Simon Harris
Wicklow · Fine Gael · Ireland
“There are more than 10,000 routes and thousands of buses involved and the number of students using the services is not a million miles away from 200,000. The current terms of the scheme are going to continue to apply for the 2026-27 school year.”
“I thank Deputy McDonald for raising what is genuinely an important issue. I do take the point that when we talk about this in the abstract or from a process point of view in here, that for people watching this is their real lived experience.”
“There number of children who have been supported by means of the school transport scheme, as Deputy Fitzmaurice knows and has alluded to, has grown significantly in recent years. Since 2018, the number increased from 120,000 in 2018 to more than 181,000 now. Included in that figure are 24,000 pupils with special educational needs.”
“I knew the Deputy would have to mention the GAA, especially with Galway and Limerick playing at the weekend. I wish everybody involved the best of luck. We are very committed to the school transport scheme. If the Deputy wants to see our commitment, he should look to our budget.”
“An ageing population, increasing healthcare needs, the transition to net zero and the need for continued investment in housing, energy and infrastructure will place a significant demand on public resources.”
“There is also a legitimacy to the point the Deputy made about how it is a legitimate form of transport for some people. We see this working in other European countries. We see it in our nearest neighbours. I do not want to get the regime wrong, but I think they have registration at the point of purchase that allows people to track this.”
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“I look forward to a productive discussion this afternoon and to this, perhaps, being a jumping-off point for more debate and scrutiny in the time ahead.”
“It is also to try and push back, as I have tried to do in this contribution, against the headline figure. It is a much more dynamic environment than that. Getting the right answers is built on the meticulous work of asking the right questions. During the course of the debate today, let us put on the record the questions that people believe need to be answered. The economic and fiscal consequences of constitutional change are too important to be left to assumptions. They require evidence and scrutiny. As we have seen in academic research, in many ways, the conversation about Ireland's future is under way. Our responsibility now is to ensure that the debate is respectful, inclusive and, crucially, grounded in evidence. It is in that spirit that we have tabled this time today on a cross-party basis.”
“It is only through evidence-based research, open discussion and rigorous scrutiny, including putting all the information at the table even that we might find challenging that we can ultimately reduce uncertainty and crucially deliver what people will need in this debate, namely, transparency and clarity. Today's debate is not meant to advocate for one particular outcome, although we probably share a view of what we would like that outcome to be over time. For the first time in Dáil Éireann that I remember in a long time if ever - I certainly do not recall it - we aim to try and put as many facts and as much data and information on the record of this House to ensure that citizens and policymakers alike are equipped with the information needed to make informed choices.”
“Questions of public services, healthcare outcomes, pensions, taxation, infrastructure, housing, education and economic competitiveness are not simply secondary considerations. I am not suggesting anyone believes they are. They have to be at the centre of any informed discussion about Ireland's future. The research undertaken to date has clearly demonstrated that the range of potential fiscal outcomes is wide and uncertain. This uncertainty must encourage more debate on the topic. That is why we are having this debate today. We should not run from this conversation. In fact, we should run towards and embrace it. This is an important conversation.”
“An ageing population, increasing healthcare needs, the transition to net zero and the need for continued investment in housing, energy and infrastructure will place a significant demand on public resources. Future Forty serves as an important reminder that our fiscal capacity is not unlimited and that, as a result choices will inevitably arise as to how best to deploy finite resources. It is important that we begin examining these issues now. Preparing for the future means understanding the economic, fiscal and societal implications of all possible futures, including the prospect of a united Ireland. Any future constitutional change must be underpinned, from an economic point of view, by rigorous analysis, responsible financial and policy planning and a clear understanding of how that will impact the lives of people across this island.”
“Over the longer term, my Department's Future Forty research also examines how both domestic developments and global megatrends could shape the Irish economy and public finances over the next four decades. This also serves as a useful context for the debate. Future Forty's message is clear: Ireland's future will be shaped by powerful forces such as demographic change, digitalisation, the climate transition and an increasingly uncertain global economic environment. As policymakers, the task will be to anticipate these challenges, invest wisely and ensure that our economy and our public finances are sufficiently resilient to meet the challenges of the decades ahead. Vitally, we must acknowledge that these pressures will exist regardless of our future constitutional arrangements. These are pressures that we know we will face.”
“Any assessment of reunification must, therefore, be firmly rooted in the context of our fiscal position and indeed the level of taxation borne by citizens and businesses. It is very much a mixed picture. It is much more dynamic than suggested by people who want to reduce conversations to, "Tell me the figure right now". There will certainly be a significant cost, a broad range in terms of what that cost could be, and a significant difference in terms of the impact of that cost, depending on where it ends in the range. That is year one and perhaps the years ahead. It is not a static number and the decisions that a new Ireland would make would very much depend on the fiscal journey our country is on. That is my best assessment of the points I am trying to make here.”
“In that context, the scale of any reunification-related cost, at least at the start, would be significant. An annual cost of €3 billion would amount to less than 3% of total tax revenue while an annual cost of €20 billion would be equivalent to almost one fifth of all tax revenue receipts. I make that point to show the range of assumptions that are out there. Either figure would clearly have a material impact on the public finances affecting not only the headline budget position but also the underlying fiscal balance. This illustrates why the range of estimates matters. They are not simply academic differences. Each figure would have a significant implication in terms of spending tax and resilience.”
“In other words, these outcomes are not predetermined. They will be shaped by the policy choices we make, the policies we pursue and the decisions we make. On the one hand, these future fiscal trends come with considerable uncertainty. On the other, they point to one fact: that the fiscal deficit in year one would be significant, regardless of how we wish to cost it. We cannot expect reunification to come at no fiscal cost. It is vital, therefore, to bear in mind the current fiscal situation. In 2025, total net tax receipts in our jurisdiction amount to €106.5 billion. However, we can all recognise that exceptionally strong corporation tax receipts masks the underlying position of the public finances. When these transitory revenues are excluded, the underlying general Government balance in 2025 was a deficit of €7.1 billion.”
“That is why the fiscal debate should not be framed solely about what we inherit; it should be framed about what we are capable of building North and South and purely today, from an economic point of view, the benefits of that over time. Overall, research consistently highlights that the ultimate fiscal outcome will depend heavily on the terms of any reunification settlement and the extent to which economic convergence is achieved across the island in the years following reunification. The fiscal position in year one would, of course, not remain static. Over time, costs and revenues would evolve as both economies adapt, grow and become integrated. How these opportunities are managed, and the extent to which these benefits are realised, will be the key determinant of the long-term fiscal impact.”
“There are serious economic and fiscal issues to be considered but any discussion about a unified Ireland, a united Ireland or a new Ireland, or the island of Ireland operating as one, that simply reduces the economic conversation to one headline cost, misses the point. That is really one of the points I wanted to make today. Having said that, none of this suggests the transition would be without significant cost - of course, it would not - nor would it be without significant complexity. It would require careful planning and sustained development. It would require responsible fiscal management. However, fiscal analysis must capture both sides of the ledger.”
“Agencies responsible for enterprise, industrial development, research, innovation and infrastructure would be able to plan and deliver on an all-island basis rather than duplicating effort or working within jurisdictional constraints. I make these points because I think it is an important debate but it is sometimes reduced to a lazy debate that says, "Please produce one singular figure that answers all of these complex fiscal questions". I can tell Deputies that as the finance Minister of this country, and based on what I have put on the record of the House, that is not possible but it is also not intelligent. This is a much more dynamic situation.”
“It would also support more coherent investment in education, apprenticeships and lifelong skills across the entire island. The transition to the euro, which I presume would be part of the discussion, would represent another important structural advantage. Operating within a single currency would eliminate exchange rate risk, reduce transaction costs for businesses and consumers, and would simplify cross-Border trade and investment. Perhaps nowhere would the economic dividend be more visible than in the north east and north west of the island. For too long, counties such as Donegal, Derry and Tyrone have found themselves at the edge of two separate jurisdictions rather than at the centre of one coherent economic region. Equally important would be the ability for State bodies to operate across the entire island.”
“Services account for the overwhelming majority of economic activity across these islands, yet Northern Ireland currently sits outside the EU Single Market for services. Constitutional change would provide businesses across the island with seamless access to one of the world's largest integrated markets for services. It could be assumed that labour mobility would also become a powerful driver of economic growth. While people already move freely across the Border, employers, education providers and workers continue to navigate different regulatory systems, qualifications, tax arrangements and employment frameworks. We have a porous Border where people move, quite rightly, across the island but they do not do it with absolute ease and there is a number of regulatory, taxation and employment challenges that are faced.”
“It found that the Northern Ireland-specific fiscal deficit - that is to say, total expenditure in the North less total tax revenue raised in the North - was in the region of around £7 billion sterling in 2020. However, too often the debate begins and ends with estimates of simple fiscal transfers or of headline costs of transition to a unified island. These are, of course, important considerations and they must be honestly addressed. They should be put out there and scrutinised but they are only part of a much larger economic picture. The question is not simply what a united Ireland could cost but what it could create. One of the most significant opportunities, I believe, lies in services.”
“The same study also suggested, however, that a unified economy could reach a fiscal break-even within five to nine years, assuming Northern Ireland's reintegration into the EU and considerable productivity improvements in the North. On the other hand, and perhaps at the other end of the spectrum, research published by the Institute of International European Affairs in 2024 presents, from a purely fiscal point of view, a much more pessimistic outlook. It projects annual costs of up to €20 billion for the Irish State for up to two decades. Its assumptions are driven by the need to align welfare, pensions and public service pay across the island, as well as the loss of funding from the UK's central government. My own Department published a report called Shared Island, Shared Economy in 2024.”
“All of this is based on a set of assumptions and there is a whole variety of those assumptions. Which public spending obligations will transfer to the new Ireland? How would the tax code be applied? How might Northern Ireland's economy develop over the long term as part of a unified island? What will be the extent, if any, of ongoing UK fiscal commitments? I note the debate and discussion around that. For example, to give some sense of the range of data we have heard, a study by Dublin City University, DCU, and Ulster University estimated last year that reunification could carry and initial net fiscal cost of around €3 billion per annum for the Irish State, which I am calling Ireland.”
“The debate we need to have from a fiscal point of view needs to be informed by evidence and analysis on the opportunities and challenges that constitutional change may bring. Let me clear, and I think we have got to be clear and honest. If she does not mind me saying so, I heard Deputy McDonald asked about this on radio recently. People look for very clear and straightforward answers in relation to fiscal costs. We have got to be truthful about this, as the Deputy was. It remains highly uncertain because it is a very dynamic situation. That is the first point I wanted to make as Minister for Finance. Recent studies on the impacts reach widely different conclusions. It is also important to acknowledge that. That is largely because they rely on a different set of assumptions.”
“Overall, this Government continues and wants to continue to deepen our partnership with the Northern Ireland Executive and the UK Government in its role as coguarantor of the Good Friday Agreement. We are working to fully harness the agreement to foster reconciliation between the different communities of this island. The topic of today's debate, the fiscal implications of a united Ireland, is one of the most important questions in any discussion about Ireland's future. I occupy a number of roles within Government and politics, including my role as leader of the Fine Gael Party, in which I have outlined my view and that of my party on the next steps we intend to take. I am speaking today in my role as Ireland's Minister for Finance.”
“Here, we prioritise the essential work of building co-operation and reconciliation and have brought about an ambitious agenda to deliver meaningful progress, while remaining steadfast in fully implementing the Good Friday Agreement and its potential. To date, the Government has advanced the largest ever programme of all-island investment to build a more connected island through the shared island initiative, backed by a €2 billion fund. In April 2025, we launched a new phase of a joint research programme with the ESRI focusing on strategic policy and co-operation possibilities for the island. In December 2025, I launched the first report on what will now be a new annual ESRI series to analyse economic trends across the island. I think those comparative data, year on year, will be helpful.”
“Before getting into that, I will say the Government has maintained a sustained focus on reconciliation and trying to strengthen the three relationships at the heart of the Good Friday Agreement - relationships between communities in the North, between North and South and relationships east and west, between Ireland and Britain. By strengthening these relationships and fostering greater partnership and understanding, we can unlock the full potential of our island and create lasting opportunities for future generations. In Government, we have made this commitment real and tangible through the shared island initiative.”
“One of the reasons we are having this debate is that when we had the parliamentary questions on finance to which I refer a number of months ago, there was a recognition that if and when - I believe it is when - there is a referendum, the big issues of debate are going to be the economy, the all-island economy, the cost involved and, I hope, the benefit that will accrue. While I doubt that we, collectively, will manage to answer every question during this debate, I hope we will certainly put on the record of the Dáil the information, insights and data that we have. I hope people will also refer to the further data that are required or the further work that we believe needs to be done.”
“At the core of that agreement is the principle of consent and the recognition that the future constitutional status of Northern Ireland rests in the hands of the people. That principle was democratically endorsed by the people of Ireland, North and South, and remains the foundation upon which progress is and should be built. Guided by Article 3 of the Constitution as amended by the people in 1998, the Government's approach is to foster reconciliation, deepen relationships and prepare for the future through respectful dialogue and engagement. Thus, in the event of a referendum delivered within the consent provisions of the Good Friday Agreement, the Government will make all necessary preparations in accordance with the terms of the Constitution and the principles and procedures of the agreement.”
“I sincerely welcome the fact we are having this debate. Colleagues will recall that the matter to which it relates arose during questions to me in my role as Minister for Finance a number of months ago. A view was expressed to the effect that it would be worth having a debate on the matter. I am very pleased that we have been able to facilitate that debate in Government time today. I apologise that I will not be able to stay for the duration of the debate, but a number of Government colleagues will be here to participate. I was eager that we should have this discussion kicked-off before the summer recess. I am pleased that we have managed, as an Oireachtas, to facilitate that. I am obviously committed, as I know everybody in this House is, to realising the full potential of the Good Friday Agreement for all the people of this island.”
“I hear whispers of "I concur" behind me as well from Deputy Currie. I thank Deputy O'Gorman for raising the issue of the extension of the Luas green line. I have heard this case be made pretty compellingly over the last while. In fairness to the Minister for Transport, I am conscious that he has a capital envelope to live within. I am also conscious there is a medium-term fiscal framework that allows for the allocation of additional capital over the lifetime of the Government. Perhaps that may be an avenue. I will certainly talk to the Minister, Deputy O'Brien, and ask him to keep in touch with the Deputy on the matter.”
“I thank Deputy Hearne and wish him and his party the very best for the recess as well. I will miss him over the next few weeks but I look forward to these robust exchanges again in September. I will be in training for them between now and then. On the issue he raised, I will certainly ask the Minister, Deputy Browne, to engage with the bodies the Deputy suggested and also with Dublin City Council on this matter. I will ask that he comes back to the Deputy directly as well. A Leas-Cheann Comhairle, can I acknowledge our colleague here who often sits here in front of us, Ms Noreen Banim? I am conscious of the passing of her mother, Maura, whose funeral is taking place today. On behalf of all Members, the Banim family are in our thoughts and prayers.”
“The immediate priority is obviously the ongoing criminal investigation but if there is a moment of reflection or review the Garda thinks would assist it from a public safety point of view, of course the Government would take that most seriously.”
“I thank Deputy Nolan for raising the issue and I join her and all Members of the House in extending our absolute sympathy to the family of Jamey Carney and our repulsion, horror and deep sadness at what has occurred. This Government, through our law enforcement authorities, through An Garda Síochána, will go to the ends of the earth to ensure justice is served. There is already a very significant active Garda investigation under way, as the Deputy is aware, with pan-jurisdiction elements too, as you would expect. On the broader point I would follow the advice and views of An Garda Síochána on that.”
“I thank the Deputy for raising the issue. I am not aware of all those details that the Deputy has put on the record of the House but on foot of her doing so, I will make inquiries today and ask that the relevant Minister reverts to her.”
“-----that was unhelpful. Reforms are difficult and tough. The Social Democrats show a great appetite for reform in some areas. They were squarely behind the Minister for Health in her reforms for consultants. When it comes to the lawyers, the party is adopting a different approach. That is an interesting insight. The Minister for justice is increasing the flat rate fee that is being paid. It is going to result in the current fee being paid for five appearances in the District Court, plus an 8% increase. How many times does someone need to go in front of the District Court? It is paying for five appearances, plus an 8% increase. Reforms are hard but if this is an insight into how the Social Democrats would govern the country, through cherry-picking and giving in to every campaign-----”
“I thank the Deputy. The Government is aware of the recent announcement by Aer Lingus that it is to undertake some network and organisational changes as a result of what it describes as a sustained and challenging operational environment. It has stated that it will begin consultation with employees and their representatives, which is important and urgent. It has said that it expects the impact could potentially see approximately 500 employees leave the company. I also note that the network changes include the cessation of a number of long-haul routes and some short-haul routes, commencing towards the end of the summer. The company has said that any customers impacted will be contacted directly. This is a commercial matter for the company but some of the issues that the Deputy has raised are relevant matters for the Government.”
“Deputy Whitmore is trying to play all sides here. We are increasing the amount being paid in criminal legal aid. We are trying to speed up the delivery of justice in the District Court system. We are also trying to bring about reforms. Many of our constituents believe there is significant room for reform to the free legal aid system.”
“Reforms are sometimes difficult. The Minister has also introduced a fee of €520 for District Court criminal cases under the criminal legal aid scheme. This figure represents the current fee paid for five appearances in the District Court, plus a further 8% on top of that. I note that the Social Democrats have used colourful language about the Minister, including comparisons with Margaret Thatcher and all of that. It makes for great headlines. This is an important-----”
“We also need to recognise that the Minister for justice has increased criminal legal aid fees by 8% in the Circuit Court and higher courts from 1 July 2026. Not too many of our constituents are receiving an increase of 8%. This represents a total restoration of-----”
“The DEIS plus plan announced last May included a commitment to fund and provide period products to all DEIS plus schools in the next school year to ensure dignity and that no student is held back due to period poverty. It is intended to expand that provision to all upper primary, post-primary and special schools during the lifetime of this Government. I know from my time as the Minister for higher education that some good work on the issue has been done in our universities and education and training boards, ETBs. On foot of the Deputy raising this, I will stock take on exactly where we are with the roll-out. I am fully in agreement that this is something we need to deliver and try to make progress on in the time ahead.”
“I thank the Deputy for raising this issue. She is right about the availability and accessibility, and not having to ask somebody else, particularly somebody who is perhaps in a position of authority, to allow someone to access such an important health product. On foot of her raising the issue, I will engage further with the Minister for education and the Minister for Health. There are also commitments in the women's health action plan in this area. As the Deputy rightly said, we, as a country, have made good progress on period poverty. We have seen the expansion and roll-out of period products. However, there is more to do in this area.”
“The Deputy is right. They should not. I thank the Deputy for raising this. I truthfully do not know enough about the issue, other than that what the Deputy said is quite concerning. On foot of her raising this, I will talk to the Minister for media and Coimisiún na Meán and determine what co-ordinated action can be taken. We will come back to the Deputy on this issue.”
“On the issue of childcare, we have to fulfil the programme for Government commitment of getting to €200 per month per child over the next four years.”
“We will make decisions as a Government on the overall package, but there will be a personal income tax package. The summer economic statement next week will set out the parameters in terms of how much the tax package and spending package will be. That will give us an opportunity to scrutinise how best to use them. I am of the view, and the Government has shown this on a number of occasions, that the tax band is a helpful mechanism. As people's incomes rise, as they are doing, thankfully, or as people do a bit of overtime, get a promotion or work a few more hours, the tax man should not be taking a greater percentage of their money at such an entry point. We are below where other countries are, so I am sympathetic to that argument.”
“I thank Deputy Aird very much. I agree with him that there are many good means-tested supports in place in this country. That is important. There are people who find that they do everything right and play by the rules but do not qualify for any of them. They ask us to hang on a second and ask whether they can have a little bit of assistance and keep some of their own money, and whether work can actually pay in this country. There are far too many people who get up very early - earlier by the day - and find themselves at the end of the month just about getting by, let alone getting ahead. Therefore, a priority for the budget will be to see how we can help those people, namely, the squeezed middle or middle Ireland – call them what you will – or people who are working hard and want to get by in life.”
“I thank Deputy O'Meara very much for that contribution and also for reading out that correspondence from his constituent. There are two points to be made. First, there needs to be a broader review of how the drugs process works. I say that without any comment on the specific drug. My colleague the Minister for Health is fully committed to that and has work under way in that regard. Second, on the specific drug, I actually think the actions being taken are being taken to ensure that the full opportunity is given to examine the effectiveness of the medicine by hearing directly from the clinicians in Ireland who treat the patients, and also hearing from the lived experience and the patient voice. I am pleased that they have put a timeline of four weeks, or a month, on that.”
“The House rules may somewhat preclude me from over-commenting in relation to matters that may be before An Garda Síochána and a number of other issues as well. I appreciate the Deputy's bona fides and the reasons he raised this matter, but the organisation that carries out investigations in relation to alleged crime in this country is An Garda Síochána. From what the Deputy has told me, it sounds like there is a Garda investigation under way, and I do not think I can comment further in the interests of that investigation.”
“We have major issues in relation to young men and how they are getting sex education and being introduced to people who put themselves forward as role models who are despicable, vile, disgusting individuals, some prominently known and some less prominently known, all having a corrosive effect on our society. We have a huge amount of work to do and men cannot recuse themselves from this conversation. Men need to show leadership in this conversation, too. On the issue of the roll-out of refuges, the Deputy is entirely right. Cuan, a statutory agency, has been set up and the Minister for justice is working closely with it. I will specifically ask him to determine what can be done on the project in Laois that the Deputy has mentioned to see if we can take that forward.”
“I very much do. I thank Deputy Stanley for raising this issue. Domestic, sexual and gender-based violence is an epidemic in Irish society. In fact, there are certain people in certain positions of power and influence in certain parts of the world who are trying to make sure we talk about these issues less. There has been an effort at times to shut down debate on these issues, and to use phrases like “woke” and the like. Domestic, sexual and gender-based violence is something that needs the full attention and focus of all of us who hold positions of influence.”
“I am happy to keep in touch, even over the summer months. If the Deputy wishes to correspond with me, I am happy to come back to her.”
“There is also a legitimacy to the point the Deputy made about how it is a legitimate form of transport for some people. We see this working in other European countries. We see it in our nearest neighbours. I do not want to get the regime wrong, but I think they have registration at the point of purchase that allows people to track this. There are things that can be done that can perhaps achieve the same aim. The aim is to stop children ending up in ICU and to improve our road safety. I am very happy to work on a cross-party basis and with relevant Ministers. I am not sure. I say this only to be helpful because I do not know the truth, but I know that we live in the European Union. I am not even sure of the legality of a ban. The honest answer is that I am not sure, but I am absolutely certain that the current situation cannot continue.”
“There is certainly an urgency across this House. I do not say this to be provocative on an issue where I hope we can all work together, but nobody on any side of the House has brought forward legislation to try to make progress. We have had multiple Private Members’ measures, but let us all work on this together. It is not a question of nobody being urgent, and I am going to push back very firmly on that. We are all alarmed at this. We have all heard the doctors in Temple Street. We all want to take action on this. While this House might be in recess next week, I will be at a meeting about what we can try to do in relation to this issue. I do not think anybody meant a ban as a cop-out - I genuinely do not. I think people are so horrified by what is happening that everyone is trying to grapple with what the right thing to do is.”
“I am somewhat sympathetic to rank and file gardaí, who are asked by this House to enforce laws that are often very challenging for them to enforce in terms of their own safety. We have all seen tragic situations where gardaí in the line of duty put themselves at risk in roads policing, and there have been fatalities as well. With scramblers and e-scooters, is there a way of helping with technology or registration systems? The Deputy has made very good, constructive suggestions, and I thank him for those. If he is happy to send them to me, I would be happy to put them into the mix. This is something where, if we are unified as a House in saying the current system is wrong and not sustainable, and that we are going to take swift action, I really hope we can move on together very quickly.”
“What a constructive contribution. This is the sort of thinking we need. I thank the Deputy for that. I do not 100% know what the right thing to do here is, but what I 100% know is that the current situation is extraordinarily dangerous and needs to change. I do not say this to blame parents, but there is an issue here. It may be awareness, as the Deputy says, but there is a real issue here. Kids are not saving up their small sums of pocket money, going into toy stores and buying these scooters. Parents are buying these scooters for their children, perhaps out of ignorance, perhaps out of whatever else, but we need to look at that issue. I am not saying that to blame anybody, but it is a fact. What happens at the point of purchase definitely has a role.”
“Certain members of the Government, including the Taoiseach and I, are meeting on this early next week. I would like to see a swift set of proposals come from the Government on this. I am happy to keep the Deputy updated on that.”