Sarah O'Reilly
Agricultural Panel · Aontú · Ireland
“I support Senator Harmon in everything she has said. I want to raise the ongoing crisis in assessments of need and the impact this is having on families in Cavan and Monaghan. Earlier this year, I was helping a mother whose young son had been offered a place in an early intervention preschool.”
“In Cavan and Monaghan alone there are 578 overdue assessments. I commend Cara Darmody on continuing to shine a light on this issue. She is absolutely right when she says children are missing the window for early intervention. We all know that the earlier a child gets support, the better the outcome. These early years are precious.”
“Parents should not have to pay out of their own pocket because the State has failed to meet its own legal obligations. Disability teams continue to be short-staffed while many newly qualified therapists and psychologists cannot get the supervised placements and recognised experience they need to practise.”
“She has already had two near misses, as she calls them, that left her badly shaken. She describes Cavan's footpaths as being like a racetrack and says she dreads leaving her home now. That should not be the case. This is not just about an inconvenience.”
“I also welcome the delegation from Canada. They are very welcome. I have three sons living and working in Manitoba, Souris and Brandon. I bring up the issue of e-scooters. Imagine being afraid every time you step outside your own front door. That is a daily occurrence for a visually impaired woman living in Cavan town.”
“People had to take long detours just to get to school. The Department said that inspections carried out in March 26 found around 130 roads needed complete reconstruction, 440 had significant damage and several bridges could no longer be used. I believe those figures cover the entire country. My question is simple.”
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“There must be a clear line between expressing an opinion, however controversial, and actively encouraging others to commit an act of terrorism. The Bill is vague in this regard. As Senator Higgins said in the previous debate, it could have an unintended chilling effect, which we do not want to see. People should be free to express themselves. The Bill could lead to self-censoring, not because there is an intent to cause violence but because people cannot be sure how their words might later be interpreted. That is not healthy in a democratic society. The more serious an offence, the more important it is that the boundaries of that offence are clear. These amendments do not prevent prosecution. They simply ensure that a communication must expressly encourage terrorist activity before an individual can be charged.”
“Criminal law should punish people for what they intentionally encourage others to do, not for meanings that might later be read into words, that is, for an interpretation down the line. History shows us that opinions about conflicts and liberation movements and organisations can change over time. For example, Senator Higgins spoke about Nelson Mandela and our own 1916 leaders. We should be slow to create criminal offences that depend on what a publication could reasonably be construed to mean. It should be clear that the communication itself has expressly and directly incited terrorist activity. We are back again to interpretation and that is why I want to tighten up what is set out in the legislation. I think it is reasonable to do so.”
“The Minister has previously said the Bill is intended to deal with genuine public provocation to commit terrorist offences, and I accept that. The Minister has also said the Bill is not a response to the Mo Chara issue and is not intended to lead to prosecutions like those we have seen in Britain. While I accept the Minister's intentions, we do not legislate for one Minister or one Government but, rather, for the future. We make laws that may be interpreted years from now in very different political circumstances and by people who were never even aware of this debate. My amendments do not fundamentally change what the Government is trying to achieve. They simply tighten the wording to require an expression of direct incitement to commit a terrorist activity. This raises the bar slightly but with good reason.”
“I move amendment No. 9: In page 5, to delete lines 32 and 33 and substitute the following: “(i) inciting by its express terms, or that could reasonably be construed as inciting by its express terms, persons to commit a terrorist activity, or”. I welcome the opportunity to speak to amendments Nos. 9 and 12. I begin by making one thing absolutely clear. These amendments are not about weakening our response to terrorism or making it harder to prosecute people who genuinely encourage or incite terrorist acts. Everyone in this House will agree that if someone sets out to incite terrorist activity, that person should be prosecuted. These amendments are focused on ensuring the legislation is precise and clear.”
“If we are serious about protecting consumer choice, then that choice must include cash. Whether someone pays by card or cash should be their decision, not one that is imposed, in particular by a State agency. We should have a debate on the matter in the Chamber.”
“Many more rely on cash because it helps them to budget, because they are not comfortable using digital technology or simply because that is what they choose to do with their money. Cash is the most inclusive form of payment that we have. It does not depend on having a smartphone, Internet access or even electricity. The Central Bank itself has pointed out that cash provides freedom and autonomy because it can be used without relying on a third party. We only have to remember the global IT outages of recent years to see how quickly digital payment systems can fail. Cash provides certainty for people. Elderly people find that cash helps them to maintain their independence and dignity. For victims of domestic abuse, it can provide a degree of financial privacy and security that electronic payments cannot.”
“I raise the ongoing refusal of the National Driver Licence Service to accept cash payments from people. I simply cannot understand how a State agency can continue to ignore clear Government policy on this issue. Successive Ministers for Finance have made their position clear. Michael McGrath called on the NDLS to reverse its policy, and the national payment strategy of the Minister, Deputy Jack Chambers, reaffirmed that essential public services provided by the State, or on its behalf, should accept cash. Yet here we are, and nothing has changed. The reality is that this is causing unnecessary inconvenience and discrimination. Some 350,000 people in Ireland do not have a bank account.”
“There is a legitimate debate to be had about whether the push towards non-custodial sentencing is being driven by what is best for rehabilitation or by the simple fact that we do not have enough prison spaces. If somebody commits a violent offence or causes significant harm to another person, there must be consequences. The public understands that and victims understand that too. The amendment does not remove judicial discretion, it simply asks the courts to show they have weighed all of these factors that are being decided, whether community service is appropriate and to record their reasoning behind it.”
“We talk a lot about rehabilitation but the outcomes are not particularly encouraging. CSO figures show that almost one in four offenders on probation reoffend within a year and almost half reoffend within three years. When somebody leaves prison, where are they leaving to? In many cases, they are entering accommodation that is wholly unsuitable. They may find themselves in a halfway house or temporary accommodation alongside others with addiction issues and criminal histories. We should not be surprised when people end up back before the courts if the environment they are returning to is one that almost encourages reoffending. I have concerns that this provision is arriving, as the Minister has said on previous amendments, in the context of severe prison overcrowding.”
“I do not share the Minister's experience working in the legal system, so perhaps he can shine a light on why, in cases which by all accounts are incredibly violent or abusive, the individual receives a suspended sentence or community service. That is why I am asking that judges expressly consider not only rehabilitation but also the interests of victims, the protection of the public and the reduction of reoffending. I am aware that judges consider this when sentencing, but it is important with the proposed change to the legislation that, if a judge is mandated to consider community service, he would also expect that the reasons for or against this sentence be recorded. How does the Minister reconcile the increase in emphasis on alternatives to custody with the reality of our rehabilitation system?”
“I agree with comments from Senator McDowell on the idea of prison being a last resort, but there also has to be an emphasis placed on justice and fairness, especially for victims. Community service has a role to play. There are certainly cases where it is a more appropriate response than a short prison sentence and where people would benefit more from structured community services than from spending a few months in prison, but the circumstances of the offence matter and the impact on victims also matters. There is a growing lack of confidence in the criminal justice system. I know of a number of cases which have been raised with me where individuals were found guilty of domestic violence, child abuse or having child sexual abuse material and were given suspended sentences or community service.”
“I move amendment No. 15: In page 18, between lines 16 and 17, to insert the following: “(ab) Before imposing a sentence of imprisonment of 24 months or less, the court shall expressly consider the suitability of a community service order and shall record its reasons where it determines that such an order is not appropriate in the circumstances of the case. (ac) In considering whether a community service order is appropriate, the court shall have regard to the rehabilitation of the offender, the interests of victims, the protection of the public and the reduction of reoffending.”. I am moving this amendment because there is a tendency in discussions on criminal justice to assume that if we simply move more people away from custodial sentences, the problem somehow solves itself.”
“The amendment simply asks that we measure the impact of this legislation and determine whether it genuinely improves the functioning and safety of our prison services.”
“Under budget 2026, the Minister announced €495 million for prison infrastructure, including a new prison in Cork, as well as additional accommodation in Wheatfield, Midlands, Castlerea, Mountjoy, Cloverhill, Portlaoise, Limerick and Dóchas prisons, as well as the commencement of construction at Thornton Hall. I would welcome an update from the Minister on these projects and how they are progressing, as well as details of when the additional capacity will come on stream. I note the provisions in section 15 encouraging greater consideration of community service orders. While community service can be appropriate and beneficial in many cases, particularly in supporting rehabilitation, custodial sentences remain necessary for serious and violent offences.”
“We have heard recent reports of more than 500 prisoners sleeping on mattresses on floors. The Prison Officers Association has described the situation as a "national scandal", and has warned that overcrowding is contributing to increased violence. If you add more violence to violence, are you increasing that risk? Does violence breed more violence, intimidation and tension within prisons? Is it wise to introduce incapacitant spray in this context? It seems more like putting a band-aid on the issue instead of addressing the root cause of these incidents.”
“Yes. I welcome the opportunity to speak on this amendment. I agree with Senator Ruane. My amendment is pretty straightforward. It seeks to ensure that the Minister will, within 12 months of the commencement of this legislation, report to the Houses of the Oireachtas on "the operation [and impact] of the provisions relating to ... incapacitant spray" in prisons. Prison officers have an extremely difficult job and they must have the ability to protect themselves. When I raised this issue on Second Stage, the Minister said that he wants to protect prison officers. Nobody disputes that they must have that protection. However, I am concerned this measure risks treating the symptom rather than addressing the underlying problem. We know our prisons are under enormous pressure.”
“While not all pornography involves threats with knives, strangulation or explicit violence, even more mainstream content contains misogyny and aggression and presents women as less than human. It is not healthy for boys or girls to grow up consuming this material and believing that aggression, humiliation or domination are normal parts of sex or relationships. If we are serious about tackling violence against women and girls, then we must also be serious about addressing the messages young people are absorbing online every day. I welcome the Minister’s thoughts in that regard. I thank him for his work on this Bill. It must be noted.”
“A report released today from Women’s Aid shows that disclosures of abuse have risen by a third since last year. It estimates that one in three women in Ireland are abused by their partner. For many women and their children, home is not the safe place it should be. While legislation is important, we must also ask whether we are doing enough to prevent violence in the first place. Has the Minister examined further education programmes within An Garda Síochána and our schools? We need to teach young people about healthy relationships, respect and consent long before problems arise. I also welcome the Minister’s stated intention to tackle violent pornography. However, I ask him to go further and consider stronger measures to prevent children from accessing pornography altogether.”
“We in Aontú welcome the Bill and the protections it seeks to put in place for children who have already endured unimaginable trauma. The level of cross-party support for this legislation speaks to the shared goal of putting children’s interests and well-being first. I particularly acknowledge the tireless work of David French, along with that of his sister, Veronica. David’s advocacy following the murder of his sister, Valerie, has helped bring us to this point. No child or relative should have to face the additional burden of a parent retaining guardianship rights after murdering the other parent. David deserves enormous credit for ensuring that these children’s voices are heard. This debate comes at a time when domestic violence continues to cast a long shadow over our society.”
“The story on fuel prices being increased was buried under articles of backbenchers being unhappy with the Taoiseach and speculation on who in Fine Gael would follow the Tánaiste's lead. The timing of the Tánaiste and the Taoiseach having this epiphany is questionable. It is insincere of the Government to impose an increase in fuel prices while they are off on holidays and cannot be held to account by the public. Restoring excise duties and increasing carbon tax is wrong. I ask that we have statements in this House on that matter.”
“Budget 2027 must be revolutionary because every time the Government talks about disability support, fuel price reduction or the cost of living it tells us to wait and see what the budget will bring. From what I can see, the Government likes to get a nice headline for introducing temporary financial support and then when people have received the tiniest bit of breathing space, it pulls the rug from under them. This cannot be allowed to happen. It is not a coincidence that ahead of the vote on excise duties and increasing carbon taxes in October, both the Taoiseach and the Tánaiste came out in support of removing the three-day wait. I feel it was a "look over there" move while they do this.”
“In just over three weeks' time TDs and Ministers will go on holiday. They will not be back in the Chamber until the middle of September. That is not news to anyone but what will surprise people is that on 31 July, while they are all away and the Dáil is in recess, the Government will restore excise duties on petrol and diesel. Last week the Government voted to increase the cost of fuel by 27 cent on petrol and 32 cent on diesel. This will place immense pressure on households that are already struggling to get by. Prices in Ireland are 36% above the EU average and the Governor of the Central Bank of Ireland has warned that the inflation shock will worsen in the coming months because of the war in Iran.”
“We have seen in England how peaceful protestors, including people in their 70s and 80s, have been arrested in connection with demonstrations linked to Palestine Action. The Minister of State cannot guarantee that the State will not pinpoint similar groups in the future when it comes to this section on public provocation. Whether people agree with protests, or some protests in particular, is beside the point. Broad powers can sometimes be used in ways that many would never have anticipated. Of course, we need strong laws to tackle terrorism, but we also need strong protections for freedom of speech and the right to peaceful protest. This section does not yet provide enough certainty and is too open to interpretation, but I welcome the Minister of State's thoughts on this.”
“The Bill talks about messages that could be seen as glorifying a terrorist activity or could reasonably be construed as encouraging terrorism. The difficulty is that these are not always black and white questions. What one person sees as glorification, another may see as political commentary, protest or advocacy. The examples we used earlier included Kneecap in Britain. More recently, we have had fuel protests here. Everything is subjective and up to interpretation. Our political climate is constantly changing and it is hard to know what the country or world will look like in five or ten years' time. With the hate speech legislation, we saw how the boundaries of acceptable speech were twisted and skewed. It is not unimaginable to think that such legislation could have a chilling effect on protest or advocacy.”
“I thank the Minister of State for coming to the Chamber. I welcome the overall intention of this Bill but I too have reservations, similar to Senators Keogan and Higgins. Terrorism remains a real threat across Europe and beyond. It is important that our laws are updated to deal with the new challenges we face, particularly in relation to online radicalisation, recruitment and terrorist financing. However, I wish to hear the Minister of State’s thoughts on the section on public provocation. No one wants to see people encouraging or promoting acts of terrorism, and that should be absolutely against the law. My concern, however, is that the wording in this section is quite broad and leaves a lot open to interpretation, and we know where interpretation can get us.”
“We all know that nurses and doctors give great care and do their best, but that those situations would not happen if there was another option. Our services are overrun. They are way beyond capacity and staff are overwhelmed. We need to hear these stories so that we can try to fix what is wrong in our hospital system. We are one of the wealthiest countries in the world and this should not be happening.”
“I was recently in Castlebar hospital with a family member who was receiving critical care. They were placed in a ward with somebody who was actively dying. That person had the death rattle for nearly two days. The other people in the ward were extremely upset. It is so distressing for the family, for the patient, and for everybody else in the place. At that time, I contacted a friend whose mother had passed away to apologise that I would not be able to make it to the funeral. That person had a similar experience in Cavan hospital, where the parent was in the ward, surrounded by people who were coming and going from a busy ward with visitors, and all there was to protect their privacy was a hospital curtain.”
“I also wish to be associated with the expressions of congratulations to Senator Ahearn. If the last two weeks have been anything to go on, he will do a really good job. Last Thursday, I attended a meeting of the Cavan and Monaghan Hospital Campaign Group, where people gathered to share stories of their experiences of hospitals in the Cavan-Monaghan area. It seems to me that a pattern is emerging across all the hospitals in the country. I say this after having listened to people recount stories in here. We are hearing stories about people being left in hospital beds, being discharged when they needed care, waiting a long time in accident and emergency departments, issues with diagnoses and, sadly, people who have had family members dying in cold, crowded wards.”
“I support aspects of the Bill but am disappointed there are so many issues lumped into one Bill. I intend to table amendments on the next Stage.”
“The Minister spoke about a presumption against disclosure yet there remain circumstances where disclosure may still occur. Will he outline the reasons for disclosure and the safeguards victims will have? There are provisions in the Bill about which I have serious reservations. One such provision relates to the introduction of incapacity spray in prisons. Our prison system is under enormous pressure. The Irish Penal Reform Trust has repeatedly warned about deteriorating conditions, staff pressures and the impact overcrowding is having on prisoners and prison officers. The decision to introduce pepper spray into a volatile environment seems misguided. Is the Minister considering expanding capacity in prisons? That should be the first port of call before taking a more combative approach within the Prison Service.”
“The Minister is welcome. I acknowledge the amount of work he does. He is always in here passing legislation and that has to be acknowledged. I support many of the overall aims of the Bill, particularly section 7 on protecting counselling records, but I am disappointed that such an important issue has been bundled into a miscellaneous provisions Bill alongside a range of unrelated matters. The question of counselling notes deserves legislation in its own right. For survivors of sexual violence and domestic abuse, these notes often contain their most private thoughts, fears and experiences. We have heard powerful stories and testimony from victims who felt retraumatised when deeply personal counselling records were disclosed and used in court.”
“She told me she had already done so and was told it was the fault of the local authority. It is unfair to be blaming local authorities when they are not properly financed and resourced.”
“The existing legislation goes back to the 1990s and is not fit for purpose. For context, there are circulars and diktats sent down from Government Departments on an ongoing and constant basis. Every day, there is something new from the Government that has to be implemented at local authority level. Local authorities are really struggling with their workloads. They need more resources. I have noticed a culture of the blame game. The Minister, Deputy Browne, when there were floods in Enniscorthy, blamed Met Éireann for not giving a warning. I was at a funeral a couple of weeks ago and was asked by a constituent about her road, which is in a very bad condition. I said that the money is not there for the roads. It is just not there. I told her she needs to lobby her local Fianna Fáil TD.”
“I will talk about local authorities and councils, and address some of the comments made by the Tánaiste, Deputy Harris, earlier this week about derelict houses. It was a low blow to attack local authorities and councillors for not doing enough. I wonder has he forgotten that local authorities get their policy from Government. Dereliction is a massive and complicated issue. Our local authorities have been doing the best they can with the resources available to them. There can be problems with ownership, titles or rebate, making it difficult to see who is responsible for a property. Of course, policies and schemes have to be workable and sometimes schemes are unworkable. The Tánaiste said he was frustrated that he had to bring in legislation to fine owners of derelict properties but it was already in the programme for Government.”
“It is saying "sorry you cannot afford a home, sorry you cannot afford groceries, sorry you have to live in your childhood bedroom but do not worry about raising a baby in your mam's house because we will just pay for an abortion for you." I was sitting my junior certificate when I was pregnant with my first child. Yes, it was tough at times but my life was not over. Instead of telling women their life is over if they get pregnant, how about we provide options for them to be able to keep their babies and raise them to be proud citizens of this country?”
“This could be the first time in the Thirty-fourth Dáil that either the Taoiseach or the Tánaiste has voted for something coming from the Opposition. They are happy to support more abortions but voted against the emergency winter payment for people with disabilities, against paid leave for women going for cancer screening, and against sanctions for Israel. They will not remove the means test for carers, they refuse to introduce a second rate of child benefit and they fail to protect vulnerable children in State care. What is the Government offering young women? It is offering fake pity and weak apologies.”
“I was shocked at the comments of Deputy Richmond last night. After attending the annual conference of the International Planned Parenthood Federation on Monday, he has committed to doubling its funding from the Irish taxpayer. There is something incredibly colonialist about the West's tendency to eagerly fund abortions in developing countries. I remember a time when Ireland would send food, water and clothing, but now we pay for impoverished mothers to abort their children. The constant push for more abortions from the Government and the Opposition is really regressive and I cannot figure out where it is coming from. Yesterday, the Taoiseach and the Tánaiste said they would be supporting Sinn Féin's Bill to remove the three-day wait period safeguard.”
“The Government increasingly relies on private providers to deliver home care while simultaneously failing to provide a public care structure that is fit for purpose. I ask the Minister of State to explain how many approved home care hours are currently going unfilled and what concrete steps are being taken to ensure that support is actually being provided.”
“We have an ageing population, yet we know that for the first three months of this year over 5,000 people were waiting for a home support service to commence. Last year, I spoke to carers who were available and ready to work but the HSE had not released funded packages or hours because it had gone over budget. The staff were there for the people who desperately needed care and yet the service was not being delivered. What I was hearing was that the HSE had run over budget, care packages had been approved, and that was giving a false reading of the situation because even though the packages had been approved, the HSE had not released them. There is that extra step. They were not released to the home care providers because of budgetary constraints.”
“I thank the Minister of State for coming in on this very important issue. I too welcome this long-overdue Bill. Introducing regulation and independent oversight for private, home support providers is absolutely necessary to protect vulnerable adults, who are essentially inviting strangers into their home to care for them. That is why I would like greater clarity on how inspections will work in practice. Unlike residential settings, these services are delivered in private homes. How will HIQA ensure standards are maintained, while respecting the privacy of individuals and families? How will consistency be monitored when care is taking place in thousands of different homes across the country? It is a very positive step and I welcome it. However, home care needs to be radically transformed in this country.”
“We should be advocating for the voices of the victims who become lost in all the chaos of the riots. Speaking about violence and trying to improve public policy and safety should not be framed as inciting hatred. It is wrong. All it does is push people to the outer edges and the extremes.”
“These events follow the same pattern every single time - an horrific act of violence happens, people condemn it, protests happen and then people who rightly condemn the violence are targeted as inciting hatred or stoking the flames. That can be a calculated attempt to create a chilling effect to stop people from speaking up. It is the sanitised way that some politicians and media are dealing with these events, which is creating greater suspicion and fear in communities. The Government is not adequately checking people who are claiming asylum. We do not have the capacity to assess or deal with complex medical issues and-or post-traumatic stress syndrome. I feel so sorry for immigrants who are living here and working hard only to find themselves the subject of discrimination because of this kind of policy.”
“I wish to speak about the events in Belfast recently. I am very concerned about the way events are being reported on after the attack in Belfast and in the context of the riots. Our role as politicians and legislators should be to talk about the difficult cases, the gaps in our legislation and how policy is shaping the state of our country. It cannot be the case that if we speak about violence in this country, such as an attempted beheading or a woman being killed in Galway, there are claims that we are adding to the problem by shining a light on it. There are always thugs waiting for an opportunity or a moment to create chaos and violence in the aftermath of a tragic event.”
“It is about the Minister, who very rarely stands in this House. He has been requested to stand in this House but has not. It is not about Deputy Buttimer. What I have said is factual. It is not insulting to anybody.”
“It is concerning that the Government would push ahead with this knowing that it does not have the support of the Irish public. Fianna Fáil has abandoned its roots and given in to Fine Gael's desire to be militarily aligned in Europe. As I see it, this Bill is about consistency. If we value neutrality, we should enforce the laws that protect it. If we value sovereignty, we should ensure our authorities have the powers to uphold it. I once again thank Senator Stephenson for bringing forward this Bill. I hope the Government changes its mind and supports the Bill. I also note that the Minister, Deputy Darragh O'Brien, is once again missing in action. This shows the amount of respect he has for the people and for this House.”
“This debate comes at a time when the Government is proposing major changes to Ireland's approach to neutrality through the removal of the triple lock. This would be a disastrous mistake. Poll after poll has shown that neutrality has enduring support among the Irish public and is, in fact, a key part of how people understand Ireland's place in the world. The majority do not wish to see the triple lock removed. If the Government is so sure of its mandate, it should put it to the people. Moving Ireland away from our long-standing history of neutrality should require a referendum. The only reason the Government will not call a referendum is that it knows, as do we, that the removal of the triple lock would be voted down.”
“I know the majority of Irish people want no complicity in that kind of violence. None of us can say with certainty where every bullet or round of ammunition originated but we should ask ourselves whether we are content to operate a system where aircraft pass through or over Ireland carrying military cargo with no prospect of inspection. Is that really the standard we want to set? Is it what the Irish people expect when they talk about neutrality? Investigative reporting has repeatedly raised concerns about commercial flights carrying ammunition and other military-related cargo over Irish territory. If there are no investigative powers and no penalties for these airlines, they will continue to breach Irish and international law.”
“A recent poll in The Irish Times showed that 71% of people believe a guarantee of Ireland's neutrality should be added to the Constitution. People want our neutrality to govern how we interact with global conflicts. They want more than just lip service paid to the concept of neutrality. If we claim to be neutral but turn a blind eye to what passes through our airspace and airports then we allow neutrality to be nothing more than a label. In the past two and a half years, tens of thousands of children in Gaza and the West Bank have been killed. Their lives have been treated as completely disposable. Only last Friday, seven-month-old Sam Fahd Abu Haikal died in his mother's arms after being shot dead by the IDF. He is not just a casualty of war. That family has lost their little boy.”
“Passing this Bill would give gardaí powers to inspect aircraft, would introduce penalties for breaches and allow for random inspections so that compliance can be verified rather than simply assumed. It also addresses concerns about state-operated flights from the US, including deportation flights. We need to ensure that Ireland is not inadvertently facilitating actions that may run contrary to international humanitarian or human rights law. If our airports or airspace are being used in this way, that raises serious legal or ethical questions. Surely we should have the power to find out. I think most of us are in agreement that Irish sovereignty should mean something. The laws passed by these Houses have to be enforced by the State. If they cannot be enforced then there is no point to the legislation at all.”
“I welcome the opportunity to speak on this Bill, and I thank Senator Stephenson for bringing it to the House. I support and agree with this Bill. It is sensible legislation that addresses a clear gap in our law. It is not radical or complicated. All it states is that if Ireland has rules governing what can pass through our airspace, then we should have the means to enforce those rules. At the moment, this is not the case. The law requires permissions for weapons of war to be carried through Irish airports or Irish airspace, but we have repeatedly heard that there is no proper inspection regime and limited ability to act when those rules are breached. That leaves us in the absurd position where we have laws without meaningful enforcement.”