Seamus Healy
Tipperary South · Independent · Ireland
“Across Ireland, 624,000 people provide regular unpaid care to children and adults with additional needs. A recent 2026 report on care shows that 75% of carers never received respite, 49% cut back on essentials such as food and heating, and 48% experienced severe loneliness.”
“Respite and residential services for persons with intellectual disabilities are in crisis. The United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities provides the right to live independently in the community with choices equal to others.”
“It states, "Our campaign started with a simple question: 'Who will provide the care my daughter needs when I am no longer able to care for her?'" It continues, "It is not uncommon to hear parents say; I would hope my son or daughter goes before me. Then at least I know he or she is safe.”
“What is needed urgently and what is called for in that submission is, first, an emergency funded plan in budget 2027 to address the needs of parents in their 70s, 80s and 90s who cannot wait for systemic change.”
“Down the centuries, generations of Irish men and women espoused the desire for a 32-county independent sovereign republic. As far back as the 1790s, Theobald Wolfe Tone, the father of Irish republicanism, focused on a vision of complete separation from Britain, the elimination of sectarian divisions and the unity of Catholic, Protestant a…”
“He saw partition as a reactionary device to divide the Irish working class. Again, how right he was. This Bill requires the Government to prepare and publish a Green Paper on Irish unity, convene a citizens' assembly, engage with communities and provide regular updates to the Oireachtas.”
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“Any national planning framework will be a failure unless it is underpinned by real and serious consultation with communities and community representatives at local level in a bottom-up approach. Communities must have the opportunity to make representations to statutory, elected democratic bodies to ensure their voices are heard. The only way this will be achieved is by re-establishing local democracy in our towns, large and small, for instance, the re-establishment of borough corporations and town councils. Local democracy was abolished in 2014 by the Fine Gael-Labour Party Government at the stroke of a pen. It has seriously damaged our towns and their economic and social development.”
“Of course, the family is relieved but the school place is 15 miles away, which is completely outside the area and away from his community and friends. This is not good enough. Parents are sleeping out in search of school places for their children and others are being dragged through the courts in search of them. At the same time, there are schools that are ready, willing and able to provide places but, for some reason, the Department has refused to approve these schools. In particular, I refer to Bansha National School in County Tipperary. The number of children in inappropriate school places is absolutely huge. It is in the thousands. That is a result of assessments of need not being done. It is not good enough.”
“The question of disability services for children with additional needs is now a very significant national issue. It is second only to the housing emergency. The State is failing these children every day. Over 14,000 are waiting for an assessment of need, which is in breach of the law. Some 41,000 are waiting for therapy services and well over 100 are waiting for school places. If we are honest, thousands of children are in inappropriate school places. Parents are at their wits' end and are completely frustrated in their search for places for their children. I recently raised the case of Michael Joseph Barrett, a young boy with autism. His family got 16 rejection letters before eventually getting a school place.”
“[procedures at the hospital]." I believe that the board of Children's Health Ireland should stand down or be stood down. We cannot have confidence in the board arranging for the transfer of services to the new children's hospital. That is an important issue. It is important that the staffing arrangements for the new hospital are put in place early. The Fórsa trade union has called for immediate and meaningful engagement with Children's Health Ireland to ensure a comprehensive workforce plan and a viable staffing strategy.”
“There has been a significant and inexplicable failure of governance at the hospital. The HIQA report commences with organisational and transformative change from November 2018. The report found that the "governance arrangements were overly complex and placed an onerous and unrealistic workload on clinical directors and senior managers." Reporting and oversight arrangements were unclear, clinical governance structures were "complex", accountability suffered and the oversight of the delivery of care was completely unsatisfactory. The report goes on to state: "The lack of standardisation in newly developing structures resulted in unclear lines of reporting and accountability ... to ensure the safe introduction and use of ...”
“The procurement, use and implementation of these non-medical springs, apparently without any knowledge, oversight or control, is hardly believable. As someone who has a little experience in hospital management having worked for 21 years with the South Eastern Health Board as a hospital administrator in south Tipperary in two general hospitals and three district hospitals, I found the report hard reading and difficult. I was shocked by the report. Indeed, I am sure the public and the parents of children who used the hospital must find the report devastating. The report, in fact, paints a picture of organised chaos in the hospital. The public, parents, patients and staff at the hospital have been very badly let down by the board of Children's Hospital Ireland.”
“I welcome the opportunity to contribute to this very important debate on Children's Health Ireland. First, I want to acknowledge the 4,000 staff in the group who do outstanding work on a daily basis. However, the organisation itself is dysfunctional, it is in crisis, and it has experienced a litany of failures. This has led to a series of reviews and reports. The most recent HIQA report, a statutory report carried out under section 8 of the Health Act 2007, dealt with three areas: governance at the hospital group; the use of implantable medical devices; and the use of non-medical grade springs in spinal surgery at Temple Street. The results of the report were that children were not protected from harm at the hospital, and the use of non-medical grade springs in spinal surgery is, fact, damning.”
“These blockages are a health hazard, not just to the householders involved but also to the public because many a time they overspill onto footpaths and public roads. Irish Water refuses to deal with these blockages, claiming they are a private issue even though, before the establishment of Irish Water, they were always dealt with by local authority staff. A blockage at a single location arising from old pipework can affect up to 50 households. It is impossible, impractical and unfair that individual householders should bear the significant cost involved. Irish Water should free these blockages in the same way local authorities did in the past. Will the Minister of State intervene specifically on this issue? I am dealing with a number of these issues through my office. It is causing huge concern to householders.”
“With Electric Ireland or the ESB, people will get a card saying they will have no electricity between such and such times. With Irish Water there is no such thing. Irish Water is bringing hard water into the town of Clonmel in my constituency. This water has already caused huge problems and costs for families in the northern section of Clonmel. Householders are forced to replace all white goods regularly. This includes dishwashers, washing machines, electric kettles and showers. Many have had to install water softeners, which have significant installation and running costs. Irish Water wants to bring that into the rest of Clonmel and of course refuses to treat the hard water at source. It defies logic. There is also the matter of sewerage blockages in estates on what are called combined sewers.”
“Irish Water should be abolished. Of course, it should never have been established. It is not fit for purpose and it is hiding from the public. It has no public offices. It refuses to meet elected representatives in open, democratic forums like county council meetings. Consumers cannot meet any Irish Water official face to face. People can report a problem to a call centre. They may get a report back in a week or a month or, more often, not at all. Irish Water has contempt for consumers and councillors alike. I had a family deliberately deprived of water for a full ten days over Christmas, including Christmas Eve, Christmas Day and St. Stephen's Day. It was absolutely outrageous. Planned outages are not notified to consumers.”
“Thank you. There is a serious shortage of bus drivers in this country, yet we continue to insist on an ageist policy on this issue. Drivers over 70 years of age are not allowed to drive school buses, yet these same drivers can drive a bus to the school, pick up students and take them to a football match, a swimming lesson or a school tour. The policy makes no sense. Age is no barrier to employment, whether it be as a TD or a bus driver. I am 74 years of age, and my colleague on the Government benches, Deputy Pat the Cope Gallagher, is two years my senior. I am sure, and indeed I hope, that no one would suggest we are not capable of doing our jobs. This issue has been raised a number of times in the Chamber and I ask that it be dealt with seriously and urgently.”
“Before I start, a Cheann Comhairle, you might allow me to congratulate Tina Marie Barrett on securing a school place for her child, Michael Joseph, for this coming September. Following 16 rejection letters and the matter being raised here a number of times, he has secured a place.”
“Water is a human right and any attempt to reintroduce water charges will be met with opposition not just here in Leinster House but with a massive show of people power in every village, town and city in this country. I say to the Government to bí ullamh; ní neart go cur le chéile.”
“This may also be used to prevent the holding of the anti-privatisation referendum or to change the wording as new private suppliers of water are entitled to enter the market under EU Competition Law. This was facilitated by [Fianna Fáil] agreeing with [Fine Gael] that the abolition of Irish Water [would not be within] the terms of reference of the Oireachtas Committee. Recent reports that the Government is working in the background to reintroduce water charges by the back door, and the failure to hold the anti-privatisation referendum, prove the point. I thank former Deputy Joan Collins, in particular, for her tenacious pursuit of the anti-privatisation referendum. She was blocked at every hand's turn by successive Governments and now we know why. The Government wants the option of privatising water and reintroducing water charges.”
“At the time, I wrote about and spelled out the nature of that victory, which was that people power had defeated the introduction of water charges, secured an amnesty for all those who refused to pay this unfair double taxation, got a refund for all those who had paid due to fear, stopped the continued metering of existing dwellings and got increased allowances for those on group water schemes. I went on, though, to warn that Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael, the Labour Party and the Green Party could not be trusted. I stated: Payment for excessive use to Irish Water Ltd. commodifies water. This facilitates the phasing back in of water charges over time. Government can reduce the free allowance thus making increasing amounts of water chargeable.”
“As a founding member of the Right2Water campaign, I strongly support this Bill, the aim of which is to scrap any prospect of the reintroduction of water charges. I am proud of all those who protested against water charges in every town and city across the country in a magnificent display of people power. Residents who stood against the installation of water meters and in front of diggers and JCBs were real leaders in their communities. Time and time again, thousands of ordinary people from all walks of life brought the centre of our capital city, Dublin, to a standstill. People power won a magnificent victory.”
“I am sure the Tánaiste will agree it is essential that the ambulance service should be staffed, funded and equipped properly and operate from bases that are fit for purpose. A new base is urgently required at Tipperary University Hospital in Clonmel. The existing base is a 25-year-old prefabricated building built to cater for ten all-male staff. There are now 22 staff using the base with a 50:50 male to female complement. Facilities, as the Tánaiste can imagine, are totally inadequate with small, limited showering, changing and locker room facilities, especially for female staff, as well as very small rest rooms and almost non-existent kitchen facilities. While this has been flagged for a number of years and is included in the HSE capital programme, it needs to be progressed urgently.”
“These are young people who have either committed an offence or are at risk of committing an offence. The programme provides a one-to-one mentoring service on a weekly basis for approximately three hours per week. The idea is that the mentor is a role model for the young person.”
“They work in the community, become involved with community services, local sports clubs and community organisations. They know families and the young people on the ground and form relationships and friendships with them. They can identify early on the difficulties that might arise down the road and can divert young people away from criminal and antisocial activity. There is an obvious and established link between criminality and poverty, mental health problems, addiction to both alcohol and drugs, as well as domestic violence. I want to refer to the Le Chéile mentoring programme in particular, which is hugely successful and beneficial. It caters for young people between the ages of 12 and 24 who are usually referred to it through the Garda youth diversion programme.”
“I am well aware of the great work being done by the community childcare facility in my own home town of Clonmel, Clever Clogs in Elm Park, which provides a high-quality service. I salute the manager there, Ms Clare McDermott, and her staff for the work they do. I am also involved in sporting clubs, including Old Bridge Football Club, which is based in the community and provides activities and a vital service for young people. Community organisations such as the Waterford and Tipperary Community Youth Service provide invaluable services to young people. In the context of our education services, transition year students are involved in the community, not just in south Tipperary, but throughout the country. Community gardaí have been mentioned and they are a vital element in this area.”
“The key to addressing the diversion of young people from criminality is the provision of services right across the whole spectrum including education, health, community, and recreation services and, of course, employment. Those services must be properly funded and staffed. As others have said, this is not cheap but society gets back in spades what it gives in funding for these services. These services are not just self-financing; society get back in spades what it puts into them. Talk of diverting at the teenage stage is simply too late. We need to start with the provision of these services at community crèches with the provision of childcare services. I acknowledge the work done by huge numbers of volunteers right across the country, particularly in community organisations, recreational services and sports clubs.”
“I ask Government backbenchers to set aside the party whip on this issue in the national interest and vote in favour of this emergency motion on housing. Everybody knows that the housing situation cannot be turned around by the policies this Government is continuing to pursue. These policies have failed utterly over the years. I refer not just to this Government or that which preceded it but also to those way back to the early 2000s, when this housing emergency was set in train by the Taoiseach of the day, Bertie Ahern. I commend the motion to the House and ask every TD in government and in opposition to vote in favour of it.”
“They will never be able to buy a house of their own. They are not on the housing list and they are not able to purchase a house by way of a mortgage. The housing emergency is undermining the very fabric of Irish society and it must be addressed urgently by emergency action. That emergency action is available, it is provided for in the Constitution and there is precedent for it. I ask every TD in the House, both in opposition and in government, to vote in support of this emergency motion. In particular, I ask Government backbenchers, who know about this because they are contacted daily by families in intolerable situations and facing homelessness, to set aside the party whip on this occasion in the national interest and in the interest of families who are homeless. There are 15,700 people homeless, of whom 4,603 are children.”
“There is no acceptance by the Government of missed housing targets; there is no acceptance of the emergency actions recommended by the Housing Commission; there is no acceptance of the need to implement the Kenny report on the price of building land; there is no acceptance that rents are too high and have to be frozen; and there is no acceptance that evictions need to be banned. In fact, this is a Government that is in denial. That denial has consequences for ordinary families right across this country. What they mean is continued huge levels of homelessness, exorbitant rents, no security of tenure, skyrocketing house prices, 500,000 young people living in their childhood bedrooms and a huge cohort of families, which everybody in this House knows, completely locked out of the housing market.”
“The Government's response and amendment, while not unexpected, are nonetheless hugely disappointing, and even shocking, because there is absolutely no acceptance of the depth and breadth of what is an intolerable housing emergency. This emergency started with the privatisation of the local authority house building programme by a Fianna Fáil Taoiseach, Bertie Ahern, back in the early 2000s. Many of us warned then that would be the start of a huge housing crisis down the road. We were not listened to, of course, and here we find ourselves now in what is accepted by the vast majority of people in this House, on both Government and Opposition benches, to be an absolute emergency that requires emergency action.”
“I ask all TDs, and particularly Government backbenchers, who deal with this issue on a daily basis and who know the frustration caused and the effects homelessness and the insecurity of tenure has on families and individuals, to support this motion. It is, in my view and, I think, in the view of quite a substantial number of people inside and outside this Dáil that this is the only action that will make a start to the solution of this difficult problem that is undermining the very fabric of society. I commend the motion to the House.”
“I recall, way back in the early 1970s, as a young clerical officer in then South Tipperary County Council, where all the county managers of the day were enthused by this report and saw it as a significant effort in dealing with the cost of building land. That report needs to be implemented urgently. There are other issues, including the question of 100% redress for those affected by defective concrete products and apartment and duplex defects. I believe that a declaration of a housing emergency in law would mean that the emergency that we undoubtedly have could be tackled on an emergency basis. I believe that every Deputy knows that emergency action is, in fact, the only way in which this housing crisis can even begin to be dealt with.”
“It would mean a huge expansion of the tenant in situ scheme for local authorities and approved housing bodies. The latest tenant in situ scheme, announced and notified to local authorities on Monday, is particularly restrictive. It will reduce the number of houses purchased by local authorities and it will drive further families into homelessness. That scheme needs to be significantly increased and a significant target of homes needs to be purchased under that scheme. Local authorities also need to be significantly funded to purchase, either by agreement or by compulsory purchase, vacant houses for repair and letting to approved applicants. Crucially, we need finally the implementation of the Kenny report on the price of building land.”
“Emergency action is available, has a precedent and is provided for in Bunreacht na hÉireann, so what would it look like? It would mean a declaration in law of a housing emergency. The provisions would include - this list is not exhaustive - for instance, the creation of a government infrastructure investment fund or bond to unlock some of the huge personal savings available. There is approximately €160 billion in household savings and that would allow huge funds to commence a massive programme of construction of social, affordable and cost-rental homes. Emergency action would also mean no further rent increases for the duration of the emergency. It would mean a ban on no-fault evictions because evictions are the primary driver for homelessness. It would mean that there would be regulation of short-term lets.”
“Their income is slightly higher than the local authority income limit for the housing waiting list but is not enough for a mortgage. This is the independent evidence that there is a serious problem, indeed an emergency in housing. That independent evidence has been confirmed by the Government's Housing Commission report published last July, which states there was a deficit of 235,000 dwellings and asserted that only a radical strategic reset of housing policy will work. Interestingly, it goes on to say that it is critical that this housing deficit be addressed through emergency action. Emergency action is available. It is provided for in Article 43.2 of Bunreacht na hÉireann. That emergency action has a precedent. It is called financial emergency measures in the public interest, FEMPI, and was in place in the years 2011 to 2016.”
“The cost of a second-hand house has also increased and the number of second-hand houses available to buy is 17% lower year-on-year. Average rent nationally is exorbitant at €1,956 per month and it is even higher than that in Dublin where it is at €2,722. Between housing assistance payments, HAP, housing waiting lists, local authority waiting lists, rent supplement and so on, approximately 140,000 families are on waiting lists. We pay approximately €500 million per year to landlords. That is €3.3 billion since 2019. There is the failure to meet housing targets. Last year, that figure was down by 6.7% on the 2023 figure and between 2012 and 2022 the number of young adults living in their childhood bedrooms increased by 21% to 59%. A huge cohort of families is completely locked out of the housing market.”
“A housing emergency exists in this State and every TD in this Dáil, whether in government or in opposition, knows that well because every day they are contacted by families who are homeless, threatened with homelessness or facing homelessness in one way or another and they can do little or nothing about it. There are huge frustrations among TDs about this. Housing is human right and thousands of families are being denied that right by this Government. They are being denied a roof over their heads. The evidence for that is all-pervasive. It is everywhere to be seen. For instance, currently more than 15,000 people are homeless in emergency accommodation, including 4,603 children. House prices have risen in the past year on average by 11.6% and by 12.2% in Dublin.”
“I move: That Dáil Éireann: notes that: — a housing emergency exists in the State; and — housing is a human right as enshrined in Article 25 of the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights; further notes that: — 15,286 homeless people, including 4,603 children, were in emergency accommodation in January 2025; — the typical listed house price across the country is €346,080, 11.6 per cent higher than a year ago and 35 per cent higher than at the beginning of the Covid-19 pandemic, and the Dublin figure is €460,726, up 12.2 per cent on last year; — the number of second-hand houses available to buy at 9,300 is 17 per cent lower year-on-year, and the lowest recorded since January 2007; — average rent nationally is €1,956, 43 per cent higher than before the Covid-19 pandemic, and in Dublin the figure is as high as €2,722; — on 1st February, 2025, fewer than 2,300 homes were available to rent, down 25 per cent on one year previously, and this compares to approximately 20,000 short-term lets on Airbnb at the same time; — 143,824 households are on social housing waiting lists, Housing Assistance Payments (HAP) and rent supplements; — payments of €3.3 billion were made between 2019 and 2025, to landlords in respect of HAPs; — there was a failure to meet housing completion targets for 2024, down 6.7 per cent on 2023; — research by The Housing Commission shows a potential requirement of 81,000 new homes per year to 2050, dependent on population and household size; — between 2012 and 2022, the share of young adults living in their childhood bedroom in Ireland rose by 21 per cent, to reach 59 per cent; and — a large cohort of families are locked out of home ownership, due to earning in excess of the low local authority housing limit, but not enough to secure a mortgage; furthermore, notes that The Housing Commission: — estimates a housing deficit of 235,000 dwellings; — asserts that "only a radical strategic reset of housing policy will work"; and — further asserts that "it is critical that this housing deficit is addressed through emergency action"; further again, notes that Bunreacht na hÉireann – the Irish Constitution, provides for such emergency action in Article 43.2.2° - Private Property, stating that "The State, accordingly, may as occasion requires delimit by law the exercise of the said rights with a view to reconciling their exercise with the exigencies of the common good."; and calls on the Government to: — enact in law a "Housing Emergency Measures in the Public Interest" Act, declaring a housing emergency; and — include the following provisions in the Act: — the emergency will continue for five years after the passing into law of the Act, and at the expiry of this period the Government will bring a review before both Houses of the Oireachtas; — create a state housing infrastructure investment fund/bond to unlock the €160 billion in Irish household savings to invest in social, affordable and cost rental housing; — no further increases in rent during the period of the housing emergency; — regulate short-term lets, by publishing and advancing the Short Term Letting and Tourism Bill without delay; — fund local authorities and Approved Housing Bodies (AHBs) to implement a tenant in-situ scheme, with a minimum purchase target of 2,500 homes per year; — ban institutional purchase of houses and apartments, other than by local authorities and AHBs; — significantly fund local authorities to purchase, by agreement or by compulsory purchase, vacant properties, for repair and letting to approved housing applicants; — implement the recommendations of the Report of the Committee on the Price of Building Land, the "Kenny Report"; — institute a 100 per cent redress scheme for all those affected by defective concrete products, and apartment and duplex defects, and ensure the Government follows the scientific data in this area; and — a massive construction programme of social and affordable housing on public land.”
“Two issues in particular arose: first, the declaration of agreement to the Order of Business, despite a clear calling of a vote, and the putting of the amendment rather than the motion; and, second, the question of cancelling Questions on Policy or Legislation, clearly beneficial to the Government's side. I am satisfied the Ceann Comhairle favoured the Government position and I must therefore vote no confidence in her.”
“The role of the Ceann Comhairle is to be the impartial Chairperson of the Dáil and to carry out that role with the confidence and trust of both Government and Opposition Deputies. The independence of the office was further emphasised in 2016 when a decision was made that the post would be filled by a secret ballot of TDs. However, in 2024, the independence and impartiality of the Office of Ceann Comhairle was seriously compromised by making it part of a Government deal at the insistence of the Regional Independent Group and the collusion of Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael. It is regrettable that the Ceann Comhairle's stewardship of the speaking time debate last week left a lot to be desired and showed bias towards the Government position.”
“That is a live horse and you will get grass answer. It is an all talk and not enough action answer. The Minister has not answered the two questions I asked. When will these children get school places? When will the Government stop breaking the law? On Monday last the Minister for Education said she would use legislation to force schools to open special classes, which gave the clear impression that schools were refusing to open classes and were responsible for the lack of school places. There are very many schools around the country that are willing and able to open special places, including Bansha National School in County Tipperary, which is ready, willing and able to open special classes. It has engaged with the local SENO and the Department but is still awaiting sanction. When will that school get sanction for the unit?”
“His teenage sister is a well-known and well-respected disability rights campaigner. She extracted €10 million from the Tánaiste prior to the last election and the Minister can take it from me that she will be on the Government's case. Indeed, the family has already commenced legal proceedings against the Department. When will these children get a school place for next September and when is the Government going to stop breaking the law in this regard?”
“There are hundreds of children without a school place for next September. Families have taken to the streets in Dublin, in Cork and all over the country and have contacted Members of this House in opposition and in government on this issue. I stood here a month ago and raised the case of Michael Joseph Barrett from Cahir who is five years of age. His parents were at their wits' end because he had received seven rejections at that stage. I spoke to his mother this morning. Now he has 16 letters of rejection and no school place for next September. There is another constituent of mine, a young boy called Neil Darmody from Ardfinnan, who has a profound disability. He made his confirmation on 13 March but there was not even 24 hours of happiness in his house because on the following morning he was refused a place in a special school.”
“When is the Government going to stop failing children with additional needs? Over 14,000 children are waiting for a needs assessment and 41,000 children are waiting for therapies, including speech and language therapy, occupational therapy and physiotherapy. Hundreds of children have no school place for next September. Day and residential services for children transitioning to adulthood are almost non-existent. The Government is breaking the law every day of the week. Children with additional needs are entitled to an assessment of need within six months of referral but that is not happening. Thousands of children are waiting for far in excess of two years. If a member of the public was to break the law like that, he or she would be prosecuted. When is this Government going to be prosecuted for breaking the law each day of the week?”
“If that were to continue, it would mean many of the sheds would not be in a position to continue in existence, which would have serious knock-on effects on their members and the local communities. The sheds appreciate the Government assistance and especially the assistance in the past. They wish to see the ring-fenced grants reinstated. I welcome the Minister's reference in the reply to the proposal which it is hoped will come from the Irish Men's Sheds Association and his commitment to consider that. I take it that any consideration of that would be an increase in funding over and above what is available under the local enhancement scheme.”
“As the Minister has said, the continued existence and sustainability of men's sheds is vital for a number of reasons and he mentioned some of them there. They provide support for members by tackling a range of physical and mental health conditions and helping to provide inherent health benefits to a quarter of the population who are disproportionately affected by health issues. They also provide support to other local community organisations, for instance the elderly, meals on wheels and possibly daycare centres. I have a copy of the local enhancement programme from Tipperary County Council which indicates that the grants available this year in 2024-25 under the scheme could be as low as €500.”
“I ask the Minister to have the ring-fenced grants that were available 2023-24 reinstated, which would alleviate the concerns and fears of members and ensure the continued existence of the sheds.”
“The shortfall in the grant could be in the region of €2,500 per shed, which would make the sheds unsustainable and inevitably lead to the closure of many of the of the shads. As the Minister is aware, the sheds are unique for a number of reasons. First, they need dedicated rooms or buildings to carry out their activities. They may purchase, rent or lease properties. Running costs for sheds are higher than normal community organisations because of maintenance, utilities, heating and lighting, which are very costly, and insurance which is quite high as well. Materials is another issue which may not arise in other organisations. There can also be fair wear and tear of equipment. All in all, the sheds are seriously concerned about their future viability and existence.”
“These grants were for up to €3,000 per shed. Of course that money was a lifeline for the sheds and was most critical to their continued existence and sustainability. The sheds are stand-alone and they rely totally on donations and on State grants. The concern is the grant may not be available in 2024-25 and certainly not to the extent it was available in 2023-24. The new grant scheme is not ring-fenced and is distributed among a large number of community organisations. Obviously, the sheds and the community organisations welcome any grants that may be available. The outcome for the sheds, however, is that grant amount will be greatly reduced, with each shed likely to receive a grant amount of between €250 and €500.”
“I thank the Minister for Rural and Community Development for coming to the Chamber to respond to this issue, which concerns men's sheds. I have been contacted by 17 different men's sheds in County Tipperary, including those in Ballagh, Ballina, Borrisokane, Cahir, Carrick-on-Suir, Cashel, Clogheen, Clonmel, Fethard, Glengoole, Moycarky, Mullinahone, Nenagh, Roscrea, Silvermines, Thurles and Tipperary town. There is serious concern in the men's sheds movement, both in the county and nationally, about funding into the future. The members have serious concerns about the future viability and sustainability of the sheds. This is because of the reduction in grants available for the period from 1 June 2024 to 30 May 2025. In 2023-24, a ring-fenced grant of €1.15 million was available for in excess of 450 sheds.”
“What would such an Act do? It would address housing through emergency action, as recommended by the Housing Commission. It would housing-proof all Government actions. It would establish a national infrastructure investment fund or Government bond to help fund housing. It would stop all evictions, require house sales to tenants in situ , freeze and reduce rents, and empower councils to purchase, by agreement or compulsorily, and repair vacant houses for letting to families on waiting lists. It would allow for the commencement of a massive social and affordable housing construction programme. Nothing short of this will solve the housing emergency.”
“We have over 15,000 homeless people, 4,000 of whom are children. The 2030 target to eliminate homelessness has been binned by the Minister. We have 120,000 families on council housing waiting lists. We have skyrocketing, exorbitant rents and up to 500,000 adults living in their childhood bedrooms. We have a huge cohort of families locked out of home ownership. They are over the limit for council housing but do not have enough income to get a mortgage. They are condemned to poverty, paying skyrocketing rents for evermore. We also have the emigration of our brightest and best to the US, Australia and Canada. The Housing Commission report means that we need a declaration in law of a housing emergency. We need a housing emergency measures in the public interest Act modelled on the Financial Emergency Measures in the Public Interest Act.”
“The right to housing is a human right, enshrined in Article 25 of the UN Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The UN rapporteur on the right to housing reiterated that position, saying that although increasingly viewed as a commodity, housing is, most importantly, a human right. The Housing Commission report seeks to vindicate that human right. It says that housing must be a unique, national priority. It talks about the failure to treat housing as a critical social and economic priority and goes on to say: "Only a radical strategic reset of housing policy will work." It further says: "It is critical that this housing deficit is addressed through emergency action." It has been said that the housing crisis has the potential to undermine the fabric of Irish society, but it already has and continues to do so on a daily basis.”
“I ask the Minister, Deputy Carroll MacNeill, and the Minister of State, Deputy Butler, to follow up this matter and provide the resources necessary to establish this service properly in Clonmel.”
“Jigsaw is a youth mental health charity that provides free, non-judgmental and confidential therapy to young people between the ages of 12 and 15. It also gives families, educators and those who support young people's mental health ways to cope and the skills to be there for young people. Thankfully, after pressure from public representatives, this service was established successfully in County Tipperary, based in Thurles, and has been up and running successfully for a number of years. A commitment was given to establish an outreach centre in Clonmel. A totally inadequate token one-day-a-week service is available in Clonmel, which one of the biggest towns in the country.”