Robert O'Donoghue
Dublin Fingal West · Labour Party · Ireland
“This is not an isolated incident. I hear it repeatedly from parents across my constituency. On top of that, the Government has brought back State examination fees. School transport charges have doubled, particularly for people going from zone 1 to zone 2, for kids in Rush and Lusk accessing the Loreto Secondary School in Balbriggan.”
“It is the airtex tops, the school trousers, the crested uniforms and the voluntary contributions that we know are not voluntary. Then comes secondary school and the bills get even bigger. Parents are expected to buy Chromebooks, laptops and iPads, often designated through one supplier at inflated prices.”
“There is an issue that has come to me in Dublin Fingal West, although it affects the country at large. I refer to the spiralling cost of summer camps and the financial burden it is placing on households earning lower to middle incomes. One parent told me that they were paying €160 a week for three hours over four days.”
“This motion could not have come at a better time. Last week, a constituent was on to me. She told me that her child had finished school on Tuesday, 30 June and the next day the first payment request from the school had landed in her inbox. That is not the end of it.”
“Education is supposed to be free but for too many families it no longer feels that way. The cost of sending a child to school has become one of the biggest financial pressures for working families. Parents are doing everything they can but they cannot keep being treated as the Department of education's funding model.”
“Horticulture is under enormous pressure. We are facing some of the most serious challenges we have seen in years, including increased input costs, energy costs and labour costs. We are still importing fruit and vegetables that we could grow ourselves. I live in north County Dublin, the market garden capital of Ireland.”
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“Recent incidents have highlighted the alarming levels of online abuse directed at our national sports representatives, particularly targeting those from ethnic minority backgrounds. What immediate measures is the Minister's Department taking to moderate, prevent and address such discriminatory online harassment and how will he ensure the perpetrators are held accountable to protect the dignity and safety of our athletes?”
“I am glad the Minister of State acknowledges that in her statement. It is worrying to see providers threaten a judicial review on the employment regulation order, ERO, in the sector. That shows how unstable the sector is. A Band-Aid is holding the sector together. We do not need a patch. We need to rip off the Band-Aid and have a transformative moment, like Donogh O'Malley bringing in free secondary education or Niamh Bhreathnach getting rid of fees and opening third level to a generation. Those decisions were not tinkering; they were bold and brave. They recognised education as a public good. I urge this Government to recognise early education in the same vein and start a transition to a fully public childcare model so that parents have real choice and every child has access to quality, accessible childcare.”
“I thank the Minister of State and welcome what she said. Dublin Fingal West would be the perfect area to roll out a scheme like that. I welcome that capital funding will be used to acquire or fit out the buildings. That would certainly help in my constituency. I would also like to address the Government's commitments to reducing childcare costs to €200 a month over the term of the Dáil. That is obviously welcome. However, we must be very clear about the language we use here. When we talk about cheaper childcare, we reduce this sector to a bargain bin service. It starts sounding like a Ryanair advertisement where the lowest fare wins. That cannot be what early childhood education and care becomes. Affordability does matter - of course it does - but quality must be number one.”
“It supports early childhood development. It strengthens communities. When the State fails to provide it adequately, families bear the burden, so today, I am asking the Government to commit to prioritising Dublin Fingal West for State-led community-based childcare facilities. Will it engage with Fingal County Council and the Fingal childcare committee immediately on the identified sites in Rush and Lusk? Will it acknowledge that leaving one of the youngest populations in the country with one of the lowest levels of community childcare provision is simply not acceptable? Dublin Fingal West cannot continue to be an afterthought in national childcare planning. Families deserve more than promises; they deserve delivery.”
“There are suitable sites in both Rush and Lusk that have planning permission. The land exists, the demand is clear, and the demographics are undeniable. If the Government truly intends to expand State-led childcare provision, then Dublin Fingal West is exactly where the commitment should be tested. It is the perfect canary in the coalmine. The Government speaks frequently about building State-led early education models but families in my constituency do not see that ambition reflected on the ground. They see housing developments completed before the childcare facilities are delivered. They see population growth without the matching public services. They see political spin without urgency. Early education and care is not an optional extra but essential infrastructure. It enables parents, particularly women, to remain in the workforce.”
“I receive constant emails from parents in my constituency who cannot easily access early education and school age childcare. Parents are on waiting lists before their child is even born. They cut their working hours because the fees are too high. They are forced to take whatever place they can get, not the place that best supports their child. It is not a functioning system. It is patchwork. Private providers no doubt play an important role but early childcare cannot be left almost entirely to private operations in a rapidly expanding area like Dublin Fingal West. My constituency has been left with one of the lowest levels of community childcare provision in the country. That is not equity; that is neglect. What makes it even more frustrating is that solutions are available.”
“Early childhood education and care in Dublin Fingal West is no longer a gap in planning. It is a failure of prioritisation. Dublin Fingal West has one of the highest concentrations of private childcare provision in the country, yet one of the lowest of community childcare provision. That imbalance has not happened by accident. It is the result of the State stepping back and leaving provision to the market, and families are paying the price as a consequence. Across Dublin Fingal West, particularly in the rapidly growing towns of Rush and Lusk, thousands of houses have been built and young families and couples have moved in, yet the essential public infrastructure that is community childcare that should accompany that growth has not kept pace with the development.”
“Here in the Oireachtas, if a Member has additional needs, support is provided without hesitation. No one is told to manage with less. Why is that not the same for the children in our education system? Parents are already exhausted, fighting daily for basic services. The Government relies on that exhaustion. It hopes families are too tired to resist. There was an effort to take away another piece of stability the SNAs had. We do not need cuts; we need planning, strategic and systemic change and respect for children with additional needs. The next time the Government says "every child", I hope it means it. Families will not forget and will not forgive.”
“No forgiveness: that was the message I received from a parent yesterday about the attempted SNA cuts. On 6 February, the Minister proudly announced funding for 45 special schools. The announcement read, "Every child deserves to reach their full potential." Three weeks later, the Government moved to strip SNA support from thousands of children across the country. Is it a question of every child or only those children who fit the spreadsheet? On 7 February, at the Fine Gael disability conference in Galway, the right words were spoken. After the applause faded, the photographs were taken. Was it intended to make the announcement, host the conference and quietly reduce the supports once attention shifted? That was a miscalculation. It did not rely on principles or reckon on teachers, SNAs and parents saying "No more cuts".”
“At a moment when confidence in the sector is shaken by quota reductions agreed at EU level, the collapse of our fishing community is looking increasingly likely, and the fishing industry hangs in the balance, the Government must ensure the domestic funding model does not compound the pressure. The investment is welcome but equity is essential for all fishing communities. I agree with my Sinn Féin colleagues that an action plan is needed to redress the imbalance from which we have suffered for the past 50 years.”
“Supports are announced at national level but the bulk of supports flow to a small number of centrally controlled harbours while local authorities are left to stretch limited resources across an extensive network of smaller but equally vital facilities. That approach risks widening the divide between large port infrastructure and smaller community harbours. If the Department believes coastal resilience is a national priority, as I do, funding mechanisms must reflect that. Fishing communities are not asking for special treatment but for fair treatment. They are asking for it to be recognised that coastal infrastructure, whether State owned or local authority managed, forms one interconnected marine community.”
“What is the total number across all coastal communities? How does €4.3 million nationally equate to meaningful investment, given the scale of need in our infrastructure? If we are serious about fairness, the first step must be transparency. I am therefore calling on the Department to publish the total number of local authority piers and harbours so we can quantify the true scale of the discrepancy and have an informed discussion about equitable distribution. This is not about putting one county against another; it is about the principle that all coastal infrastructure contributes to the local and national economy. At this point, the message has been heard loud and clear along our coastal communities. Quotas have been cut at European level.”
“State-owned harbours receive an overwhelming majority of capital funds, and their regulatory and licensing costs are centrally funded. Local authorities receive a fraction of the allocation. They must co-fund projects at a rate of 25%, and they must front-load survey and MARA licensing costs before eligibility is even considered. That is not parity; that is structural imbalance. In Donegal, for example, Donegal County Council has responsibility for more than 150 small piers and harbours. These facilities may not be designated as fishery harbour centres but they are the lifeblood of smaller fishing vessels, inshore fleets, aquaculture operators, tourism providers and leisure users. They are economic multipliers in fragile coastal regions. How many local authority piers and harbours exist nationally?”
“However, when we examine the detail of the investment, we see that a serious imbalance emerges, one that repeats the same inequality we highlighted here last year. Of the total allocation of €27 million, €22.6 million is directed towards six State-owned fishery harbour centres. Only €4.3 million has been allocated for local authority piers and harbours, and that €4.3 million is provided based on a funding rate of just 75%. Local authorities must provide the remaining 25% themselves. That is not the full extent of the imbalance. Before local authorities can even provide funding in this area, they must first pay for the necessary surveys and licensing costs under the MARA regime. Meanwhile, for six fishery harbour centres, the costs associated with the same MARA process are borne by the parent Department.”
“I welcome that the Minister of State, Deputy Dooley, will be raising the need for the EU to take a strong position to correct our critical mackerel levels and the setting of the total allowable catch for mackerel that allows the recovery of stocks while providing a level playing field for fishing communities. The timing of subsequent announcements has been particularly difficult to reconcile, however. Shortly after the quota reductions were confirmed, the Minister of State and Minister, Deputy Heydon, announced a €27 million investment in Ireland’s publicly owned fishery harbour centres. On the surface, this investment is welcome. Our harbour infrastructure is critical. It supports fishing, aquaculture, marine tourism, tourism in general and leisure activity. It underpins local economies from Donegal and Cork to Galway and Wexford.”
“Representative bodies have stated that Ireland's fishing quotas will have fallen by 94,500 tonnes within two calendar years by 1 January 2026. By then, Ireland's total combined fish quotas within our exclusive economic zone will stand at just under 120,000 tonnes, valued at approximately €140 million. They have been pointing out that, by stark contrast, other EU member states, along with certain other countries, have overfished against scientific evidence or advice and that Ireland is now paying the price. Sustainability cannot be one-sided; it must be observed by all. For many coastal communities, the figure given is not abstract. It is not a negotiating position or a statistical adjustment; rather, it represents boats tied up, incomes reduced and generational fishing businesses placed under further strain.”
“Both these issues are deeply connected. Representatives from the Irish fishing industry, in the audiovisual room at the end of January, outlined how severely reduced fishing opportunities will result in utter devastation, with one saying that some vessel operators will be restricted to 20 fishing days per year, when other countries are still overfishing. The deal reduces Ireland's fishing quota by 57,000 tonnes. Over 2,300 jobs in our coastal communities face immediate danger, with a wider economic impact potentially reaching €100 million. Communities such as Killybegs, Castletownbere and Howth are not just statistics on a page. They are towns built around fishing, processing, engineering and supply chains. The consequences for them could be devastating.”
“It feels like déjà vu . We are back in the Chamber again discussing the ongoing crisis in our fishing industry. Somehow, it has worsened yet again. Our fisheries sector, for the nearly 17,000 people who work in it, who are just trying to do their best, make a living and support their communities, is completely swimming against the tide at this point. I will speak on two deeply connected issues affecting our coastal communities. At the end of December 2025, the new EU fishing agreement was signed off by the EU fisheries Council. It will be catastrophic for Ireland. That agreement will result in an estimated €94 million in losses for the fishing industry in Ireland in 2026 alone. The second issue is the recent announcement of a €27 million investment under the fishery harbour and coastal infrastructure development programme.”
“We need additional ring-fenced funding, technical support, drainage systems and flood mitigation particularly in areas that are now clearly flood prone which may not have been previously. Extreme weather is no longer the exception; it is our new reality. The response must match that reality with forward planning, resilience built into every project, and resources that reflect the scale of the network which varies from county to county. Communities across Dublin Fingal West cannot be left to endure this cycle of flood, damage, patch up and repeat. They deserve safe roads, reliable infrastructure and a Government response that recognises the urgency of this matter. I have no doubt the Minister of State is well aware of this and he will rise to the challenge in this matter.”
“In rural parts of Fingal West, the damage to vehicles has become routine. People are paying out of their pockets for repairs caused not through recklessness but through neglect of the infrastructure. Meanwhile, Fingal County Council like other county councils is being placed under increasing pressure. It is expected to maintain an extensive network of approximately 1,340 km of roads with limited and insufficient resources. That is simply not sustainable. No local authority can be asked to stretch funding thin and still deliver the standard of infrastructure our communities need. We need to be more honest about the scale of the challenge. This requires a national policy response that recognises we are facing not a series of isolated incidents but a systemic infrastructure crisis intensified by extreme weather.”
“Our local boxing club, a place that provides the community with an opportunity for young people to go to was completely flooded, facilities were damaged and equipment was destroyed with volunteers left to pick up the pieces. Commons Lane in Lusk was cratered like no-man's land. Across Fingal West, many roads were already in poor repair. Years of wear, underinvestment and patchwork fixes have taken their toll but flooding has accelerated that deterioration at an alarming rate. What were potholes are now literal craters - tyre gobblers - tearing through rural roads, damaging cars and creating hazards for other road users. This is not just inconvenient; it is dangerous. Parents driving children to school, carers travelling to vulnerable residents and workers commuting long distances are all navigating roads that are not fit for purpose.”
“Our council workers are stretched to breaking point, responding to increasingly severe weather events without the staffing, funding or infrastructure required to do the job properly. That situation is not sustainable and must now be addressed at a national level. I will also speak about something that might not always make national headlines but has a real and very damaging impact on people’s daily lives, the shocking state of our local roads. The recent flooding has pushed an already fragile situation into crisis. I will give some examples from my constituency of Dublin Fingal West. On Brook Lane in Rush, residents were effectively trapped in their own homes. They could not get out and families were cut off. This is not acceptable in 2026. In Bowhill, conditions were no better.”
“We need to move towards a dedicated national weather and flooding response team tasked with planning, co-ordination and preparedness so that when severe weather hits, a practical and fully resourced policy is already in place and ready to be implemented. I acknowledge the dedication and professionalism of the staff in Fingal County Council who worked around the clock in extremely difficult conditions to support communities during the recent floods. However, they are being asked to do far too much with far too little. I contacted a member of staff before 8 a.m. last Friday and they were already dealing with multiple flooding issues in the Rush and Lusk area. This is not a reflection on the staff but a chronic lack of resources, funding and support provided to our local authorities.”
“I will add to the issue of ongoing flooding and the wider impacts recent extreme weather events have had across Ireland which are becoming more frequent and more severe as our weather grows increasingly unpredictable. Over the past number of weeks, flooding in my constituency of Dublin Fingal West has wreaked havoc. Homes, roads and local infrastructure have all been badly affected and communities have once again been left dealing with the consequences after the fact. This highlights a serious flaw in how we approach extreme weather. We remain locked in a cycle of crisis management, reacting after the damage is done rather than planning ahead. That approach is no longer fit for purpose.”
“It gives workers the right to remote work and to have their request for an entitlement to remote work and remote working arrangements treated fairly. It is balanced, practical and reflective of the world today. This Bill, proposed by my colleague, Deputy George Lawlor, should be supported because there are no downsides to it. The only downside is the Government's bizarre decision to block it. The Minister and his staff can work remotely. I can work remotely.”
“In my constituency of Dublin Fingal West, a father of four told me that during Covid for the first time in his life he was able to collect his child from crèche. It was his fourth child and yet it was the first time he was able to do the pick-up and drop-off, to stand at the door, to talk to other parents and to be part of the everyday rhythm of care. This was something he missed entirely with his first three children. His company has since continued remote working and this has changed his whole family dynamic for the better. It has allowed him to be a more present parent, to share responsibility at home and to build stronger connections, not just with his child but with his community and with other parents. This Bill does not force remote work.”
“Women's participation in the workforce increased because flexibility gave them a real choice - the choice to go back to or to stay in employment. Their ability to progress and to balance care without being forced out meant their participation increased. At the same time, many men became more involved in everyday care, collecting children from school and crèche, attending appointments and sharing the mental load that had mostly fallen upon women. This was not just a temporary adjustment and it showed what was possible when work was designed around life and not the other way around. Giving families the right to remote work does not reduce productivity but redistributes care, strengthens equality and supports healthier, more resilient families and communities.”
“This Bill puts a simple framework forward around something that already exists and already works in practice. We proved in 2020 that we could do this and we have been continuing to prove it during severe weather warnings which are becoming more frequent. Where remote working is possible, people should have the choice to work from home. Where that choice is given, we can support employers to put the right systems in place so it happens efficiently, responsibly and without risk. This is about common sense and adapting to the world in which we now live. When most people were required to work from home during the pandemic, we saw a profound shift in how families managed care. Remote work changed daily routines but, more importantly, it changed responsibilities.”
“To be clear, this Bill is for those who can work remotely. It is not a promise for every role or sector. We know remote work is not feasible for everybody but where it is reasonably practicable, we must make it a worker's right. That is what this Bill seeks to achieve. It is not about forcing the hands of employers or imposing rigid rules. It is about giving employees options, the choice to work remotely where it makes sense while respecting the operational needs of businesses. It is about fairness, clarity and flexibility. The benefits are real and not just for workers. We would have less traffic, less pressure on public transport and early education, a better work-life balance, stronger communities and a more sustainable economy.”
“We must support the vaccine, support the vets and support the farmers who are being asked to deliver biosecurity on behalf of the entire country, especially when they are doing everything possible regarding further outbreaks. They need to know that if this arrives at their door, the State will step in and compensate. Anything less is not preparedness; it is cost-shifting.”
“Without funding support, uptake will be uneven. Without uptake, biosecurity fails. When biosecurity fails, farmers pay the price. This is where the language of the “just” transition must be matched with action. There is nothing just about asking farmers to absorb vaccine and veterinary costs created by climate-driven disease risk. There is nothing fair about transferring the cost of national biosecurity onto farm families. If climate change is increasing disease threats like bluetongue - all the evidence shows it is - vaccination and veterinary supports must be treated as climate adaptation measures and funded accordingly.”
“Farmers need targeted vaccine support funding including State support for bluetongue vaccines; direct funding or reimbursement of veterinary costs associated with vaccination; clear, simple payment mechanisms that do not add another layer of bureaucracy; and priority supports for smaller farms, suckler herds and vulnerable sectors. Veterinary practitioners are a critical part of Ireland’s biosecurity infrastructure. They are not just service providers; they are front-line disease prevention professionals. If we overload vets without supporting their role, we undermine the very system we depend on to contain outbreaks. The Department must recognise that properly funded veterinary involvement is not an optional extra but is essential to effective vaccine uptake, farmer confidence and disease control.”
“At present, farmers are being told that vaccination is essential for biosecurity, disease control and protecting Ireland’s livestock sector. In practice, the full cost of that protection is being pushed onto individual farmers and that is not sustainable. Vaccines come at a cost, but for many farms, particularly cattle and sheep enterprises, the real burden is the veterinary cost: call-out fees, time on the farm, labour requirements, handling facilities and repeat visits. These are not discretionary expenses; they are direct consequences of national disease-control policy. If the State wants bluetongue vaccination to succeed, the State must help to pay for it. We cannot say biosecurity is a public good while treating veterinary delivery as a private luxury.”
“They understand animal health. They often understand climate risk better than anyone else, as they are working day in, day out in ever-changing weather. What they need now is certainty that if they invest in prevention, the State will back them; certainty that if disease strikes, they will not be left carrying the loss alone; and certainty that biosecurity strategies will be matched with real supports on the ground. Bluetongue is a warning of what lies ahead for Irish agriculture in a warming world. How we respond now will determine whether farmers can continue to produce food, sustain rural communities and protect animal health into the future. If vaccination is a central point of our response to bluetongue, and the State accepts that, it must be properly supported.”
“There is nothing fair about expecting compliance with ever-higher biosecurity standards while leaving farm families exposed to financial shock when outbreaks occur. A just transition in agriculture must mean shared risk, shared responsibility and shared investment. We also need to acknowledge the human toll. Disease threats like bluetongue bring anxiety, isolation and exhaustion. Farmers dealing with sick animals, uncertain markets and regulatory pressure are under enormous strain. To go one further, I call for mental health supports to be recognised as part of the resilience we are asking farmers to have, not as an afterthought. Many of our farmers are dealing with this pressure alone and it can be a very lonely and overwhelming environment. Ireland’s livestock sector is willing to do its part. Farmers understand biosecurity.”
“If vaccination is required or strongly advised, it must be affordable and supported. If markets close due to disease risk, farmers must not be left waiting months for clarity or assistance. Climate change is amplifying these pressures. Longer midge seasons increase the risk of bluetongue transmission. Wetter conditions complicate housing and animal health. Heat stress and nutritional challenges reduce resilience in livestock. These are not failures of farm management; they are systemic climate impacts. However, when we talk about a just transition, farmers are too often missing from the picture. There is nothing just about asking farmers to adapt to climate-driven disease threats without income protection.”
“All-island co-operation with Northern Ireland is rightly recognised as essential. However, ambition alone will not protect herds or livelihoods. If bluetongue is to be managed, as it must be, farmers cannot be expected to carry the cost of management alone. Vaccination, where appropriate, is central to disease control, yet vaccines cost money. Housing, handling facilities, veterinary visits, movement planning and compliance all add expense and complexity. These are not optional measures; they are being demanded in the name of national biosecurity. That means the State must step up. We cannot have a situation where farmers are told that biosecurity is a public good but the financial risk is treated as a private problem. If movement restrictions are imposed, compensation must be automatic and timely.”
“Biosecurity does not happen in a vacuum. It happens on farms, in sheds, in marts, during calving and lambing season, and through daily decisions made by farmers who are under immense pressure. In recent years, the threat from exotic animal diseases has increased dramatically. Avian flu now returns every winter. Foot and mouth disease has once again re-emerged in parts of Europe. African swine fever continues to devastate pig sectors internationally. Now bluetongue has reached Ireland in winter, which should be unheard of. This is the context in which farmers are being asked to operate. The Department has acknowledged this risk and has taken steps to strengthen preparedness. I welcome the national farmed animal biosecurity strategy 2025 to 2030, which sets out ambitions around surveillance, prevention and partnership with farmers.”
“A single case can affect an entire region as movement restrictions are imposed. Export markets react overnight but farm incomes can be damaged for years. In fairness to the Minister, Deputy Heydon, I know he has been working hard to get the exports to China reopened for hides and skins but beef exports are still suspended. I know that the Minister is aware of how important it is for farmers to get this market reopened and to minimise trade disruption but once again it is the farmers who are left exposed. The State and many groups involved in both the agri-sector and climate change rightly tell us that biosecurity is critical to protecting Ireland’s agrifood sector. Our cattle, sheep and other livestock underpin rural employment, family farms and Ireland’s international reputation as a first class food-producing nation.”
“Ireland's livestock sector is facing one of the most serious health threats it has come across in decades. The arrival of bluetongue in Ireland during the winter season, of all times, is not simply another disease event, it is a direct consequence of climate change, shifting disease patterns and growing biosecurity pressures on farms. Bluetongue was once confined to southern Europe in warmer countries but is now moving steadily northwards carried by midges whose range and season are expanding due to warmer and wetter conditions. What we are witnessing is not bad luck. It is the new reality for farmers working on the ground in agriculture in a changing climate. For farmers, this is unimaginable. Bluetongue means animal illness, production losses, breeding impacts, movement restrictions and immediate market consequences.”
“It is nice to see the accommodation of St. Joseph's and the Gaelscoil will be considered as part of the ongoing overall Department-led prioritisation process. The people of Rush are looking for a commitment that the project will keep being progressed once the tender documents are delivered to the Department, which will be in a matter of weeks. The campus will not have to wait until the next tranche, should that be 2028, to fund a school that is oversubscribed and outdated. Will the Minister of State give me an indication on when the next tranche might be released? I believe the Tánaiste is visiting Dublin Fingal West later in the week. I would be happy to bring him around the school and show him the plight of my ex-students and the children of Rush should he be interested. We have spoken about it before in here.”
“I am hoping that the Minister of State, Deputy Moynihan, will help secure the necessary funding so that children can finally have a safe, modern and suitable environment for learning. This is more than bricks and mortar - it is an investment in the future of the children in the north county, in our town and in our community. Every day of the week, the children continue to learn in inadequate conditions. We owe them to act now to ensure they have the education they deserve in the environment that they need. I urge the Minister of State to give the project the priority it deserves and to commit to seeing it through without further delay. St. Joseph's and Gaelscoil Ros Eo, the students - some of whom were my students - and their parents cannot wait any longer.”
“Joseph's and Gaelscoil Ros Eo serve one of the youngest populations in the country and one of the fastest growing towns. The need for an education campus in Rush is immediate. We are not talking about planning for some distant future. Rather, we are talking about children today learning in buildings that are no longer fit for purpose. I worked in one of them, so I know that parts of them are more prefab than school at this point. The site for the Rush education campus is ready to go. It is procured and the planning permission has been given. There are no obstacles to starting construction other than funding and political commitment. This project was promised and can be delivered if we act decisively.”
“I want to bring to the attention of the Minister of State the urgent situation affecting St. Joseph's Secondary School, Rush, Gaelscoil Ros Eo and the Rush education campus in my constituency in Dublin Fingal West with regard to the recent allocation of funding for schools building. While I understand projects that were fully documented as complete were eligible, it looks like it will take six to eight weeks before the tender is ready to go for the Rush education campus. That is six to eight weeks where children will continue to learn in overcrowded and outdated classrooms. Once the tender is committed, I urge the Minister of State to have it considered promptly and to give it the priority it deserves prior to the next tranche of funding, which I believe is in 2028. St.”
“We should allow the chair to appear tomorrow, listen carefully to what he has to say, test him through questioning and then decide collectively what, if any, further action is warranted. That is how accountability is supposed to work. To do otherwise is to leap ahead of that process and is not what is needed. For those reasons, this motion is premature. I urge colleagues, particularly ahead of tomorrow's discussions, to allow for proper scrutiny mechanisms to their jobs. This debate distracts from core agricultural issues the country faces. Whether the chair goes or stays, we will still face these bigger outstanding issues which need attention. While we squabble over the chair, beef prices are up 25%, families are struggling to feed themselves and farmers cannot survive on what they earn.”
“If we are going to have a serious discussion about governance, responsibility and oversight then we must be grounded in the actual statutory framework, not assumptions and headlines. That is precisely why the agriculture committee tomorrow is the correct forum at this stage. It allows members to interrogate those structures, understand who is responsible for what and assess whether changes are needed based on evidence rather than conjecture. None of this is to suggest that Bord Bia should be beyond criticism. No public body is, but criticism must be informed, proportionate and timely. Tabling a motion in the House before the relevant committee has even met the chair risks undermining our credibility as legislators.”
“Bord Bia is governed by a board, but it is important to note - and this is sometimes overlooked - that the board delegates specific functions relating to particular sectors to subsidiary boards, as provided for under legislation. Under section 13(1) of the Bord Bia Act 1994, subsidiary boards can be established for defined sectors, including meat and livestock. These subsidiary boards have specific responsibilities and remits within the overall structure of Bord Bia. It is, therefore, worth putting on record that the chair is not a member of any of the subsidiary boards, including the meat and livestock board, established under this section of the Act. That distinction matters.”
“Accountability must never become a proxy for pressure or intimidation. If we are serious about governance, we must also be serious about fairness and process. In that context, I want to address what happened today with the occupation of Bord Bia's offices. That occupation of the offices puts Bord Bia staff in a difficult position. These are workers; they are not decision-makers. They do not set policy and should not be placed in harm's way because of political or sectoral disputes. Whatever concerns people have, they are entitled to raise them. However, there are appropriate forums for doing so and the staff who come to do their jobs should never feel intimidation in their workplace.”
“They allow for detailed questioning, for evidence to be put on the record and for members to engage in structured and informed ways. By contrast, a motion brought to the floor of this House before that engagement has taken place risks replacing scrutiny with speculation. Bord Bia is a statutory agency that has a crucial role to play in supporting Irish food and drink producers, promoting our exports and safeguarding Ireland's reputation in international markets. Decisions taken lightly or rhetoric deployed prematurely can have real consequences not just for board members or the Minister, but also for the farmers, processors and workers across the country. That is why timing matters and hearing from the relevant people also matters. That is why I am concerned about the approach surrounding this motion.”
“I want to be clear that I believe this motion to be premature, not because questions about Bord Bia are unimportant, because they are, but because we, as elected Members of the Oireachtas, have well-established processes for accountability. Those process are already under way. A motion such as the one before the House is hasty, risks politicising a statutory body and undermines the very scrutiny we all claim to value. The chair of Bord Bia is due to appear before the Oireachtas agriculture committee tomorrow. I welcome the fact that he is engaging in this process. That is where these matters should be first examined. We should not rush to judgment until we have heard directly from the chair before the committee. That is not avoidance; it is due process. I believe that Mr. Murrin is due that process. Committees exist for a reason.”