economic development and building vibrant, livable and accessible communities. Outdoor hospitality boosts footfall, supports small businesses and adds the character and culture to a place. However, to support it we need to invest in public spaces, tackle dereliction and ensure our towns and villages have infrastructure to support that outdoor activity, such as public toilets, waste management, lights, accessible seating and lots more. We cannot forget rural Ireland in this.”
“Sinn Féin supports this legislation. It is practical and welcome for the hospitality sector and is in response to a very real need of business and communities that adapted innovatively during the pandemic and have continued to operate successfully under this arrangement. Like Senator Keogan pointed out, however, this is emergency legislation. It was introduced under extraordinary public health circumstances. Four years later, we are still relying on emergency laws to govern what is now an everyday practice, and that is not acceptable. We have had promises of permanent legislation, and there needs to be a sense of urgency to actually pass it. The delays have left local authorities and hospitality businesses operating in a legislative grey zone.”
“Unlike school or social services, youth work is chosen by young people and that choice builds trust, confidence and resilience within them. The Opportunities for Youth strategy promised a clear implementation plan by the end of 2024 but that has not happened. The sector has been sidelined, with funding, participation and youth spaces all hanging in the balance. We were told a project management agency would be procured in early 2025. Has that happened? I am not sure. Has the promised cross-government forum been established yet? Again, I am unsure. I call for a debate with the Minister for Education and Youth on this because the youth sector deserves answers and young people deserve a lot better.”
“I want to take a moment to address the horrific scenes we witnessed in Liverpool yesterday. What unfolded on the streets was utterly disgraceful, violent chaos that left innocent people injured and a city shaken. There is absolutely no place for such behaviour in any democratic society and we stand in full solidarity with all those affected - the injured, their families and the wider Liverpool community, who will be reeling in the aftermath from hereon in. I turn to an issue that speaks to the kind of society we do want to build, one that supports, uplifts and empowers young people. Youth work is not a luxury but an essential service that offers young people safe, voluntary spaces to be themselves, grow, thrive and develop the skills they need.”
“It is good to hear that consultations are ongoing. The IVF system currently, even the public one, is not up to where it needs to be. Equally, Melanie is under no illusion that she has to wait 12 months. She knows all of this stuff. The problem is that the consultation has not started. There is no legislation around this. As someone who has a low egg count, she does not have the time to be waiting until the Government decides to start this process. Women's reproductive health, and all reproductive health, should be a priority for the Government. I am really asking to for a timeline as to when this will be proposed. We cannot just leave people waiting in limbo. It is ridiculous to have people sitting there, praying and hoping that legislation will change. She has engaged with consultants and hospitals.”
“What does the Minister of State say to Melanie as she witnesses this debate, as she listens not just as a grieving wife but as someone who is holding on to a last piece of the future she planned with the man she loved? This is not just about one woman; it is about whether our healthcare system reflects the real Ireland we live in today and the families we actually have, not just the ones the system has decided to serve. We need clear, compassionate protocols for reproduction, we need fertility policies that include all families and we need to stop forcing people in pain to navigate policy gaps and silence when what they really need is support. No one should have to go through what Melanie is going through, and certainly not alone. I look forward to the Minister of State's reply and to hearing what she has to say about this.”
“Melanie is not asking for the world; she is asking for one chance, a chance that I and other Members have. The public model is built on an outdated definition of family: a heterosexual couple coming together and living together. If, however, you are single, are in a same-sex relationship or, like Melanie, are a widow who has legally consented to samples, you are locked out. Ten years ago we celebrated the marriage equality referendum result, a proud day that changed so many people's lives, but the reality is you can now marry who you love but our fertility system tells us not to expect to start a family with them. The message is that love is equal but family is not. What kind of health system denies someone the chance because their partner has died, even where their partner gave clear consent?”
“Melanie has gone through so much, losing her beautiful husband to cancer so young, at just 32 years old, and in the midst of her grief the State has forced her to open herself up to scrutiny and to relive her trauma just to be heard, to fight for a small piece of happiness and to fulfil her husband's dying wish that she might have their child, even if he could not be here to see it. Now she is being told she does not fit the system. Her story raises a wider issue, which is who gets access to fertility treatment in Ireland and who does not. As someone who is in a relationship, I have access to the public system. It is still not fully or fairly implemented and it is under-resourced and overly restrictive, but the point is that, because my partner is alive, I have access to it.”
“I am here to speak of a heartbreaking and unjust case. It is the case of Melanie, a woman whose husband died from cancer. Despite doing everything right, she has been locked out of accessing IVF through the public system. Before her husband, Dylan, died or even began chemotherapy, they froze his samples, following medical advice, to preserve a chance of starting a family. Dylan gave full written consent that Melanie could use those samples in the event of his death. Tragically, Dylan passed away earlier this year and now Melanie, who continues to pay monthly to store the samples, is being told she cannot use them through the public system. There is no protocol, policy or pathway for someone in her position.”
“It often cannot act swiftly or decisively on local safety issues even when there are lives at stake. The solution in this case is a staggered junction, a proven and simple intervention already used in places in the constituency like Boherboy and Dernagree, but without dedicated funding or flexibility the council cannot deliver this. I call for the relevant Minister to come to the Chamber and outline what has been done to review the current funding models for local road safety measures. We need to empower the councils with the resources and autonomy to act before, not after, a fatal accident occurs because communities like Aubane deserve to feel safe on their roads.”
“I am taking this opportunity to highlight a matter of public safety that simply cannot wait. There was a serious accident in my constituency two weeks ago at Barrett's Cross, known locally as Kerryman's Table, in Mushera near Aubane. A passenger was left in a coma. Thankfully, it was non-fatal, but we are seriously dangerously close to a tragedy and the community knows it. They have been sounding alarms for years. I commend Senator Lynch, who has been working closely on this issue. The junction has been a scene of far too many accidents and the residents are living in fear. I have met with families in the area and the message is clear that something must done and done fast. The problem, however, is that Cork County Council, like many others, is constrained by limited funding and rigid national criteria.”
“I cannot fathom how something as complex as parole can be pushed back six months for a second time but something that has been in the Chambers through the years is pushed back 12 months. I hope that does not continue. I again thank Senator Andrews for bringing it forward.”
“I wholeheartedly commend Senator Andrews on bringing this Bill forward. We are so delighted to support him. Socioeconomic background is something that is not factored into the grounds of discrimination. We know so many people in both our society and our community, who are living in socioeconomic deprivation. I have been a victim of that too. I am in rural Ireland but come from a council house, so there has been discrimination around that. It is something people cannot control. I echo what Senator Boyhan said, that this is not going to be a trend experienced by the Opposition where very good legislation that has been given time and has been read is continually pushed back. We in the Opposition have brought forward very good legislation. It seems to be a trend that it keeps getting pushed back when it comes from the Opposition benches.”
“What we are calling for is fairness, a rebalancing of the housing support system and an end to unfair practice that allows for some and not for others. We need a system that distinguishes between people opening their homes to those who are fleeing war and looking for refuge, which we commend and support, and landlords trying to capitalise on the scheme. If we want to retain public confidence in our housing system, we need transparency, consistency and fairness, and the amendment provides that. If the Government refuses to accept the amendment, it will be a missed opportunity to fix the broken system and remove an inequitable part of our housing response.”
“The beneficiaries of temporary protection should be subject to means testing in the same way as others who apply for other housing supports, such as the housing assistance payment, which has always been means tested. The second proposal is a primary residence requirement so new applicants must be hosting in their own homes, not in investment properties. The ARP should not be a substitute for tenancy and it should not reward landlords who are using it as an alternative to renting to lower-income Irish tenants. The final point is to ban top-ups. The payment must be in full and must be the only contribution from the beneficiary. Anything else can open the door to exploitation and skew the rental market even further. We are not calling for a cliff edge. No one should be at risk of homelessness.”
“What we are seeing is that some landlords in the private rental market are availing of tax-free payments because it is more financially attractive than renting homes to Irish citizens. There is an extraordinary incentive for landlords with no requirement to enter formal tenancy agreements, no security for the tenants and no transparency. We in Sinn Féin have tabled a responsible and clear-eyed amendment to the motion. This is not to oppose support for those who need it but to ensure the scheme is no longer used as a back door to the rental market without the rights and protections that formal tenants should have. Our amendment calls for three things. The first is means testing.”
“Having spoken on this a while back, I acknowledge and commend all the people who offered their homes and their generosity when people were fleeing from war in Ukraine. The solidarity was, and continues to be to this day, an expression of the very best of Irish hospitality and kindness. However, good intentions cannot hide the policy failures that have emerged. The Government is now seeking to reduce the ARP from €800 to €600 and claims this move is to mitigate any unintended impact on the private rental sector. This comes after months of denying there was such an impact and despite Sinn Féin's repeatedly raised concerns and the presentation of evidence, particularly from the Border, west and north-west regions, where rental costs are traditionally lower.”
“I move amendment No. 1: To insert the following after “on 14th May, 2025”: “: provided that future financial contributions under Accommodation Recognition Payment (ARP) Scheme shall only be paid after the Civil Law (Miscellaneous Provisions) Act 2022 has been amended to provide for the following: - existing recipients with respect to the beneficiaries of temporary protection currently benefitting from the scheme where those beneficiaries of temporary protection have satisfied a means test similar to those applicable for other housing assistance payments; - new applicants who propose to host a beneficiary of temporary protection in their property which is also their own primary residence and who have not availed of the Rent-a-Room Scheme in the previous 12 months; ensuring that the ARP does not further distort the rental sector; and - recipients who are not in receipt of any additional or ‘top-up’ payments from a beneficiary of temporary protection”.”
“We must ensure our justice system can respond to this form of abuse for people and ensure nobody gets to hide behind a screen when they are destroying people's lives.”
“Victims are sometimes left without a clear path to justice and that is why we believe there is a strong case being made today to have this as a stand-alone offence. It sends a clear message that online deception is not just morally wrong but also legally wrong. It would give An Garda Síochána and the courts the clarity they need when investigating and prosecuting these offences and would give victims the recognition they deserve. Of course, legislation is only one part of the solution. We must ensure gardaí have the resources, training and digital expertise to investigate these crimes properly. We also need a stronger public education campaign around online safety and reporting mechanisms that are easy to access and are victim-centred. We support this Bill. It is fantastic and much needed.”
“As Senator O'Loughlin said, we have seen headlines from high-profile GAA players who have been impersonated, vulnerable people who have been scammed out of thousands of euro and individuals left traumatised after discovering a relationship they believed was real never actually existed. Behind each headline, however, is a human who has been betrayed, humiliated and sometimes left to pick up the pieces. The Minister pointed out there is current legislation which covers some of these aspects through harassment laws, fraud legislation and Coco's Law. While these laws are welcome, we cannot ignore that catfishing is a distinct and emerging form of harm. It does not just fit neatly into our current legislation.”
“I welcome the opportunity to speak on this Bill which addresses the growing and deeply concerning issue of catfishing. Sinn Féin welcomes the debate on this Bill and believes this conversation is welcome. It is not just timely but also necessary. I thank Senator O'Loughlin for bringing it to this House today. Catfishing, at its core, is deception. It is when someone steals another person's images or identity to create a fake persona online, often to trick, exploit or defraud others. While it begins with a messaging or dating app profile, it frequently escalates to financial fraud, emotional manipulation and, in some cases, even coercive control. This is not harmless online behaviour. It is calculated, predatory and can destroy people's lives.”
“I move: Bill entitled an Act to provide for a period of paid leave consequent upon the loss of a pregnancy and for that purpose to amend the Organisation of Working Time Act 1997, to extend the protection against unfair dismissals conferred by the Unfair Dismissals Acts 1977 to 2015, and to provide for the consequential amendment of certain other Acts. Furthermore, an Act to provide for matters including the establishment of a register relating to the record of pregnancy loss and the maintenance of this opt-in register of pregnancy loss, which shall be closed to searching by members of the public.”
“We need to implement a cohesive early intervention programme around schools and communities alike. Supports are needed to expand crisis intervention centres and services and provide meaningful multi-annual funding for such grassroots services as SOSAD and the Charleville Suicide Awareness Project. We must commit to building a mental health system that is accessible, compassionate and effective. We have to honour those we have lost, including Adam, Milly, Rían, David and Hazel, by ensuring others are not lost in the future.”
“In too many rural towns and villages families are left to cope alone with services scattered, underfunded and simply absent. This imbalance is not only unjust, it is dangerous. The truth is that young people are dying while waiting for help and families have been left to navigate complex and underresourced systems alone. Community services such as SOSAD and, in my constituency, the Charleville Suicide Awareness Project, are vital lifelines in towns across Ireland. They are on the brink of closure due to funding uncertainty, even after pre-election commitments were made. This is not just a matter of policy. It is about values. What does it say about us as legislators that we can just accept it? There has to be increased funding for mental health support. As was mentioned, funding is due but it needs to be timely and accessible to all.”
“There should be a rapid response, community-based support, crisis de-escalation teams, and accessible counselling, but these services are simply not there in every area. Instead, we see a postcode lottery of care and broken promises and that is particularly true for our most vulnerable. The postcode lottery is even more pronounced in rural Ireland. The disparity between urban and rural mental health services is stark. Everything is condensed in urban areas and there is very little in rural areas. People in rural communities face longer wait times and have access to fewer mental health professionals and limited access to specialised care. A young person in Ballineen or Belmullet should have the same access to care and crisis support as someone in Dublin 4, but that is not the reality.”
“Each of these names is a life lost - a life that should have been saved - and the systems we are supposed to trust to care for them and for all of us are falling short. I echo the sentiments of Senators McCarthy and Maria Byrne about the lack of cohesion in dual diagnosis services. I am an addiction counsellor. I have worked in addiction centres and homeless centres. In the homeless sector, addiction and mental ill-health thrive. I see it all the time. People are going around and around until – very few get lucky – they inevitably die. They fall through the cracks in society constantly. There has to be joined-up thinking between mental health and addiction services, as others have said. When people are in crisis they should not be forced to attend an overcrowded accident and emergency department.”
“I welcome the Minister of State. It is lovely to see her in the Chamber. I am here today to honour the memory of the people we have lost to suicide, and to mention some of them. David and Hazel Byrne, aged 52 and 51, were found in their home in County Kerry. Milly Tuomey was a vibrant 11-year-old whose tragic loss shines a harsh light on the gaps in our child mental health services. Her brave mother set up HUGG, a bereavement support group. Rían de Brún, from Ballineen in west Cork, was described as one of the happiest boys in the world but he took his own life when he was just 15 years old. Adam Loughnane from Galway, aged 34, was a bright young man who sought help at University Hospital Galway but tragically died just hours later. There are many more, some known and some unknown, who felt they had no way out, no path of hope.”
“If this Bill is to progress, it needs clear definitions, more robust evidence and a practical, enforceable framework that will not backfire or criminalise young people for making impulsive decisions. We should use this Bill as a starting point, not just to look at bans but to have a broader, more meaningful conversation about youth health, digital advertising, education and food literacy. Ultimately, this is not just about energy drinks but about giving young people the tools to make better choices and building a system that supports them to do just that.”
“There is also the wider issue of consistency. If we are beginning to ban energy drinks, we are opening a door to calls for restrictions on protein supplements, vitamin boosters or other high-caffeine or stimulant-based products in health food stores or gyms. Where is the line drawn, and who decides that line? We cannot, however, agree with the Government’s proposal to postpone this for 18 months. That is just simply kicking the conversation down the road. Committee Stage of the Bill can be taken. The urgency of the issue deserves a timely and thoughtful legislative response instead of further delays. That being said, I want to be clear that we are more than willing to work with Senator Keogan on this Bill.”
“We have seen time and again that banning something does not make it go away. We need only look at our history with alcohol, tobacco and illicit substances. Prohibition rarely eliminates the demand; it often just pushes it underground, into black markets and removes the ability to regulate it safely. The same could easily come true of drinks, particularly in communities where trust in institutions is quite fragile. The other questions lie in how this would actually be enforced. How do we really stop those under the age of 18 from buying energy drinks via vending machines - I note the Senator put that into the Bill – and food delivery apps, or simply asking an older person to buy them for them? Would the legislation also extend to online orders and imported goods? The logistics need a little bit of fleshing out.”
“I welcome the opportunity to speak on the stimulant and energy drinks Bill tabled by Senator Keogan and colleagues. I acknowledge the intent behind this legislation, which is clearly driven by a genuine concern for the health and well-being of young people and which I think is a concern we all equally share. While we are not opposing the Bill, further work needs to be put into it. There is undoubtedly merit in examining the growing consumption of high-caffeine and high-sugar drinks by children and teenagers and the very real health implications that come with it, as other Senators have mentioned, such as poor sleep, increased anxiety, attention difficulties and, in extreme cases, heart complications. However, we must also approach this with a sense of proportion, practicality and long-term thinking.”
“The one-year reoffending rate stands at 41% and for younger adults under 21 it is 60%. In countries such as Norway only 20% reoffend within the first two years. What Norway has, and what we lack, is a properly resourced rehabilitation justice model. As Senator Kelleher pointed out, we must centre the system around victims. The parole process is an incredibly traumatic time for survivors of sexual violence and families of homicide victims. They deserve timely information, clarity on release conditions and recognition of their rights throughout the process. If our parole system is to serve justice, it must do so to all sides.”