Robert O'Donoghue
Dublin Fingal West · Labour Party · Ireland
“This is not an isolated incident. I hear it repeatedly from parents across my constituency. On top of that, the Government has brought back State examination fees. School transport charges have doubled, particularly for people going from zone 1 to zone 2, for kids in Rush and Lusk accessing the Loreto Secondary School in Balbriggan.”
“It is the airtex tops, the school trousers, the crested uniforms and the voluntary contributions that we know are not voluntary. Then comes secondary school and the bills get even bigger. Parents are expected to buy Chromebooks, laptops and iPads, often designated through one supplier at inflated prices.”
“There is an issue that has come to me in Dublin Fingal West, although it affects the country at large. I refer to the spiralling cost of summer camps and the financial burden it is placing on households earning lower to middle incomes. One parent told me that they were paying €160 a week for three hours over four days.”
“This motion could not have come at a better time. Last week, a constituent was on to me. She told me that her child had finished school on Tuesday, 30 June and the next day the first payment request from the school had landed in her inbox. That is not the end of it.”
“Education is supposed to be free but for too many families it no longer feels that way. The cost of sending a child to school has become one of the biggest financial pressures for working families. Parents are doing everything they can but they cannot keep being treated as the Department of education's funding model.”
“Horticulture is under enormous pressure. We are facing some of the most serious challenges we have seen in years, including increased input costs, energy costs and labour costs. We are still importing fruit and vegetables that we could grow ourselves. I live in north County Dublin, the market garden capital of Ireland.”
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“Historically, the JLCs were seen as protectors of poorly organised sectors, but instead of advancing real collective bargaining rights, the Government seems happy to hide behind a volunteerist JLC system, holding a carrot-and-stick approach to workers rather than legislating for genuine collective bargaining or transposing the EU directive on adequate minimum wages and legislating to remove the effective employers' veto within the current JLC system. As these flaws within the system are plain to see, it will currently only work if both representatives from employers and trade unions come to the table in good faith.”
“This debate comes at a rather important time. Yesterday, in the audiovisual room, the Irish Congress of Trade Unions had its Respect at Work campaign. One point that it raised that struck me is that we are still in this position, in 2025, where we have a constitutional right to join a trade union but we have no legislative right to collective bargaining or to halt union busting, which undermines the rights of workers. The joint labour committee process was created to address this problem by setting out minimum pay and conditions where workers were poorly organised and vulnerable.”
“We need a serious commitment to this in budget 2026 but it has to be targeted and not replace the measures already in place. We must remember that, when the Government claps itself on the back, families in this country are at breaking point.”
“Imagine what it is like for a parent to hear that. That is the Ireland we live in in 2025. For years, children's organisations have warned that one-off payments are not the solution to poverty and that we need real systemic change. This has been ignored and instead the easy options were taken with gimmicks and promises of double payments. With no cost-of-living package this year, it seems we are pulling the ladder up behind us. We know from decades of evidence that poverty scars childhood. However, when supports are directed at families most at risk the results are clear and fewer children go hungry, more children thrive and the gap between those who have and those who have not narrows. A second rate of child benefit would lift thousands of children out of poverty.”
“The gap between those who have and have not is widening every single day. The Government talks about full employment, but what good is a job when you need two to keep the lights on and when those on disability payments, carers and low-paid workers are trapped in deep poverty. As mentioned by the previous speaker, the Minister gutted the tenant in situ scheme, which was literally keeping people in Dublin Fingal West out of homelessness. Now I am dealing with parents getting notices to quit with absolutely nowhere to go. One mother told me she does not have enough money for bread and milk for break from Tuesday to Friday. They were in the supermarket and the sister leaned over to her brother and said, "Put that chocolate bar back, we're poor". Imagine what it feels like for that kid to say that to their sibling.”
“I am proud the Labour Party has brought forward this motion. This Government has many things to be considering and reasons to be under pressure. There are 5,000 children are homeless and that one in five children is growing up in constant poverty. That will be the legacy of this Government. Food prices are up, energy prices are up, childcare fees are up and college fees are up. Rents, when you can find the property, are out of control. That is the truth. Families have nothing left to give. The food presses are bare and the bills are in arrears. Families are turning off the lights. A mother in my constituency told me that the one small treat she had was bringing her kids out at the weekend. That is gone because her food bill has shot up by 20%. That is the reality we are living in.”
“Now is the time to stand with those survivors to ensure they are heard and make sure that those responsible are finally held to account. Survivors have waited long enough.”
“Crucially, it gives courts powers to access the assets held in associated trusts, even where these trusts were set up to shield an institution from liability. It is a simple principle: if you are responsible, you must be accountable. Survivors must not be met with silence or legal gymnastics. They deserve a fair pathway to justice. This Bill is about making sure no institution can hide from responsibility any longer. We call on the Government to support the Bill and act now to deliver real justice for survivors. The Labour Party's Bill would create a clear and immediate pathway to justice and we call on the Government to support it without delay. This moment calls for more than words; it calls for firm action.”
“Deputy Bacik worked tirelessly on the civil liability (child sexual abuse proceedings against unincorporated bodies of persons) Bill, which is designed to remove the legal barriers that have prevented many survivors of institutional abuse from taking civil actions against religious orders responsible. For too long, these institutions, many of them unincorporated bodies, have evaded accountability by hiding behind complex legal structures and transferring assets into lay-run trusts. Survivors have faced enormous obstacles when seeking justice. This legislation, brought forward by the Labour Party, would change that. It would also allow survivors to bring civil claims directly against unincorporated bodies such as religious orders.”
“That redress scheme must be fully resourced, transparent and led by survivors. It is also essential that religious orders, many of which are directly responsible for the schools involved, pay their fair share. They must not be allowed to hide behind legal loopholes, trusts or technicalities to avoid their obligations. The Labour Party brought forward its Bill in order to remove the very obstacles that have for so long stood in the way of redress. I take this opportunity to highlight the critical and central legislation brought forward by my colleague Deputy Ivana Bacik on behalf of the Labour Party.”
“Its courage helped to expose one of the most shameful chapters in our education system. This process must be about making sure these voices are heard. For survivors who have never spoken about the horrors they experienced, I urge them to come forward to take part in this investigation. They will be supported every step of the way. While this commission is hugely welcome, it must not stand alone. Survivors have been clear. This cannot just be symbolic. We must include real accountability from religious orders' school bodies responsible. That needs financial contributions too because burdens of redress should not fall on the taxpayer alone. The Labour Party is again calling on the Government to establish a redress scheme in parallel with the commission. Survivors should not be forced to wait years for justice.”
“It only came about thanks to the bravery of survivors, advocates, the findings of the scoping inquiry and the tireless work of campaigners who fought for truth and justice for so many years. This commission is a vital step forward, a chance to uncover truth, accountability and justice and to shine light on the dark and painful reality of the abuse that occurred in our schools. We need to look at why allegations and concerns were ignored and concealed over so many decades in hundreds of schools, most of them run by religious orders. We owe an enormous debt of gratitude to the survivors and to every person who has come forward to share their trauma. I would like to acknowledge the enormous work done by One In Four, which worked persistently to help survivors to break the silence surrounding childhood sexual abuse.”
“Ireland has been scarred by decades of institutional abuse. Due to the clergy, industrial schools, mother and baby homes and Magdalen laundries, nearly every family in Ireland has felt some trace of pain. It is not lost on me that we are discussing this topic when excavation work is starting on the mother and baby home in Tuam. Survivors have been denied justice for far too long. I welcome the announcement by the Minister, Deputy McEntee, that the Government is to establish a statutory commission of investigation into historical sexual abuse in schools. However, I do not believe that survivors should need to wait five years for the outcomes of the process. This move is long overdue.”
“We must expand and upgrade refuge spaces, not just for crisis response but to provide real long-term stability. While refuges are essential, they are not a permanent solution. Our aim should be to allow survivors to remain safely at home wherever possible and to hold perpetrators accountable, including through emergency removal powers such as those in operation in New Zealand and the UK. We must move beyond zero tolerance. It is about not only calling out violence or misogyny when we see it but actively working to prevent it in every community.”
“We need to educate young men and boys about consent, respect and gender equality. We must focus on the responsibility of the perpetrator rather than the victim. Media coverage is often deeply uncomfortable and we must not become desensitised. The media have a responsibility to centre victims' voices and avoid sensationalised commentary on perpetrators. There must be a conscious effort to stop unconscious silencing of women who suffer abuse. Domestic violence services should be funded sustainably by the State. Services having to rely on donations and the kindness of people doing fundraisers is an absolute farce. Services must be integrated into the housing and health systems. We need to strengthen links between local authorities and communities that are able to advocate for victims effectively.”
“Laws need to be strengthened and modernised, particularly in the online space where misogyny is thriving and algorithms promote toxic and harmful content that distorts reality. This is fuelling violence and abuse. It could be effectively tackled by ensuring recommender systems are turned off by the various social media websites to combat the spread of hateful material. These systems fuel and push violent and reactionary content to users. It is concerning that this proposal was notably absent from the online safety code brought forward by Coimisiún na Meán last May. I urge that there be a reconsideration in this regard. We must be brave and introduce the necessary measures. We must enact a Jennie's law to ensure perpetrators are named and held accountable and that breaches of protection orders carry real consequences.”
“We must recognise domestic violence refuge accommodation in national homelessness statistics. These women are homeless and should be counted as such. We must take financial abuse into account in assessing means-tested supports. Too often, women have no access to money because they remain classed as a dependant of their partner. We need separation of social welfare payments. Leaving abuse should not mean having to choose between safety and poverty. We must look to introduce a safety fund that would offer a cash grant, similar to the UK model, to help cover the high costs of escaping abuse and setting up a new home. The Department of Social Protection could deliver such a grant, much like it delivered the temporary rent supplement for victims of domestic violence during the pandemic.”
“Most women who stay in refuges exit them into homeless hubs. The stark reality is women are often trapped in violent homes because they simply have nowhere else to go. We must recognise victims of domestic violence as a priority housing category. We must support victims’ choice of location, especially to avoid uprooting children from their schools and support systems. We must make the housing assistance payment easier to access and more reflective of market rates. We must support faster name removals from joint tenancies. We must recognise and count the scale of the problem. Local authorities should be reporting on housing needs due to domestic violence. In Dublin Fingal West, we have a new priority welfare category for housing whereby victims of domestic violence are being prioritised, but we need a faster response on this.”
“We need an urgent, co-ordinated and well-funded intervention at every level from housing and justice to education and social protection. This violence does not respect borders. Increased numbers of women and girls are being killed in the North, which has become one of the most dangerous places for women in the EU. It is time for an all-island approach to this emergency. Domestic violence is a leading cause of homelessness for women in Ireland yet nine counties still have no refuge. Local authorities like mine in Dublin Fingal West are in desperate need of their own refuge within the area. The rise in cases coming to me as a TD compared with when I was a councillor has been exponential. It is one of the most shocking issues I have dealt with since coming here. It is the biggest change I have seen in my caseload.”
“We know from the most recent reports released by Women’s Aid and Safe Ireland that 275 women have been violently killed in Ireland since 1996 and 20 children have died in incidents where women were violently killed. Some 63% of these women died in their homes, a place they should have felt most secure. In 87% of solved cases the victim knew her killer. Shockingly, one of the biggest risks to pregnant women in the first 12 months post-partum is violence from their partner. Most alarming of all, rates of domestic, sexual and gender-based violence have risen significantly since 2020. We cannot allow more lives to be lost to such silent stigma or slow systems. Each woman killed violently is an outrage but behind every statistic there is a name, a woman, a mother, a daughter or a friend. Most of all, they were someone.”
“The need to tackle domestic, sexual and gender-based violence has never been more urgent. It is not merely a matter of rising numbers; it is an epidemic. Women and children across the country are facing violence in their homes, which should be their safest space. Recent research shows us one in four women in Ireland, as well as one in seven men, will experience violence over the course of their lives. Every ten minutes there is a call to the Garda relating to domestic abuse. These are not isolated incidents but deep symptoms of a problematic system that demands immediate and sustained action. We are witnessing the devastating consequences of stigma, inaction and reactive policy.”
“Care provision is predominantly delivered by the private sector, even though it is largely funded through the public purse. This work remains low paid, insecure, under-regulated and undervalued. Many workers lack basic protections and benefits. If private nursing homes are to be funded by the public purse, they should not block trade unions organising to make sure they have decent pay and conditions. We need a new approach that resets care as a public good and not a private commodity. The future of care lies in public investment, community-based services and the priority of people over profit. It is time we moved away from a nursing home default model and towards a system that truly supports older people to live full and dignified lives.”
“That question is everything that has gone wrong with how we do care. We should be outraged that the first concern is the price tag and not the person who needs the care in later life. We cannot and should not put a monetary figure on dignity, well-being or the rights of older citizens. Caring for older people is not a cost to be calculated; it is a fundamental responsibility of any decent society. We owe them care not because it is profitable but because it is right. We have seen a shift in the valuation of care economically and socially. Mainstream economic thinking often treats care as a cost rather than a vital investment in people and society. The commodification of care has prioritised cost efficiency over individualised high-quality care. This is also evident in the treatment of our care workers.”
“The high staff turnover rate creates a damaging cycle that compromises the quality of care that people receive and this alone demands urgent attention. Care for older people must be reframed as an essential part of our social infrastructure, on a par with education, health and housing. Nursing homes should not be the default solution for ageing. Instead, they should be reserved for situations where end-of-life or intensive medical care is genuinely required. They are certainly not for people under the age of 65 due to a lack of appropriate alternatives. The priority should be on delivering care in the community, allowing older people to thrive and live with dignity and independence in their own homes for as long as possible. Just yesterday, a journalist outside asked how much this was going to cost.”
“I thank my colleagues, Deputies Wall and Sherlock, for tabling this important motion. The care system is increasingly in crisis. From cradle to grave, we have seen care farmed out to private investors who think of profits and not people. The current crisis is driven by two factors in particular. These are the natural ageing of the population and the State's hands-off approach to providing care. We have seen a shift towards privatisation in the commodification of care and the outsourcing of our own social responsibility. While the "RTÉ Investigates" programme was shocking, unfortunately many families who have placed loved ones in care knew this was inevitable. Many complaints have gone unanswered or uninvestigated. There are serious shortcomings in HIQA's inspection and enforcement regime.”
“The Labour Party is completely opposed to the idea of long-term office space or a parade of big retail brands setting up shop on this historically significant site. This is not just another building. It is a cornerstone of our national story. That does not mean it should become a static museum piece. Far from it, but surely there is a richer and more meaningful cultural and educational use that should take precedence within the building that uses and serves the public, not just the market. If the plan includes an event space, let us demand real commitment that it be truly a public venue, accessible, inclusive and alive for live events. In a city sorely lacking in performance spaces, this is a chance to address this need, not to ignore it. The future of the GPO must still be written but it is more than just property value.”
“It is deeply disappointing that successive Governments have ignored reports with plans for the area and instead facilitated a private profit-maximising vision that erodes rather than enhances the historic fabric. It is a dereliction of civic duty. A city without culture is a city without soul. A capital that forgets it revolutionaries is a capital that sidelines them. A State that abandons public assets to market logic is a State that has lost sight of the public good. This is not just about a building, but about our values. It is about whether we are shaping a city for profit or for people and whether we honour our history in building a living legacy or sell it off piece by piece to the highest bidder. Let me be clear.”
“If it truly believes the GPO can be used temporarily while long-term plans are figured out, well, let us prove it. Open the space, host exhibitions, support community theatre and open-air historical re-enactments, facilitate youth workshops, create performance venues, and make a commitment here and now that the GPO gets an event space and that it will be a public venue, accessible, affordable and alive with the cultural energy the city is crying out for. This entire district of Moore Street to the GPO and to Parnell Square should be reimagined as a 1916 revolution quarter, a place of remembrance, regeneration and renewal. This site does not belong to any Government or Opposition party, or to any Minister or development firm. It belongs to the people.”
“This could house workshops, performance spaces and residences. With the right investment, former office units could be converted into affordable apartments for artists and cultural workers, something truly groundbreaking for a city desperate for both housing and creative spaces. If offices are truly necessary, why not offer space to local start-ups and grassroots enterprises? When it comes to the GPO, we are facing deeply contentious issues and, frankly, I believe the current plans miss the mark to some degree. Time and again, we hear about "meanwhile use". If that is truly the intention why do we not actually test those uses before locking us into something permanent and potentially regrettable? Meanwhile use is one of the latest phrases from a Government seemingly allergic to long-term vision.”
“The GPO must stay in the hands of the State and be developed for public use, the Minister of State has said. The alternative would be to allow market logic to dictate what happens on one of the most symbolically important pieces of land in the country. This would be a failure of political imagination and a huge, missed opportunity. For years, Dublin has seen the relentless erosion of its artistic and cultural life, driven out by commercial rents, developer greed and political neglect. The GPO should be transformed into an artistic and cultural hub, complete with artists' studios, performance venues, education spaces and, critically, housing. Any hollowing out should stop and the GPO offers us a lifeline here. Its courtyards are flooded with natural light and its walls are steeped in history.”
“It has been a focal point not just for rebellion, but also for protest, celebration and connection. It is remarkable that the GPO has never stood still. It has always been reinventing itself. Now it is up to us to ensure that its next chapter serves people just as powerfully as it did in the past. The Labour Party hopes that the Government is not prepared to trade imagination for inertia, heritage for market value, or public good for private gain. We are standing at a crossroads and we must ask if the GPO will become just another office block or, worse, a home for retail chains. Worse again, is it at risk of being handed over to the highest bidder? Or will we have the courage to make it a living, breathing public institution, one that honours our revolutionary past while building for our cultural future?”
“The GPO is more than just a building. It is the beating heart of Dublin city and of our history. It is the centre of civic memory with a 200-year history and, crucially, it is a site with enormous potential. The GPO stood witness to the events of 1916 but the walls have seen far more than that. It bore witness to the 1913 Lock-out, which was a defining moment for workers' rights. It has stood through both world wars when thousands of Irish men were away at war and their families waited anxiously for letters from the front line. It was a telephone room that connected people to loved ones as they emigrated to England, Australia and America. In a very real way, the GPO has been the front room of the nation, a place where people gathered, where stories were shared and where history happened.”
“It is good to hear support for the plan, especially in respect of public transport, which is a particular difficulty outside Dublin when people try to get in and out to venues in cities. I attended the launch of the report from the Give Us The Night campaign yesterday. Its members have been campaigning for reform of the Irish nightclub industry for more than 20 years. Parts of that industry are still regulated by the 1935 Public Dance Halls Act. We need renewal in the nightlife sector. It is in a bad way. There are 23 nightclubs in all of Dublin and none in the north of the county. Shenanigans in Skerries is long gone. This needs to be addressed and discussed. I would also like to mention the Oireachtas broadcast unit workers and their precarious employment. I urge the Minister to meet them, if he can.”
“Will the Minister outline when he expects to get the findings of the independent review into the night-time economy? Does he anticipate the findings will recommend that a night-time adviser is appointed to each of the county councils?”
“I thank the Minister of State. This issue can be looked at on a cross-party basis. There is no division here between the Opposition and the Government. I welcome the information to the effect that the LCSPs are to be set up shortly. When I was a councillor, I served on a joint policing committee. I found that very useful because you get to know all the stakeholders on the pitch, for want of a better way of putting it. If the Minister of State could expand on the Northwood issue, I would really appreciate it.”
“It creates fear and poison. It undermines the trust in public spaces. If left unchecked, it escalates very quickly. That is why a co-ordinated and proactive approach between the community and gardaí is urgently required. We owe it to the residents of Northwood and Santry, especially the families of young children, to restore safety, dignity and peace of mind to their daily lives. Antisocial behaviour has no place in our communities and should not be tolerated. This needs to be addressed immediately.”
“I am also calling for better public lighting in public walkways and car parks to deter illegal activity. There is a need for a collaborative effort involving gardaí, Fingal County Council and local stakeholders to address this issue and to re-establish the joint policing committees, which have been stood down for more than 12 months now, as a matter of urgency. Given that Northwood spans two separate local authority areas, will the Minister of State clarify the measures that are being taken to facilitate the appointment of the chairs and co-chairs of the new joint policing committees to address these issues effectively and ensure co-ordinated policing and community engagement in the area is taking place? Let us be clear. Antisocial behaviour affects more than just the immediate victims, it also damages the wider community.”
“What we are witnessing is more than just nuisance behaviour; it is a pattern of intimidation that is shaking the sense of security in a community that was safe and that should be safe and welcoming for all. The area around Gulliver's Retail Park and the nearby residential zones seems to have become a hot spot for these incidents. I have many emails from constituents within the area in which they provided detailed reports. These are not just isolated events; they are evidence of a wider pattern that the residents say has been building in recent months. In response to these incidents, I am calling for a more visible Garda presence and patrols in the area. My colleague Deputy Kelly provided me with updated Garda figures for this year. Thankfully, Ballymun received three additional gardaí.”
“I wish to highlight a matter of real and growing concern in the southern part of my constituency. There has been a recent surge in antisocial behaviour in the Northwood area of Santry, particularly around Gulliver's Retail Park. Families, residents and business owners feel increasingly unsafe due to targeted and aggressive incidents, including reports of cans and stones being thrown at passersby, including children, in public spaces but, more worryingly, racially motivated incidents and incidents of harassment. This behaviour is not only totally unacceptable, it is deeply distressing for those who live or work in or visit the area. The atmosphere in Northwood is changing for the worst. This is an area in which people have lived peacefully for the past number of years.”
“Good public transport requires us to have a system that is accessible, community-centred and affordable and that not only facilitates physical movement but also serves as a cornerstone for building inclusive and vibrant communities.”
“People in the north county are afraid that this will increase with staff shortages. The 32X is a success story, but we could do with two more in the morning and the evening in order to meet peak capacity. Regarding rail fares, I welcome the fact that after a recent campaign, we are looking at redoing student fares in the run-up to the new school year. However, Skerries and Balbriggan are the only two towns in Dublin that are not in zone 1. The Minister used to represent my area, so he will be aware how much this rankles with people in light of the cost involved and the emotiveness of the decision. I have received countless submissions on this.”
“I thank Deputy O'Gorman for bringing forward this motion, which is supported by the Labour Party. I will take the opportunity to talk about my constituency of Dublin Fingal West where public transport is at best disconnected. I acknowledge that the DART+ Coastal North project will, hopefully, come at the end of 2026. In the meantime, our issue is with the bus service. There are variations in the 33 bus, which was mentioned by one of my colleagues. The 33 bus is to be done away with under BusConnects. My constituents were at best sceptical about BusConnects. They have launched a new campaign to retain the direct link from the north county to town for the 33X. Because we are going to lose the 33 under BusConnects, the capacity of the 33A will in theory be ramped up. However, there are issues with ghost buses on the 33A route.”
“I call on the Government and the Minister of State to immediately introduce conservation measures for sprat, restrict industrial inshore trawling and ensure marine policy is guided by science and not short-term profits. We can restore our ocean health while supporting a sustainable fishing industry by working together for a manageable solution. I highlight the work of my colleague and party leader, Deputy Bacik, on the Dublin Bay Bill. This legislation would go a long way in protecting biodiversity, enhancing water quality and restoring and regenerating amenities all along the coastline.”
“This overfishing is driven in large part by demand from the salmon farming industry. Short-term gain must not come at long-term collapse. If we strip our seas of sprat, we risk cascading impacts on the food web, including the collapse of native fish stocks, biodiversity loss and the degradation of coastal livelihoods. Ireland urgently needs a science-based management plan for sprat to ensure ecosystems are protected rather than plundered. We can only support a sustainable fishing industry and protect marine biodiversity if we stop ignoring the ecological warning signs. In the face of climate change and ecological breakdown, we must act with urgency and courage.”
“We could champion this through our 2026 EU Presidency. I fully support the Save our Sprat campaign, whose representatives were also present in the audiovisual room on Tuesday. The campaign calls for action to address the unregulated and unsustainable exploitation of sprat in Irish inshore waters. Currently, approximately 30 trawlers are legally harvesting sprat, a forage fish that forms the foundation of the marine food chain, but no formal management plan or conservation measures are in place. Although this activity is technically legal, it is ecologically reckless. Sprat is a key prey species for whales, dolphins, seabirds and larger fish like cod and mackerel. Removing sprat on an industrial scale, especially so close to shore, threatens the balance of the entire marine ecosystem.”
“I urge the Government to prioritise this Bill and to ensure that, at the very least, the necessary tweaks will be made without further delay. The science is clear and public support is strong. Ireland must act now to preserve our maritime ecosystems before it is too late. The Taoiseach stated this week while attending the third UN Ocean Conference that Ireland has an opportunity to become a leader in global protection. The European ocean pact sets out a framework for a bolder EU-wide commitment to restore the marine ecosystems, grow a sustainable blue economy, support coastal communities and strengthen science, security and diplomacy, but Ireland needs to create national legislation. Finalising and enacting the marine protected areas Bill are crucial steps towards protecting our future. We should stand fully behind it.”
“Under the leadership of the former Minister of State with responsibility in this area, Senator Malcolm Noonan, the marine protected areas Bill was a vital step towards safeguarding Ireland’s marine biodiversity and meeting our international obligations to protect 30% of our maritime area by 2030. This critical Bill seems to have stalled, however, in the agendas of both the previous Government and the current one. We need to advocate for its passage into legislation. We must recognise that strong enforcement protections for our seas are essential for ecological resilience and the long-term sustainability of Ireland’s coastal communities and marine economy. I echo the calls of environmental organisations like FairSeas and coastal stakeholders who were in the audiovisual room on Tuesday.”
“While they want to comply with regulations, protect the marine environment and contribute to climate goals, they are swimming against the tide. We urgently need reform of the quota system. We need investment, apprenticeships and infrastructure that will allow fishing communities to survive and thrive. We need to recognise fishing as a strategic natural resource instead of an afterthought in EU negotiations. Above all, we must ensure the next generation sees a future in the industry. If we do not act soon, the question many fishing communities will ask, and are already asking, is whether there will still be a fishing industry in ten years. I feel there may not be.”
“With few young people entering the industry, the future of Irish fishing hangs in the balance. We are an island nation with a renewable food source all around us. Fish is one of the most sustainable proteins on the planet. Yet instead of building a thriving modern industry, we are watching it fade because of bureaucracy, lack of promotion and the absence of meaningful leadership. There is no serious campaign to promote fishing as a viable and proud career choice. There is no roadmap to train young workers or to help them to afford a vessel. Instead, they face red tape, debt and instability, so it is no wonder so many of them are walking away or never considering the sector in the first place. From net to fork it is a constant struggle. Fishing communities love what they do and take pride in their work.”
“There is no clear vision for the industry and no support to help them to climb the ladder. Initiatives like the young fishers scheme have been introduced with good intentions, but we must ask ourselves if they work. The numbers would suggest otherwise. Since Brexit and the pandemic, many boats are simply being decommissioned and sold. The cost of owning and operating fishing boats today is spiralling out of control. Fuel, insurance and maintenance all add up. With quotas so low, many fishermen cannot even catch enough fish to cover their costs. They are living year-to-year and fighting just to stay afloat. Many of our experienced fishers are now nearing retirement. Their knowledge and skills, honed over decades, are at risk of being lost forever.”