Robert O'Donoghue
Dublin Fingal West · Labour Party · Ireland
“This is not an isolated incident. I hear it repeatedly from parents across my constituency. On top of that, the Government has brought back State examination fees. School transport charges have doubled, particularly for people going from zone 1 to zone 2, for kids in Rush and Lusk accessing the Loreto Secondary School in Balbriggan.”
“It is the airtex tops, the school trousers, the crested uniforms and the voluntary contributions that we know are not voluntary. Then comes secondary school and the bills get even bigger. Parents are expected to buy Chromebooks, laptops and iPads, often designated through one supplier at inflated prices.”
“There is an issue that has come to me in Dublin Fingal West, although it affects the country at large. I refer to the spiralling cost of summer camps and the financial burden it is placing on households earning lower to middle incomes. One parent told me that they were paying €160 a week for three hours over four days.”
“This motion could not have come at a better time. Last week, a constituent was on to me. She told me that her child had finished school on Tuesday, 30 June and the next day the first payment request from the school had landed in her inbox. That is not the end of it.”
“Education is supposed to be free but for too many families it no longer feels that way. The cost of sending a child to school has become one of the biggest financial pressures for working families. Parents are doing everything they can but they cannot keep being treated as the Department of education's funding model.”
“Horticulture is under enormous pressure. We are facing some of the most serious challenges we have seen in years, including increased input costs, energy costs and labour costs. We are still importing fruit and vegetables that we could grow ourselves. I live in north County Dublin, the market garden capital of Ireland.”
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“As we discuss air defences in committee over the next week, I request again that the Minister would brief the committee properly on those drone incursions. If we are going to be steering conversations on defence, Ireland needs to get more serious on its own. This is not a call to waste money or to start buying up tanks. It is, however, a call to pay members of the Defence Forces better so that we can improve recruitment and retention. It is a call to invest in drone technologies, as suggested by President Zelenskyy earlier, to move away from our reliance on the RAF, to invest in our navy to move away from our reliance on the French navy, and to invest in Army barracks across the country and more.”
“This Government is more interested in debating the triple lock than providing real investment in the State’s own defence. We sit bottom of the EU table in terms of defence spending, and no matter how impressive the men and women in our armed forces are, we are not equipping them with the tools to do their job as effectively as possible. It is why we continue to rely on the RAF and, now, the French military. President Zelenskyy, who I am glad was able to return to Ireland today, was put at risk in December by this State’s underinvestment in our own defence capabilities. We have also still not got real answers to the drone incursion. Neither the Members of this House nor the defence committee know the exact details of what happened that day, and that is hugely concerning.”
“Post Brexit and post tariffs, there is no doubt Europe is bruised. We have an opportunity over the next six months to turn the tide. This Government, which has been known to keep the handbrake on when coming to any decision, can choose to take it off. The Irish Presidency will have three key priorities: competitiveness, values and security. The worry is that when it comes to those priorities at home, this Government has kept the handbrake on and, because of this, it has failed. Why should people believe our Presidency of the EU will be any different, and if it will be different, why has that same effort not been shown at home? With security, we know defence and security are the focus of Brussels, and in many respects, they should be, but how can we be leading that conversation?”
“As we assume the EU Presidency, it is important we set out the context we now face globally. To one side of Europe, we have an aggressive Russia which, to this day, continues to take the lives of Ukrainians in its illegal war, while to the other side, we have the United States which, for the first time since the Second World War, has an outwardly aggressive tone towards its dealings with Europe. We have a bloc of countries that, despite the huge market we command, are falling behind competitively when it comes to the US and China. Ultimately, as we assume this Presidency, Europe is scrambling - scrambling to increase defence spending, scrambling to tackle a housing crisis that is felt more acutely in Ireland, and scrambling to reduce our reliance on the United States as it moves toward an isolationist economic and foreign policy.”
“We need to build a genuine public system alongside existing providers, expand State capacity, properly value the educators and stop relying on the market to deliver what is essentially a public service. The early years sector is fixable if the political will is there to do it. Unlike other major infrastructure, this does not have to take decades, nor does it have to cost a fortune. If we get it right, this benefits everybody. Early childhood education and care is a public good and we need to start treating it as such.”
“A public system would allow the State to build capacity while protecting the small and medium providers that are the backbone of the sector and communities across the country. This sector is not a private luxury. It is infrastructure. It underpins the economy. It is a cost-of-living issue. It enables children and families to thrive. It is a women’s equality issue. Many Members will be my familiar with my parliamentary assistant, who has been campaigning on this since 2019. She helped to organise the sector into a union, fought for the first two pay deals and was instrumental in the Together for Public campaign. Based on her years of work, I believe the sector can be fixed. The solution is straightforward.”
“I thank Deputy Kerrane for bringing forward this motion. While I support it, I do not believe it goes far enough. Again, we are skirting around the fundamental issue that is wrong with the early years sector. The truth is that this sector will never be properly fixed as long as we continue to rely on a private provision model. The Minister might point to the €1.6 billion and to the public that seems like a great commitment, but the reality is that this investment has also opened doors to corporate chains and private corporations. The Minister has allowed these entities to operate school-age childcare in public school buildings rather than using those public assets to expand State provision.”
“No one should walk into their place of work with anxiety or have to take a circuitous route to get to their place of work to avoid someone who might make them feel like they are not good enough. To Mark, my staff member, and to the wider LGBTQ+ community, I hope I have done you justice to bring your experiences to life in the Chamber today.”
“The struggle for workers’ rights and the struggle for LGBTQ+ rights are not separate stories. They are part of the same stories; the belief that every person deserves dignity, equality and fair treatment. With that in mind, I want to pay tribute to former Labour Party Minister Mervyn Taylor, who was at the forefront of the struggle to ensure that equality that meant having the right to work, earn a living, provide for one's family and live with dignity, free from discrimination. To echo Deputy Crowe, not one person from any community, background or gender who walks into their place of work should feel bullied, isolated, ignored or discriminated against.”
“I am grateful for the opportunity to speak on this matter today. This debate is particularly poignant for me because one of the members of my staff is a member of the LGBTQ+ community. Mark, whom I work alongside every day, is someone I value enormously - he is my friend and someone whose experiences remind me that these discussions are not abstract debates. They are about real people, real lives and real journeys. Every LGBT person has their own story. Some are accepted early on in life. Others spend years wondering whether they will be accepted within their families, communities, workplaces or society itself. Some even emigrate to find that acceptance. As a party that was founded to protect workers, Labour can be proud of that achievement. We have always understood that equality is not simply about words or aspirations.”
“Robin Gallagher, to the Gallery, and my ex-colleague in St. Joseph's Secondary School, the German teacher, Ms Anita Irwin, who is a big supporter of Europe Day every year. Like myself, she is probably looking forward to the EU Presidency.”
“I thank the Minister of State. I have seen the reference to undocumented branches. If pipes were put in 50 or 60 years ago, the mapping may not have been as good as it is today. I accept and understand that. I welcome that Uisce Éireann is engaging with the businesses but if it could speak to the two crèche owners in particular, it would certainly alleviate some of the frustrations felt by the residents in the local area. I get that there is no ideal solution here but, as the Minister of State mentioned, what families are looking for is to minimise the disruption as much as possible, to alleviate the stress on working families and for Uisce Éireann to engage with the local communities and crèches as much as possible. Before I finish up, I wish to welcome my former French teacher, Mr.”
“Can these works be scheduled in the evenings, overnight and at weekends when the impact on early education and school-age childcare providers, schools, businesses and working parents would be substantially reduced? The people of Lusk understand the need for infrastructure works. What we are asking for is consideration, communication and common sense in regard to how these works are carried out. Therefore, I am calling on Uisce Éireann and the Minister of State to review the schedule around planned water outages and engage directly with affected communities to ensure that essential works can proceed while minimising disruption to families, childcare providers and local businesses.”
“Parents are left scrambling at short notice to find alternative childcare arrangements. Many have no choice but to take annual leave from work. Others lose a day's wages. Meanwhile, they continue to pay their regular childcare fees and taxes that fund Government subsidies to support these providers. They are forced to pay a third time when they are looking for alternative childcare. This is not a minor inconvenience; it places real financial pressure on working families who are already dealing with the rising cost of living. My question is straightforward. Why are these planned outages repeatedly taking place during normal working hours on weekdays? If they are scheduled and planned works, surely every effort should be made to minimise disruption to families and businesses. Have any alternatives been considered?”
“However, serious questions must be asked as to how these works are being scheduled and the impact they are having on local families, childcare providers and businesses. Councillor Mark Boland and I have been inundated by a number of businesses in Lusk over the past couple of weeks, including two early years education providers. Between them, they provide care for up to 100 families. Under the Tusla regulations, these providers must have access to running water in order to operate safely and legally. They are full-day services so they cannot use just what they have in the tank. It is not that they are early childhood care and education, ECCE, or national childcare scheme, NCS, services. When the water supply is interrupted, they simply cannot open their doors. The consequences are significant.”
“I thank the Minister of State for taking Topical Issues again - two days in a row. I must be following him around. It is appreciated. I wish to raise a matter today, similar to the previous speaker, around the growing concerns for families in Lusk, in my constituency of Dublin Fingal West. Repeated water outages have taken place for the past couple of weeks affecting two estates, in particular Kelly Park and Dun Emer. From the outset, I want to be clear. I am not denying that maintenance and upgrade work to our infrastructure is not essential. Some of these pipes are 50 or 60 years old, so the fact that they are being done is to be welcomed. We all want reliable and resilient water infrastructure and investment in that infrastructure is welcome.”
“We must use that revenue to lower bills, strengthen public services and build resilience against the crises people are facing every day. For the people struggling to keep the lights on, fill the tank and feed their children, that will be the understanding of climate crisis - it is not separate from their lives; it is woven into them. Until we address those realities together, we will solve none of them.”
“There is no point in telling people that temperatures are rising when what they are living through is extreme weather, such as flooding that is ripping up the roads and damaging homes. The climate crisis is driving food insecurity through higher food prices and reduced access to good, nutritious food. It contributes to energy instability and rising fuel costs. It places greater pressure on public services in the communities that are already stretched to breaking point. If we continue to protect corporate profits while asking ordinary people to bear the burden, we fail on both social justice and climate. The answer is not to make working families pay more. The answer is to make the biggest polluters and wealthiest beneficiaries of our energy system pay their fair share.”
“It is an omnicrisis happening all at once: a housing crisis; a fuel crisis; a food and cost-of-living crisis; a childcare crisis; health and mental health crises; and a disability crisis. People are exhausted, angry and frustrated. That frustration is turning into resentment because they feel that the system is working for powerful interests and not working for them. At the same time, millions of euro are being poured into data centres, AI infrastructure and corporate expansion, while households are told to tighten their belts and accept ever-rising bills. This is where the climate crisis comes in. The climate crisis is deeply connected to every one of these pressures I have mentioned for working families. However, too many people have been led to believe that climate change is somehow a distant issue.”
“I want to acknowledge my party colleagues today for bringing forward this motion because ordinary working - people I represent Dublin Fingal West - are to the pins of their collars trying to pay for heating their homes, filling the cars and putting food on the table. Ireland has the highest costs of energy prices in the EU, and why? It is because this Government continues to hand incentives, discounts and preferential treatment to some of the wealthiest corporations on the planet for their data centres. These are companies and tech billionaires who do not need a subsidy from the Irish taxpayer. The cost of these decisions is being carried by ordinary people struggling through crisis after crisis. We are living through a series of crises.”
“The school community is willing to provide the Minister of State with any solutions or any further input he might need that will work to find what we perceive as a better solution than that originally put forward. Engaging with them can bring a better conclusion. That is the outcome we are all looking for. I thank the Minister of State.”
“I thank the Minister of State. I will convey this to the school principal, Mr. White. While seeking the two SEN classrooms is probably not as common as it should be, it is good to hear that the Department is working closely with the school. I feel that myself and my Dublin Fingal West colleagues are like a broken record at this point. It is the fastest-growing local authority area in Ireland. I am glad to see that facilities like this are being taken seriously, as is coming forward from the Department. From my own point of view, I am asking the Minister of State to continue that engagement with the principal, Mr. White, and the school community on this issue. It will certainly be used in the coming years and without a doubt it will future-proof one area of the north county.”
“It is entirely reasonable that playground damage or loss as part of this project should be fully reinstated when the works are complete. I call on the Minister of State and the Department to urgently review this proposal, engage constructively with the school, provide a two-classroom SEN unit that meets future demand, ensure adequate outdoor space for inclusive education and guarantee the full replacement of the playground following construction. Our children deserve planning that looks beyond next year and provides for the future needs of Balscadden National School.”
“There are also significant concerns about the quality of provision being proposed. A singular modular unit comes with fewer facilities for children who will use it. In addition, the Department proposes providing only 50 sq. m of soft play space. The school believes this is wholly inadequate to facilitate meaningful reverse integration and inclusive educational opportunities. The Education Act makes clear that every child is entitled to the most inclusive education possible. Inclusion cannot simply be spoken about; it must be properly resourced and designed into our schools. A restricted space of 50 sq. m does not allow the level of interaction and integration that children deserve. Finally, the school community has been informed that its playground will be disrupted and effectively removed during construction.”
“Furthermore, if planning permission is required, the additional timeframe is estimated at about 12 weeks. When we consider that the most optimistic opening date would be spring 2027, and that September 2027 would be a more realistic target in either scenario, it is difficult to understand why a long-term educational need is being sacrificed for a relatively short administrative delay. The reality is that the single SEN classroom would be filled immediately. Once it reaches capacity there would be no further places available until pupils reach sixth class. So what happens to the children who are coming in for 2028, 2029 and beyond? Are the families expected to wait years for appropriate provision? Are children expected to travel long distances because sufficient capacity was not provided from the outset?”
“I want to highlight a deeply concerning situation facing Balscadden National School in my constituency in Dublin Fingal West. The school is simply asking for appropriate educational provision for children with additional needs. It has been informed by the Department that it will only provide a single special educational needs, SEN, classroom through a modular build. This decision appears to be based on the assertion that a two-classroom unit would require planning permission and would delay the project. However, the information available to the school raises serious questions about this justification. A report has suggested that a septic tank would need to be relocated to accommodate the two-classroom unit. The school disputes this and believes that the tank does not need to be moved.”
“Allowing early years educators to participate in July provision would improve continuity for children, strengthen capacity where recruitment has failed and make better use of experienced educators who already understand these children best. It is a simple and practical step that would keep children at the centre of care. I would appreciate if the Minister would consider this.”
“I want to bring forward a practical and potentially long overdue reform. Early years educators are currently not permitted to work July provision, providing supports to children transitioning from ECCE into primary school. I have been contacted by several early years educators from my constituency in Dublin Fingal West who have built trusted relationships and deep knowledge of children's individual needs, but are excluded from participating in July provision. This creates two clear problems. First, children are left without the consistent support they are entitled to during a critical stage of transition. Second, early years educators are left unemployed over the summer months, despite being willing and able to deliver this care.”
“Regrettably, a recurring response seems to be that those who disagree with the organisation's policies are encouraged to leave, when these policies could be causing significant distress to members of these organisations. It is deeply concerning that this situation arises. It poses serious questions about accountability and governance within these organisations. Who ensures that complaints are treated fairly, transparently and in accordance with the basic principles of natural justice?”
“It is good to hear about empowering NGBs and I accept that care and consideration are needed on this matter. Volunteer organisations play a vital role in our communities, but with that role comes responsibility to uphold good governance, transparency and accountability. I urge the Minister of State to bring forward those measures that he just mentioned and further measures, where they are needed, to ensure that members have access to an independent avenue of appeal when local governance processes fail. I have since received a number of further disclosures from clubs and volunteer organisations concerning the conduct of committee members and the treatment of fee-paying members.”
“No committee should be permitted to operate as though it owns the club or disregard the concerns of members without oversight. These organisations are in receipt of public money and membership fees but little governance or accountability seems to be attached to that.”
“I thank the Minister of State for his response. I have come across a case in a volunteer-led organisation where a member raised serious issues through the appropriate channels. The organisation's committee stated that the matter had been investigated. However, it subsequently emerged that no thorough investigation had taken place. Most concerning of all, the party who made the complaint was not engaged in the process. When the complainant sought to escalate the matter to the NGB, they were informed that NGBs do not have the governance oversight of individual committees. There appears to be a significant accountability gap. In some cases, committee members can become embedded in positions of authority and act as though they are beyond scrutiny.”
“Has consideration been given to the establishment of an independent governance authority for sporting and volunteer organisations to oversee committee conduct, ensure compliance with governance standards, provide independent dispute resolution mechanisms and support transparency and accountability in organisational administration? I have been asking this question for a while and I seem to be pushed from one agency to another without being able to get a clear answer.”
“We need Ireland to advocate nationally and internationally for Israel's exclusion from sports competitions while the destruction of Palestine continues. Ireland should support sporting bodies which choose not to participate in fixtures involving Israel. A sport does not exist in a vacuum. Every generation is tested. Every generation faces moments when remaining silent becomes the choice itself. Sport cannot stop war, rebuild a city or bring back those who have been lost, but sport can send a message. It can declare that human rights still matter, international law still matters and that no nation, regardless of power and influence, should be exempt from accountability. If we truly believe that sport has the power to unite and represent our values, then we must ensure that those values include justice, equality and human dignity.”
“We risk sending the message that there are no consequences, human rights are secondary and international law is optional. Those who oppose sporting boycotts often argue that athletes should not be punished for the actions of government. That is a serious argument, one that deserves consideration. However, sporting sanctions have never been primarily about individual athletes. They are about international pressure. They are about signalling that the global community cannot continue with business as usual while grave violations are taking place. History shows us that sporting isolation can be a powerful non-violent tool. It allows ordinary people to take a stand without causing harm. It provides peaceful means of expressing collective outrage and demanding change.”
“In 1999, the Government intervened to prevent a game involving Yugoslavia because of atrocities taking place in Kosovo. The principle was clear, namely, that there are moments when events become so grave that business as usual is no longer acceptable. We were fined £25,000, but we stood in solidarity with a nation under siege because how you treat the weak is your true nature calling. We in this Chamber and sporting authorities need to provide that leadership again. What message do we send when sporting events continue exactly as normal? What message do we send when flags are waved, anthems are played and international fixtures proceed while images of destruction and suffering continue to emerge day after day? Whether intentional or not, we risk normalising what should never be normal.”
“The motion argues that Israel should be excluded from international sporting competitions. I agree with this, as the destruction and illegal occupation continues. When apartheid South Africa was isolated from international sport, it was not just because of sport that it suddenly became political. It was because the world recognised that continuing as normal sent a message that oppression could be ignored. When Russia was rightly suspended from international competitions following its invasion of Ukraine, sporting organisations acted with remarkable speed. The question many people are asking today is simple: if sporting sanctions were appropriate in those circumstances, why is Israel being treated differently? Here in Ireland, we have our own history of taking principled positions.”
“We are witnessing a real-time destruction of the Palestinian people and we ask ourselves what are we prepared to do about it. Sport is often described as having no place in politics. We hear that phrase repeatedly, but history tells us otherwise. Sport has always been political. Nations use sport to project an image of themselves to the world. Governments celebrate victories as national achievements. Major sporting events are used to showcase internationally how a country represents itself on a global stage. If sport can be used to promote a country's image, then surely it is legitimate to ask whether that image reflects reality. How a country represents itself on the global stage must be measured against how it treats other human beings. That is why this debate matters. I thank the Social Democrats for bringing it forward.”
“I will start by quoting Eric Cantona, who has been very vocal in his support for boycotting Israel: We all remember apartheid in South Africa. The sporting boycott was critical in ending it. We have power. You have power. And football fans around the world have power. I would go further. It is not just football fans around the world who have power. Every sporting fan, every athlete, every governing body and every nation that participates in sport has power. Sport cannot be separated from human rights and sporting boycotts can play a significant role in increasing pressure for change. We are now more than one thousand days into the destruction of Gaza. Nobody can dispute the scale of human suffering that has taken place. Tens of thousands have been killed and entire communities have been devastated.”
“Therefore, while I believe careful scrutiny will be necessary, we in the Labour Party support the advancement of the Broadcasting (Amendment) Bill 2026 and look forward to engaging constructively on its provisions as it proceeds through the Oireachtas.”
“It may require amendment and close scrutiny on Committee Stage. There are definitions that may need tightening, safeguards that may need strengthening and administrative burdens that may need reducing, but the central ambition of the Bill is correct. It recognises that democracy requires strong, independent and accountable public service media. It also recognises that Irish culture and identity deserve support in a crowded global media environment. It recognises citizens deserve transparency from publicly funded institutions, and it recognises that regulation must evolve alongside technology and changing patterns of media consumption. As legislators, our task is not merely to criticise institutions when they fail; it is also to reform them responsibly. This Bill gives us an opportunity to do that.”
“Likewise, while audience councils could provide valuable public engagement, we should ensure that they enhance accountability without creating pressure groups that interfere improperly in editorial decisions. There is also a broader philosophical debate that this Bill touches upon, namely that relating to the role of public service media in the modern era. Some argue that in an age of endless online content, publicly funded broadcasters are less necessary than before. I disagree. In fact, at a time of misinformation, algorithm-driven outrage, declining local journalism and growing distrust, the role of trusted public service media is arguably more important than ever. The answer to this is reform, accountability, transparency and renewal. This Bill attempts to provide that renewal. It is not perfect.”
“We cannot continually demand more from public service media while failing to provide long-term financial certainty. If we value independent journalism, Irish-language content, regional reporting, investigative reporting, children’s programming, arts programming and accessible public service content, we must be willing to invest properly in them. Another area deserving careful examination is the definition of “under-served audiences”. The intention behind this provision is positive and commendable. However, there is a legitimate debate about how such categories will be interpreted and applied in practice. The public will rightly expect that editorial decisions remain grounded in journalistic judgment and public value rather than quota systems or political fashions. Representation matters, but editorial independence must remain paramount.”
“There is also a question of bureaucracy. The Bill creates additional committees, review structures, reporting requirements, audience councils, disclosure systems and compliance obligations. Some of these measures are justified, but we should ask honestly whether the cumulative effect could become overly administrative and resource heavy, particularly for organisations already under financial pressure. Public service media organisations should spend their time creating quality journalism and programming, not becoming consumed by governance paperwork and compliance exercises. The balance in that regard is important. There is also the issue of cost. This legislation expands functions, reporting obligations, oversight systems and regulatory activity. We must question whether adequate and sustainable funding will accompany these expectations.”
“Our media environment is increasingly European and global. Aligning our framework with European democratic standards is both practical and desirable. While I support the broad direction of this Bill, however, it is also important that we scrutinise it carefully and acknowledge legitimate concerns. No legislation is beyond criticism. One concern relates to the expanded regulatory powers being granted to Coimisiún na Meán. The latter will gain significant authority to demand information, oversee compliance and regulate digital public service content. While accountability is necessary, there is always a balance to be struck between oversight and overreach. We must ensure that regulatory powers are exercised proportionately, transparently and with proper safeguards relating to freedom of expression and journalistic independence in place.”
“Equally important is the Bill’s emphasis on editorial independence. In a time when media systems across Europe face pressures from political polarisation, disinformation, commercial concentration and foreign influence, protections for editorial independence are essential. The Bill explicitly requires boards to safeguard the independence of corporations from political, governmental, economic or private interests. That principle deserves strong support. Public service media must never become the voice of government, nor should it become captive to commercial interests or ideological pressure. Its role is to inform, educate, scrutinise power and reflect society fairly and independently. I also welcome the implementation of aspects of the European Media Freedom Act. Ireland does not operate in isolation.”
“Does that amount fully reflect the value of all free licences issued? Do public service broadcasters effectively subsidise what is ultimately a social welfare support? I would respectfully argue that they should not. There is no reason why free television licences for pensioners should be paid for out of funding intended to sustain journalism, cultural programming, Irish-language broadcasting, children’s content, regional reporting and independent production. If the State wishes to provide a universal social benefit, and I believe it should, then the State should fund that benefit transparently and in full. That conversation is central to the future sustainability of public service media. We cannot continually demand more from broadcasters while simultaneously allowing core funding streams to be eroded.”
“During the years of the financial crash, reducing the transfer became an easy Exchequer saving. Pensioners still received the benefit but the amount transferred did not necessarily reflect the cost of the licences issued. The consequence was that the shortfall was effectively absorbed by RTÉ, TG4, and, ultimately, the wider public service broadcasting sector. In other words, part of a social protection measure was effectively funded out of money intended for public service media and independent production. As licence fee evasion increases and as Ireland’s population ages, there is a risk that this funding gap will become more significant. That raises important questions that deserve scrutiny during the passage of this Bill. What exact amount is currently transferred annually by the Department of Social Protection?”
“Today may not be the time to have a fulsome debate on the issue, but I would like to raise another aspect of the existing financial settlement for public service broadcasting. Under section 145(12) of the Broadcasting Act 2009, the Department of Social Protection pays a lump sum annually to the Department of communications in respect of free TV licences issued under the household benefits package. The amount that is paid over is fixed following consultation between the two Departments and the Department of public expenditure. In principle, providing free television licences to pensioners and older citizens is entirely right and proper. It is an important social support, particularly for people who are living alone or on fixed incomes. We need to be honest about how this arrangement has operated in practice, however.”
“In reality, this will mean less investment in Irish content, fewer opportunities for creators and continued advantage for global streaming giants. The Labour Party supports a content levy that would contain proper safeguards to protect consumers. We do not need to have a binary approach here. It is perfectly possible to invest in Irish creativity, support public service broadcasting, hold major streaming platforms to account and ensure that consumers rights are protected. This is becoming the norm across Europe, yet Ireland continues to lag behind. We have been blessed with success in our TV and film industries in recent years, which is a testament to good policymaking but we cannot afford to be complacent.”