Peadar Tóibín
Meath West · Aontú · Ireland
“Lonely Planet. It did a review of Dublin and stated, "Once Dublin’s grand boulevard, O'Connell St has struggled with decline". It stated that vacant buildings, derelict upper floors and long-stalled redevelopments leave this part looking neglected while retail has shifted elsewhere and been replaced by fast food shops that dilute its char…”
“The Irish people are a generous and decent people and have been over the past number of years, with the provision of supports to people from Ukraine who are fleeing the war. This is right and just. The war unleashed on Ukraine is absolutely wrong. Aontú will support the reduction in the rate of payment under the scheme.”
“I am very disappointed to see that the Government, the Social Democrats, the Labour Party, the Green Party and People Before Profit will vote against an amendment that wants to means test the payment, as an amendment also did on the previous occasion, and put it on a level footing with other housing assistance payments.”
“Landlords are rational and they will make economic decisions to best suit themselves. Landlords have been more inclined to take on Ukrainian tenants over Irish tenants in recent years. This system is discriminatory. It gives an advantage to guests in the country over the people who have lived here for most of their lives.”
“Anyone who sat the leaving certificate economics paper just a few weeks ago will know that demand also has a role. It determines what rents are, the price of houses, etc. It is physics and maths and not ideology. We need to get to a situation where we equalise supply with demand.”
“A global study by TomTom indicated that it is the 38th most congested city globally, behind cities such as London, Toronto and Rome. The task force indicated that the Cork Luas system would be built. That Luas system is in planning and that planning is taking a long while.”
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“It strikes me as strange that we are having a big discussion about the potential decriminalisation of, I think, nearly all drugs at this stage, and at the same time trying to reduce access to cigarettes and vapes, knowing that even these could create difficulty for individuals' health. Our party would not be in support of the decriminalisation of drugs. We believe that the Government actually has a bigger job in making sure that the law is implemented. We have no ships to patrol the seas to check the people who are bringing drugs in on the seas to this country. There are 53 Garda stations in Ireland with no gardaí assigned to them. In any block of apartments in any area where kids are taking drugs on a regular basis, the Garda is not touching that because it simply does not have the resources to do so.”
“In my own constituency, there are no residential rehabilitation beds for young people who want to get off drugs. A 17-year-old kid in my county at the moment who is addicted to drugs and actually wants to get off them has no real help whatsoever. I have heard other people say that there is evidence in certain areas that the decriminalisation of drugs can lead to increased use, increased damage to health and increased overdoses, as has happened in certain jurisdictions. It is easier for parents to warn their kids off the consumption of drugs by telling them that it is illegal rather than just harmful. The use of illegal drugs on a regular basis is at about 10% within society at the moment, which is far lower than drugs that are completely legal, such as alcohol.”
“That has to be the absolute objective in relation to any issue on an individual basis and on a societal basis as well. Drugs cause harm. The consumption of drugs leads to significant harm, even if there is no criminality involved. Even the consumption of cannabis leads to significant mental health issues. It leads to psychosis and schizophrenia and it can lead to significant physical health problems as well, never mind other drugs. The objective of any policy has to include the reduction of the use of drugs. It is often said in this House that there is a dichotomy and that it is either a health-led issue or a criminal approach and that is not the truth. We could actually have both running in tandem. There is no real health-led element in this Government.”
“There are two major problems with that. First, if there is no intervention on a human level, these individuals are being left to an horrendous life of ill health, addiction and likely death as well. Even if you did not give a damn about the human aspect of this, there is a societal problem too. The sale and supply of these drugs is ravaging whole sections of Irish society with deaths and of people spending decades in prisons as well. There is a real need for the State to actually get serious about drugs. It is not serious about drugs at all. To a certain extent, if many of these individuals in such situations were from the leafy suburbs, it would be an issue of far more importance here in Leinster House. Any drugs policy needs to have as its objective the reduction of harm.”
“One of my first political experiences was canvassing in a block of flats in Dublin. As I walked up the stairwell in the block of flats, I noticed, first, a pair of women's tights on the stairwell. When I got higher, I noticed a discoloured spoon near the top of the stairwell and when I got to the very top, there was a 17-year-old boy lying on the ground, practically unconscious, foaming at the mouth. We did our best to try to help him. It was clear that he had taken heroin and was suffering as a result. A few minutes later, a young boy in a Christian Brothers school uniform walked around the corner and stepped over him like it was nothing. It was very clear to me that unless there was some kind of intervention in this area, in these families, the seven-year-old boy would be in the same position as the 17-year-old boy in a number of years.”
“We need a situation where we have investments but we have to free up the process, the red tape and bureaucracy that has been added on to the system by years of Fine Gael Governments that are slowing down the delivery of much-needed infrastructure. Unless we get to that we are just pouring that money into a bottomless pit. I see no real evidence that this Government means business when it comes to getting rid of the bureaucracy and red tape that are slowing down infrastructural development in this country.”
“Most of those homes were in the west or the midlands, showing again that this Dublin Government is forgetting about the west of Ireland in terms of infrastructure. One of the reasons it was hit so hard was that so much of our infrastructure is overground. Yet, this Government wants to proceed with the EirGrid north-south interconnector which is overground. We have been waiting for this infrastructure for 15 years. A bull-headed instinct by the Government to overground it is delaying it. Only 15% of homes, families and farms are going to allow EirGrid onto their property to build it. Some 85% of farmers are not going to allow it. It is going to remain in limbo for years as a result of this Government's instincts to force it overground.”
“The issue of data centres messes with my mind. We are told that we have to do so much to reduce the level of electricity usage and that we have to do our best to make sure we are a low-carbon economy. At the same time, the Government is flying high in terms of the increasing number of data centres coming into this sector. Data centres use 22% of all metered electricity in this State. That is way out of kilter in terms of the European Union which is about 3% or 4%. That figure is likely to reach 30% by 2030. There is one rule for the small family dealing with electricity but a different rule for the large multinationals. AI is going to drive that through the roof. In terms of Storm Éowyn, two weeks after that storm 13,000 homes were still without electricity.”
“Even the pricing of electricity happens within this State as a function of the dearest element of the production of electricity. The Government is artificially increasing the price of electricity to make sure it is being priced at the dearest element, which is often gas. The Government's legislation is allowing for that. In regard to retrofitting, about which I have heard people talk, only 22,000 homes reached the gold standard of B2 retrofitting last year. That is well short of the half a million households that are in the target for 2030. In terms of any retrofitting, only 54,000 homes were retrofitted at any level last year. There are 1.6 million homes in need of retrofitting. That means it will take 50 years to get to a retrofitting situation where families have a comfortable home with low energy costs.”
“That is one of the biggest gaps in the world. The Government often tells us there are lots of reasons we have higher electricity prices than anywhere else in the world. However, the fact is that those reasons all lie under the wholesale price. Electricity prices here are three times higher than the wholesale price. The gap between the retail price of electricity and the cost of producing it is one of the highest in the world at the moment. Electricity companies are failing to pass on the profits they are involved in. Why would they not? The ESB is a semi-State company. It is delivering Government policy. It is salting the people. It is involved in super-normal profits in terms of its revenue. The ESB made €706 million profit last year in a cost-of-living crisis. That is an incredible situation.”
“It has not evolved by itself but as a result of legislation that the Government has been involved in for the past 15 years. The second issue relates to the fact that electricity is holding up so many other aspects of infrastructure delivery. Right now, hundreds of homes in this State are not being built or are not connected and not lived in as a result of that lack of electricity. The lack of electricity infrastructure is slowing down the building of homes. That is an incredible indictment on the Government. In terms of price, spiralling costs are currently affecting families. There are 412,000 households in this country in fuel poverty. It is incredible that nearly half a million households in this country are in fuel poverty. The prices of electricity are extremely high. Energy prices in Ireland are three times the wholesale prices.”
“The two biggest problems this Government has are the delivery of infrastructure and rip-off Ireland. The two elements are inextricably linked. The inability to deliver on infrastructure is hammering families throughout the country. It is adding to massive misery and difficulties for so many families in so many areas in terms of housing, electricity, water and transport. One of the reasons that is happening is that in this State at the moment, Government inaction around planning, permits, tendering, etc., has allowed that aspect to delay projects. Right now we have some of the slowest planning permissions delivered, the slowest permitting, the slowest licensing and the slowest tendering in the whole of the EU. Judicial reviews go on for years. As a result, key infrastructure gets snarled up in a process. None of that is by accident.”
“Those commuters have paid for those bridges over and over again and yet the Government is using this stick on those commuters by putting up that price again instead of using the carrot of providing the necessary public transport they want to be able to use. That is where the major frustration is. On one level, the Government cannot introduce and cannot develop infrastructure because the systems are grinding to a halt with bureaucracy and red tape-----”
“The problem is that if one takes the future tense out of the Minister's statement there is very little the Government can say. The Minister has been in government for so long at this stage and these particular problems in planning, judicial reviews and tendering have not appeared out of nothing. They have been as a result of the Government's implementation. One of the big frustrations that exists among commuters in this country is that, on one level, they are getting the stick of extra costs. Last year, commuters paid €1.9 billion in motor tax and VRT and they contributed €4.1 billion in fuel taxes. Just last week the Government put up the cost of tolls again on an M50 that commuters have paid €2.2 billion for already. Mind you, those two bridges cost €53 million to build in the first place.”
“The average speed of horse-drawn carriages in Dublin in the 19th century was 16 km/h. We currently in an incredible crisis in terms of infrastructure in the Dublin area. Why is it that this Government cannot deliver infrastructure on time? Why is it that we have the slowest planning, permits, judicial reviews and tendering in the whole of the European Union in terms of such projects? When will the Navan to Dublin rail line be built? What will the Government do to change the glacial pace of infrastructure in this country?”
“In 2036, it will be 42 years since the rail line was first promised by Fianna Fáil. In 1862, the original Navan to Dublin rail line was built in three years with picks and shovels. Despite all the technology we have now, the wait for the project is now heading towards 42 years. It is incredibly glacial in its delivery. The economic cost of congestion in the greater Dublin area is incredible. Some €336 million was the cost of it in 2024, according to the Department of Transport, and it is estimated that by 2040, congestion in the greater Dublin area will cost €1.5 billion. Studies have been done on congestion in European cities and Dublin is the worst in terms of time and cost. There have also been studies of the speed of traffic in Dublin at the moment. The average speed eight years ago was 12 km/h.”
“Some 90,000 people in Meath commute to work on a daily basis and 60,000 of those are forced to use cars due to the lack of a rail line. Navan is the biggest town in the country without a rail line at the moment. In 1994, Fianna Fáil's Noel Dempsey promised to build a rail line between Navan and Dublin. The delivery date slipped and slipped. We were promised to have it in 2015 but it was never built. I am the chair of the Meath on Track campaign and the people of Meath have campaigned strongly for this over the years and yet we still do not have that rail line. In 2021, it was promised to us again. We were told that the building of the rail line would start by 2030 and it would be built by 2036. This promise was met with derision in County Meath, to be honest. It is typical horizon politics - so far in the distance that it never gets done.”
“Ba mhaith liom ar dtús mo chomhghairdeas ollmhór a ghabháil le Catherine Connolly ar an mbua iontach a bhí aici an tseachtain seo caite. Guím gach rath uirthi. Déanaim comhbhrón le Sr. Stan. Laoch ab ea í a d'oibrigh go díograiseach ar son iad siúd a bhí gan dídean sa tír seo. Ar dheis Dé go raibh a hanam dílis. Déanaim cáineadh orthu siúd a chur an teach IPAS i nDroichead Átha trí thine. Ba bheag nár bhfuair páistí agus tuismitheoirí bás sa teach sin ar an oíche. This morning, commuter traffic on the M3 going to Dublin was backed up well into County Meath. The journey for tens of thousands of people took two hours. Meath is the biggest commuter county in the country. It is the only county in the country where the majority of workers leave the county to go to work every single day.”
“However, we also need the treatment to be there and, if we are honest, in many ways the treatment is not there, even when men seek to access it. Figures in the report show that only 14% of GPS are confident in helping men with suicidality. We need to tailor those services to the needs of men who are suffering.”
“The rate of suicide among Travellers is six times higher than it is among the rest of the population. These are eye-watering figures. This is an emergency, an invisible one. The truth is that these issues are fixable. I also offer support for making sure the key asks of The Real Face of Men's Health are implemented, in terms of the necessity for the report to be progressed, for necessary funding to be implemented and for a cost analysis to be developed. Education is necessary. I had cancer in the past five years and I have also had a stroke. Thank God, I had the necessary and speedy treatment to be able to deal with those issues but lots of men, for many reasons, do not access treatment and we need to educate them to do so.”
“The lives of men living in deprivation are, on average, five years shorter than men on upper incomes. It has to be mentioned that Traveller men have a life expectancy 15 years shorter than the average man, which is incredible. Deprivation is a significant player in this. Men in deprivation are 46% more likely to have a premature death than women in the same communities. A total of 66% of overdoses and accidental poisonings happen to men. Men suffer far more from addiction. Men suffer from the crisis of loneliness far more and, if we are honest, men are very unsure of their role in society at the moment. A total of 80% of traffic accidents happen to men. Approximately 80% of suicides involve men. I attended two funerals over the summer where men in their 50s committed suicide, leaving heartbroken families behind them.”
“I also pay tribute to the men's health campaigners who have worked so hard to get this issue debated in the House today. Again, I am shocked by the fact that this is the first time that we in Leinster House have had a debate solely on men's health. In many ways, the fact that we have not had the necessary focus on this issue is really telling. A month ago, Movember launched "The Real Face of Men's Health" report. This is a significant milestone in the battle to save lives. The results are startling. It has been mentioned that premature death among men is 40% higher than it is among women. This is an astounding figure. It is a figure that should be in everybody's heads already. The fact that it is invisible is amazing. Members know that economic circumstances play a massive role.”
“Every day, on my way home from work, I pass by the Four Courts on the south side of the River Liffey. Every day, dozens of people are openly dealing in drugs and taking drugs. People are slumped on the pathway just feet from passing traffic. It is a human disaster. If I see this every day, the gardaí see it every day. Why do they tolerate it? In Meath, I talk to people who are being crucified by crime and antisocial behaviour that is happening every single night. If it is happening every night, the gardaí know about it. Why are they tolerating it? I spoke to a taxi driver recently who told me of a drug dealer where people drive up, get their drugs and go home. It is a drive-through drug location. If he knows about it, the gardaí know about it. Why are the gardaí tolerating this type of crime happening on a regular basis?”
“I feel sometimes that the Government's attitude is, Lord make me good, but just not yet. Let us implement these reforms and let us make it happen so we do not have another presidential election like this one.”
“I welcome that the Government is not opposing this motion, but it now has a democratic onus to implement it. We cannot have a situation where this Chamber votes to support the motion and it is ignored by the Government for the next ten years. I often say the best way for the Government to say "No" is to actually say "Yes". Every day, we see TDs from the Government parties going out to the gates and putting their arms around people involved in different campaigns, getting into photographs with them, telling them "Yes" and then coming in here and either voting against their interests or just ignoring the issue altogether. The Minister, Deputy James Browne, mentioned a number of difficult steps that might be taken.”
“These are Irish citizens living in Ireland and they should have a right to vote as a result. This has to be the last presidential election where Irish citizens in the North are excluded. It has to be the end of a two-tiered citizenship in this country. We must not have a situation where one section of Irish citizens is more equal than others. This has to be the last presidential election where candidates are blocked by the political establishment. It has to be the end of a curated ballot that is controlled by a handful of establishment parties. We cannot let the political establishment engineer elections that exclude voters and then come back into the system and say it is shocking that half the people have not voted. No one should be entitled to get on the ballot. We fully agree with that, but the threshold needs to be reduced.”
“It is a significant problem, not just a theoretical one, but one that is leading to a polarisation of Irish society. If the Government parties are telling half the people in this country that they do not really care if they are not involved in this election or they do not have a horse in this field, that is fine but that is a bad message to send out. It is a message that is leading to a lack of democratic instincts among a small minority. That is dangerous for this country and for this democracy. Some people say that the right to vote should be afforded to Irish citizens living elsewhere in the world. I have no problem with that, but that is a different question. The right of a person to vote in Enniskillen, Newry or Derry is a different question to an Irish citizen voting in Shanghai, Johannesburg or San Francisco.”
“People Before Profit says that Aontú's motion is too restrictive. The Labour Party says it was not restrictive enough. In reality, I have no problem with Deputy Paul Murphy's amendment. We are happy to support it. My concern is just to make sure the signatures could be verified. Deputy Hearne said people died for the right to vote. They did not die for the right to vote; they died for the right to vote in a representative democracy. People in China have the right to vote. A democracy without half the people is no democracy at all. That is what we are looking at here. The fact that so many political parties have their head down in their own political campaign now and are not recognising the democratic deficit that exists in this country is a major problem.”
“There is a growing section of young people especially who believe in science and facts and want a common-sense future. Aontú is wholeheartedly at the cutting edge of that particular movement. I was disappointed with Deputy Paul Murphy bringing up people's faith in this debate. We live in a country where there is freedom of religion. Discrimination on the basis of faith is wrong. If Deputy Murphy used any religion other than Catholic in those sentences, people in this Chamber would have been absolutely disgusted by it. If the Deputy can be inspired by Marx, as he is entitled to be, surely other politicians and other individuals can be informed by their faith?”
“The political establishment in this country dresses up in the colours of diversity and welcomes everybody's opinion as long as it agrees with theirs. Deputy Farrelly and Deputy Gannon probably do not recognise it, but their politics is in the ascendancy in the country. Their politics is the establishment in this country. For at least the last decade, this House and this country have become a cold house for diversity of thought. There has been an oppressive uniformity in the political system that has shut down voices. If people do not recognise that, it is because their voice has not been shut down. Other people's voices have been shut down and they have been pushed out of the political debate. There is a growing section of Irish society that no longer believe in their types of politics.”
“I thank everybody who made a contribution to this important debate. There were some very interesting contributions and a fairly philosophical understanding of what is involved. This is one of the most important electoral reform motions that has come before this Chamber in a long time. I want to address the contributions of a couple of speakers. I was disappointed by Deputy Guirke who spent his time attacking his constituency competitor for petty reasons. This issue is bigger than Peadar Tóibín or Johnny Guirke. The idea that we would not spend our time trying to fight for this and instead fight with each other is absolutely silly. Deputy Aidan Farrelly attacked Aontú on the basis of diversity. That attack shows a lack of self-awareness.”
“It would shine the light of transparency into all aspects of our government. I urge the Government to support the Aontú motion.”
“It offers a solution to the democratic deficit that exists in the presidential election. It democratises the system and gives citizens an opportunity to stand in the presidential election. It gives elected representatives more power in the selection of candidates. It stops the blockage of candidates by political parties that, for their narrow self-interest, want to keep other candidates out of the system. It revolutionises the situation in this country and allows citizens, North and South, to vote. It does not go as far as Irish unity, but takes a step towards it without costing anything to our unionist brothers. It would be a major step forward in all-Ireland democracy. It would be celebrated for generations. It would be a fine legacy for the Minister's party and Fine Gael. It opens up to transparency the Office of the President.”
“There will be talk on the issue of transparency. My worry, and this is important, is that if we do not act now, in four, five or six months' time, this interest in taking action will disappear. Nothing will be done for six or seven years and we will be up against the next presidential election in exactly the same space, with no change achieved. That would be wrong. That happens in the political system in this country. It often closely follows the media cycle. When people ask me who is the most powerful Minister in the country, I say it is Joe Duffy because if it is not a crisis in the media, it is not a crisis in here. Ministers do not seem to be interested in something unless it is consuming the media cycle. Let us make sure that we act now on this reform.”
“Our motion would ensure that would be introduced in legislation within 16 months. It would also mandate the publication of the annual report of Áras an Uachtaráin and give all the detailed costs in relation to the entertainment of foreign guests and dignitaries hosted by the President, all the costs associated with foreign travel by the President and all the costs associated with the running of Áras an Uachtaráin, including decoration, repairs, refurbishment and costs. This is a basic request and it is incredible that it is not in place already. What we have before us is important. There will be hullabaloo because one of the most undemocratic elections in the history of State is happening at the moment. There will be a lot of talk today about giving citizens in the North the right to vote in this election.”
“This motion seeks to achieve another important objective, namely, transparency. Incredibly, the Office of the President is one of the few public offices in this country that is not subject to the Freedom of Information Act. In fact, section 42(h) specifically exempts Áras an Uachtaráin from the provisions of the Act. The Aontú motion seeks to repeal that provision and open the office to the same level of transparency and scrutiny as the Minister is under. Why should he have more transparency enforced on his actions than on the Office of the President? Incredibly, any citizen of this country can request, under the freedom of information provisions, copies of the Minister's briefing notes and emails, and inspect his work, but is insulated from requesting them from the Office of the President.”
“I do not mean any disrespect to the Minister because he probably has sympathy for this proposal. There is, however, an instinct in Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael that if there is an all-Ireland presidential election, they will not be able to win it because we would be introducing 700,000 new voters, many of whom might vote for all-Ireland parties. The first thing to say is that it is wrong to prevent democracy because you do not like the potential result. The second thing I will say is that we should fix that situation. Fianna Fáil at one stage did stand in an election in the North of Ireland and had a cumann in Queen's University Belfast. I say to it: become an all-Ireland party and build across the island. Unity should begin at home and in the functioning of a political party. That is important.”
“Every political party has said openly that it supports the Aontú proposal to give citizens in the North of Ireland the right to vote. Opinion polls show that a majority of people on the island of Ireland seek this measure. We have launched a Bill, which has passed First Stage, to achieve this particular objective. A motion was passed in Stormont recently. A majority of MLAs put forward the same proposal, that is, that people in the North of Ireland would have the right to vote. That is significant. It is not unusual internationally. Countries allow votes in presidential elections to citizens outside the existing jurisdiction of control. This measure would bring this country into alignment with many other western democracies. I believe it is beyond time for that to happen. People ask me why it is not happening.”
“Does anybody think that the unity of the Irish people is more likely in the United Kingdom than in a united Ireland? Why is it that sectarianism is rife in the North but not in the South? Is it because sectarianism is part of the UK and part of the partition of this country? The reality is that if we want to move beyond sectarianism and unite the people, we must first unite the territory. We need to ensure we make this decision. It is not a zero-sum decision. We are not taking any rights from our unionist brothers and sisters in enabling a vote for Irish citizens in the North of Ireland. There are currently 700,000 Irish people in the North with Irish citizenship. They are being blocked by this Government. There is often a difference between talk and action in this place.”
“Imagine for a second the absolute joy that would exist in the hearts of Irish citizens in the North of Ireland if they could cast a vote in an all-Ireland election for the first time since 1918.That would be a significant step forward for most people in the North of Ireland and indeed for the Irish nation as a whole.That gift is not in Westminster.It is not decided by Stormont.It is decided by this House and then by a referendum of the Irish people.Why are we withholding that opportunity? Some people might say they have heard the Government say things are very serious in the North of Ireland and we do not want to rock the boat and we have to be careful.Míchéal Martin can think of 100 excuses why we should not take any steps towards Irish unity.He even says we need the unity of the Irish people before we have the unity of the territory.”
“The other significant reform Aontú is looking for in this particular motion is, in many ways, a revolutionary step.We are looking to give the right to vote to Irish citizens North and South.We are looking for equality between Irish citizens North and South.Incredibly, Irish citizens in the North can stand for President and campaign in a presidential election.They can win the presidential election and be this President of this country, but they cannot vote in the presidential election.That is an incredible disparity in any democracy that functions in the world.A person in the North of Ireland is an Irish citizen and an Irish passport holder.He or she is recognised as such by the Good Friday Agreement, but is still not allowed to vote in a presidential election.In effect, that means we have a two-tier citizenship in relation to this country and it is undemocratic.It is against the spirit of the Good Friday Agreement.”
“I note that People Before Profit has put forward an amendment that seeks a fifth way for people to get on the ballot and that is with 35,000 signatories.I have no problem with the idea of 35,000 signatories selecting or nominating but the only problem I have with it in practical terms is how could we confirm each one of those nominations to be real if it is not done in person, and that would be seriously difficult?”
“Our motion looks for common-sense changes to the political system.We look for a referendum to be held within three years to amend the Constitution to reduce the Oireachtas threshold to 14 members, to reduce the council threshold from four councils to three and to create another pathway to nomination, which would allow for 110 councillors across the country to sign a nomination paper.There would be four pathways to nomination because, obviously, the incumbent President is also allowed to nominate in an election situation.That would make a real difference and allow for a larger ballot.It would allow for a real choice, and a functioning democracy.”
“The reality is every single party, bar Aontú, is happy enough for the system to carry on regardless, for them to plough on regardless, and that they get the results they want.That shows the bubble that exists in Leinster House and that the anger and frustration that exists outside of Leinster House is currently only being articulated by Aontú.”
“In the political establishment, many people decry the polarisation of the political system in this country.However, the only way to tackle the polarisation of the political system is to show that the parliamentary political system works and to show that it works, we need to convince people that their voices will be heard loud and clear here, that their vote matters and that they have a choice.We need to convince people that they are at the table of the representative democracy that is meant to exist here.However, that is not the message that has been sent out over the past while in terms of this election.”
“The political establishment should be shocked that people are disengaging from the political process to such a level.However, it is not a shock and the political establishment has said little or nothing about the disaffection of people from the political process.It may be in the interest of the political establishment that the electorate is disengaged from this particular election.After the election, we will have people who will decry that it was shocking that such a low level of voters turned out and that there was such a low level of engagement in the political process but, in reality, the political establishment has engineered a low engagement and low turnout in that particular election.”
“That has significantly reduced the routes to nomination for this presidential election and has caused major problems.The result is quite shocking.If we look at opinion polls, 49% of voters say they do not feel they are represented by the current presidential election candidates.Some 55% of voters believe that the Constitution should be changed to make the nomination process easier.The resultant election campaign has been a curated election campaign, and half the population is locked out of it. The polls show that many people are not likely to vote and that a significant number of people will spoil their vote.One of the polls shows that Maria Steen would have achieved 22% of the vote in the election, and yet she has not been allowed on the ballot.That should be a wake-up call for the political establishment.”
“Not only do we have a very strict legal threshold but in this election we have also seen a very strict political approach.In previous elections, the political parties were very liberal in the ability given to their councillors to nominate individuals for the presidential election.In this case, we had one of those parties imposing a diktat, a whip on their councillors, and another of those parties intimating that thou shalt not select anybody else in this particular election.That is a major difficulty.”
“If we look at the current system, it was built in 1937, at a time when there were two and a half political parties in the State.We are now in a very different situation.We now have a multi-party, diverse political system where those two legacy political parties are now small minority parties.When I say two legacy parties, I should really say one legacy party - the Fianna Fáil-Fine Gael party - still has major control over the development of the presidential election.That is really unfair.”
“In most elections, the people pick the representative but it is not the case in a presidential election.In council, Dáil or European Parliament elections, people can enter their name on the ballot if they reach a certain criteria in relation to how to get onto it.However, that is not the case here.The presidential election has an extremely high threshold.A threshold which is basically giving the power to the Oireachtas and councils to decide who even gets on the ballot.We in Aontú have a very simple proposal.Let the people pick the President.Let the people decide who should be elected President, rather than the political establishment.”