Sorca Clarke
Longford-Westmeath · Sinn Féin · Ireland
“Online platforms that promote and facilitate suicide need to be stopped. I commend the team of The Journal Investigates for its work in exposing these sinister forums, which are banned in other jurisdictions but accessible here. They prey on vulnerable people and they encourage them into irreversible decisions.”
“I agree with the Minister on the issue of consistency. I do not believe anybody in this House would argue against schools with the greatest need having the greatest level of support.”
“This is about fairness and equity. The Minister mentioned the HP deprivation index. In the HP index, Granard scores higher than seven out of the ten areas that have been chosen in Longford. This does not make sense. Sacred Heart has been a DEIS band 1 school for 20 years. Since then, the demand on the school has increased dramatically.”
“Are there some learnings the Minister and her Department can take from this situation so that no other school is left in this position? If Sacred Heart meets that threshold for DEIS plus, can the Minister ensure it receives that designation without any further unnecessary delay?”
“When DEIS plus schools were announced in May, St. Joseph's and St. Michael's in Longford town were rightly included. However, Sacred Heart school in Granard, despite sharing the same DEIS history and facing significant educational disadvantage, was excluded and is now awaiting the outcome of an appeal.”
“The additional supports that would come with DEIS plus, the extra leadership, enhanced family supports and the additional educational resources would make a real and tangible difference to the children that this school educates.”
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“There would be universal counselling, a new child and youth mental health service, more community teams, intellectual disability, ID, teams, CAMHS inpatient beds and early intervention psychosis teams backed with multi-annual funding certainty for all clinical programmes from eating disorders to psychosis to ADHD adult teams and self-harm and suicide reduction as well as those critical additional inpatient eating disorder beds and community-based services, and a full ED roll-out of a self-harm and suicide reduction programme embedded across primary care and everyday clinical practice, with consultant liaison psychiatrists at every emergency department. We need an action plan to combat loneliness and isolation, which far too many of our people experience. We would legislate to obligate any Government to uphold a "no wrong door" policy.”
“The plan would ensure that care was built on fairness, access to high quality services, early intervention, prevention and suicide reduction and ensure parity of esteem between mental and physical health.”
“This World Mental Health Day, let us stop and reflect and let us recommit in every aspect to building parity of esteem. More importantly, let the Government start delivering it. We have done tremendous work on breaking the silence on mental health. Communities across the country have done tremendous work by themselves. Nobody asked them to; they saw a need and they stepped up. Talking may save lives, but let talking lead to action that delivers for every town, village and community in the country. Last year when we published our mental health action plan, Sinn Féin laid out a fully costed five-year strategy not just to give hope to people that it was possible to transform our service, but to deliver a fresh start for mental health care.”
“However, if somebody is having a mental health crisis and standing on that same knife edge of fear and despair, what happens? More often than not, he or she is told there is no bed, no doctor and no appointment for years. There is no help available in the here and now and that can be the difference between life and death. That is not equality, it is not appropriate care and it is not parity of esteem. A person struggling with depression or a child waiting on CAMHS deserves the same access to care as somebody living with a physical illness. This means that recovery and support are not privileges, but rights. When we talk about building a fair Ireland, we cannot do that unless we give mental health the same standing and support as any other part of our health system.”
“We have people who are trained and good at their jobs working in positions but they are not accessible because they are drowning and firefighting due to these waiting lists. Often, they are one of very few in a team that is not fully resourced. Overall, this Government’s legacy is one of heartbreak and children being denied every opportunity to reach their potential. I agree with the Minister of State when she says mental health is health. I agree with her when she says there needs to be parity of esteem. I do not agree with what she put forward in terms of funding, plans or solutions because they have proven to be ineffective. If somebody breaks a leg today, he or she is treated straight away. If somebody is having a heart attack, the system moves heaven and earth to save that person, and rightly so.”
“For every press release she puts out, there are people sitting in silence who are struggling and in desperate need of help they are unable to access. Record investment means nothing if it never reaches the front line and it is cold comfort to somebody who is waiting over a year for a psychological appointment or to the person with an eating disorder sitting abroad today. We constantly hear about this record funding, but when are we going to see record change? Until the Government matches words with effective investment, the situation will continue. I note the Minister of State said that the recovery focus "must be built on the twin pillars of clinical expertise and lived experience". We have an ample amount of lived experience. What we do not have is the expertise. The Minister of State spoke of unfilled posts.”
“We currently invest about 6% of our health budget in mental health, far below international benchmarks and well behind countries like Finland, where mental health is treated as a priority. In real terms, this translates into longer waiting times, more waiting lists, more staff under pressure and more of the people who desperately need assistance being told “No”. I note from the Minister of State’s speech that she spoke to the REOs and stressed to them the importance of filling CAMHS teams. A key objective is to reduce CAMHS waiting lists to eliminate those waiting for over 12 months. Is the Minister of State really sending the message to parents whose children are in crisis that 12 months is an acceptable length of time for a child to be waiting on a CAMHS appointment?”
“I give credit to Ms Andrea Gilligan and her Newstalk “Lunchtime Live” show and to Sean, Angela, Jane and Paula. They have been contributing to that show for the last number of weeks. They contributed their lived experience. It was incredibly difficult listening, and heartbreaking at times, but it was also incredibly powerful. They spoke of the waiting lists. They spoke of delays after obstacles followed by more delays. They spoke about it taking up to 26 weeks for an initial assessment and the lack of eating disorder specialists or medical professionals trained in eating disorder care. They spoke about being unable to access supports until a formal diagnosis, which was compounded by waiting lists for assessments. They spoke of being forced to travel abroad for medical care that should be available here.”
“There is little to no new funding that anyone can identify for national clinical programmes such as eating disorders or suicide reduction. Last year, more than 500 people were diagnosed with an eating disorder, which was more than 100 cases more than in 2023. There were 894 referrals for treatment, which is up 33% on the previous year. While I will always welcome any announcement for new eating disorder beds, no one seems to be able to clarify when these beds will be open and ready to serve patients despite the urgent need for them. People living with eating disorders and their families need clear answers and firm deadlines. The urgency cannot be overstated. Under a previous model of care, the additional 20 eating disorder beds identified as needing to be opened between 2018 and 2023 never happened. No funding was allocated.”
“As of April, the over 4,500 children waiting on a first time appointment with CAMHS - a significant increase - were being failed. The over 23,000 children waiting on a psychology list at the end of April were also being failed. Some 11,500 of them have been waiting for more than a year. While I welcome the funding put aside to reopen Keltoi - it is our policy, so why would I not? - the Mental Health Bill the Minister of State spoke of did not mention dual diagnosis despite being almost 200 pages long. I see it in the Minister of State’s speech, though, and that is welcome. There is currently no dedicated mother and baby perinatal mental health unit on the island. That should also be a priority for the Government.”
“It appears very much to be another box-ticking exercise in the budget, a paragraph to be included, not the crisis that needs to be solved. If the Government is banking on words rather than actions, people see through that. Stakeholders see through press releases and soundbites to this not being the priority for Government that it needs to be. Not just the Minister of State’s Government but successive Governments have failed on mental health and there is now a legacy of missed targets, increased waiting lists for CAMHS and psychology, and a postcode lottery for other areas of care. The review into CAMHS by Dr. Maskey and the Mental Health Commission should have stopped the Government in its tracks, with children being misdiagnosed, mistreated and lost in a system.”
“However, our mental health services are in disarray because of years of Government neglect and a lack of investment. I was incredibly disappointed this week to see the paragraph in the budget expenditure report that was essentially copied and pasted from last year’s. There are serious concerns about the complete failure to provide a detailed breakdown of mental health spending in this year’s budget and again I see that replicated in the Minister of State’s press release of yesterday. The failure to release full information is unfair and not right and means there are now unclear and undefined funding measures, or any measures, to be funded in 2026. It shows no ambition and a lack of urgency when it comes to mental health.”
“Tomorrow is World Mental Health Day. I acknowledge everyone who has experienced mental health difficulties or illnesses, those experiencing them right now, the families and friends who have stood beside them and those who have lost a loved one. Every one of us knows someone who has struggled; many of us have been that someone. When talking about mental health, we cannot only talk about statistics. We must talk about the people - that young person who dropped out of school because their anxiety became too much, the person who hides their depression for fear of being judged or the person in recovery, rebuilding their life brick by brick. These people could be any one of us. Sinn Féin believes in a country where if someone has a mental health crisis, he or she will receive appropriate care in a timely manner.”
“This is happening against a fall in participation in sports. Teachers told me this week of concerns at school level. We are losing children at these stages, when activity, belonging and teamwork matter most. We should be trying to keep them engaged. We have been talking about League of Ireland academies, pathways to elite performance and the important and vital work they do but without facilities and grassroots supports, who will be taking up those pathways? I genuinely fear that we will expose further disenfranchisement among rural and poorer communities. Do we want to keep patching walls when they fall and relying on locals and volunteers to dig ever deeper or do we want to invest properly in sport, pitches, facilities and the future of our young people? I know what my answer is.”
“Earlier this year, Storm Éowyn took down the wall of Longford Town Football Club's stadium. That wall stayed down for months. No funding came through from Government or UEFA. In the end, the club paid for the repair with donations and local goodwill. That is just not sustainable. It is not fair to the communities who give so much to the game that they are continually asked to dig deeper and deeper. We must do better. Not too far away from that stadium, Mostrim United in Edgeworthstown is one of the fastest growing clubs in Longford with some 150 children playing every week. However, those kids have to travel to Granard because there is no proper astro pitch for them to train on in their own home town. That is the real story. It is about those young players being left behind and the message that is being sent to them.”
“Before I begin, I will give credit to Erica Stoll, who conducted herself with immense dignity, poise and grace during the Ryder Cup in the face of the abuse she experienced while her husband, Rory McIlroy, was playing. That abuse has no place in any sport whatsoever. It would be remiss of us not to acknowledge that here today. It was wholly inappropriate and those responsible for it need to take a long hard look at themselves in the mirror and figure out what exactly they were trying to achieve. Decent sports facilities should not be luxuries because they are the foundation for community health and opportunity. We all know the headline figures but, while any funding is always welcome, the story beneath the headline exposes unfairness in some areas being consistently under-resourced in comparison to others.”
“The people of Palestine need more than outrage; they need us to be relentless in our pressure, to boycott and to protest. They need us to ensure what is delivered in terms of a peace plan is long-term and sustainable and results in a Palestinian State. History is watching and it will remember who stood with the oppressed and who enabled their very destruction.”
“While they do nothing, ordinary people put themselves on the line to say Gaza will not be erased. They, in turn, often face the rigours of justice systems that are not just blind but also deaf and dumb to the humanitarian disaster that is Gaza and the barbaric action that is Israel. The Global Sumud Flotilla is sailing with nothing more than determination, humanitarian aid and the fundamental principle that human beings deserve to live free. For them, the next 24 hours are crucial, and our thoughts are with each and every one of them. Let us be very clear: solidarity ships should not be necessary, and international law should not be optional. In my opinion, the blood of Palestinians stains every capital of every country that has chosen silence and complicity over justice.”
“What is happening in Gaza is not a natural disaster, it is a man-made catastrophe. Entire families are buried under rubble, hospitals have been turned into graveyards, and children are starving not because food does not exist, but because it is deliberately withheld. Yet some so-called guardians of international law stand idle. They issue statements dripping with empty concern while continuing to arm and fund the very machinery of the Palestinian people's destruction. For too long the international community has chosen paralysis or, worse, complicity. They speak of restraint as though one of the most powerful militaries on earth and a besieged population of refugees are equal. They speak of both sides, when one side is caged, starved and bombed without pause.”
“My question to the Minister is: what action does the Government intend to take today to protect the Irish citizens on that flotilla?”
“I want to return to the attacks on the global summit flotilla that occurred last night. This was actually the second attack on this flotilla. It includes more than 20 Irish 20 citizens, including my colleague, Senator Chris Andrews, who told me this morning that his boat was attacked four times last night. Those attacks are a wilful intimidation and an act of aggression against a humanitarian mission. This was a direct assault on boats carrying baby food and rice, aid that can and should reach those who are in absolutely desperate need in Gaza. Palestinians do not need another statement. Statements will not end this genocide, just as concerns and observations will not ensure the safety of those on the flotilla. We need to see meaningful action to protect those Irish citizens.”
“The truth is, wholesale prices have fallen, companies continue to gouge, the Government shrugs and families suffer. Sinn Féin would end this rip-off once and for all by providing energy credits of €450 to ease the burden in the interim. We would give the regulator real teeth in order to hold companies to account, ban profiteering and regulate standing charges. We would make those data centres pay their fair share and bring down network costs for families. It is time to stop choosing energy companies over families. It is time to end the rip-off, hold these corporations to account and bring down prices for good.”
“Let us be clear: this was not and is not inevitable. This is a political choice. The Government has chosen to protect the profits of energy companies and data centres instead of protecting ordinary people. The Government is withdrawing energy credits at a time people need them most. The Government is allowing rampant profiteering to go unchecked all while it ignores Sinn Féin's proposals to strengthen the regulator, cut unfair charges and make sure data centres, not households, pay their fair share. Over 475,000 households are in electricity and gas arrears. Families owe hundreds of euro in arrears that they simply cannot pay. The rate of disconnections is rising sharply. People are being pushed into making impossible choices. Do they heat their homes or do they put food on their tables?”
“Families across the country are at breaking point and people are being hammered with sky-high costs every which way they turn, from rent, to food, to fuel and to insurance, and now they will be forced to pay hundreds of euro more on energy bills. We already have the highest energy prices in Europe and families are paying on average €500 more than households anywhere else - money they simply do not have. Tonight, in homes across this country, there are people who are asking themselves how they will keep the lights on and how they will heat their homes this winter, while big energy companies have announced fresh price hikes on top of already punishing bills. No amount of task forces or plans will be of any comfort to a family wondering where they will get 20 quid to put in the electricity meter. They will be of zero comfort.”
“We cannot stand by as families are hit by payment demands from every single angle. The CCPC has raised the alarm. We are bringing in this Bill to address those concerns and to reduce the costs on parents. They need a break. This Bill would provide it to them.”
“The cost of children returning to school is an annual issue. Year in, year out a consistent theme from my constituency of Longford-Westmeath is the cost of uniforms, but never so much as this year as families grapple with the cost of living. The current system, as Deputy O'Rourke said, embeds avoidable expenses. The CCPC's recent investigation urging generic uniforms and a competitive tender process is significant and we need to listen. This Bill would mandate schools to adopt cost-conscious, common-sense policies such as clear labelling around what is optional and what is mandatory, multiple retail options, and minimal use of expensive branded items. It would require sensible policies that allow uniforms to be reused by siblings and support the second-hand use, sale and swapping of school uniforms.”
“I would put this in the same category as anybody walking into a school operating through another religion or a non-denominational school and asking it to change its ethos. It is simply not on.”
“There are good working relationships 99% of the time between schools and the NCSE when it comes to opening ASD classes. The same can be said for this specific school in Athlone, which already has an ASD class in its Gaelscoil. However, the Minister of State is familiar with the 2022 document entitled "Autism Good Practice Guidance for Schools", which clearly states that autistic students who attend Irish-medium schools should be taught through Irish, as this is the language in their school environment. I also have a copy of correspondence that clearly outlines that the NCSE strongly indicated to this school that its ASD class should be run through English. That is not acceptable. This is a Gaelscoil; all classes are taught through Irish. The NCSE has no right or authority to call into question the ethos of any school.”
“In the interim, on 8 June, that school was told to continue to go ahead with the works that were being undertaken for the ASD class. I am happy to share this with the Minister of State. I have sent in parliamentary questions and the answer I got back was less than satisfactory. It referred to "some amount." I have approached the NCSE but it has not come back to me with any details.”
“I cannot accept what the Minister of State has said to me. I know what he has said to be untrue. I am happy to share information with him after this session. I have stood in a school in Athlone - Scoil na gCeithre Máistrí - that was approached by the NCSE to open a second autism spectrum disorder, ASD, class. I stood in the classroom. The plaster was drying on the wall when the letter of suppression came in from the NCSE. That class had three enrolments already. I am not saying the Minister of State is the reason behind this but what he has said does not have any credibility. I have physically stood in the classroom. I have a copy of the letter of suppression here in front of me. It was sent to the school on 3 July. It is dated 4 June.”
“The rise of anti-LGBTQ+ crimes and rhetoric is alarming. The brutal murders in Sligo three years ago are a heartbreaking reminder that violence is not in the distant past. Our LGBTQ+ community, though strong and resilient, needs the remainder of us to be allies not just for one day but every day and in every space. We must not let imported culture wars distract or divide us. Our future path must be based on equality. Pride is not performative, it is powerful. It is built on the memories of those lost and the hope for those today and in the future. Let us make future generations look back at us and say that, in our time, we had the courage to stand up, the strength to speak out and the unity to move forward to equality together.”
“I commend my colleague Deputy Ó Snodaigh for introducing the Disregard of Historic Offences for Consensual Sexual Activity Between Men Bill 2025 recently. When Declan Flynn was murdered and his killers walked away with suspended sentences, the message to the LGBTQ+ people was chilling, namely "Your life is not worth the same". That can never be forgotten. Declan's memory inspired a new generation of campaigners who organised protested and refused to be invisible. Ireland has changed. When the people voted proudly and decisively for marriage equality, that moment told LGBTQ+ people that they are equal and that they belong. The work of equality did not end with the vote; it is what comes in the weeks, months and years since and to come. What has happened in recent years give me some cause for concern.”
“Pride is about continuing solidarity with the members of the LGBT community we are lucky enough to call friends, privileged enough to call family and also the wider community. It is also about remembering how far that community has come, how we got here and why we, as a collective, must never take the progress made for granted. The LGBT+ community has in the past been a painful contradiction, with warmth and acceptance from that community and their families but silence and cruelty from the State. The latter meant that it was 1993 before being gay was finally not considered a crime. Even after the law changed, much else remained the same. I refer to the fear, the stigma and the inequality.”
“The horrendous childhood experiences of survivors cannot and will not be forgotten by them or their families. Likewise, the State should not forget their lived experience. This State owes survivors more than sympathy; it owes them the truth, justice and action that has been too long deferred. It owes them a proper, fitting memorialisation of that lived experience and their immense bravery and determination, which have brought this State to establish the commission of investigation. That is warranted and needed and must be included as part of the commission's work.”
“They want their voices to be heard. Some survivors, particularly older ones, expressed to me their view that five years is too long. They are fearful they will not see justice or outcomes in their lifetimes. It has also been put to me by those who suffered physical abuse that the scope of this inquiry does not go far enough and limiting it to sexual abuse only risks repeating the exclusion and fragmentation that has plagued past investigations. The fact there is no guaranteed redress scheme is of serious concern. Survivors deserve compensation and support, not the promise of future consideration. That institutions or religious orders may still evade accountability is unacceptable. Sinn Féin has long called for the State to use every legal lever to compel co-operation and contribution. That must happen.”
“While the establishment of the long-overdue commission of investigation cannot but be welcomed, I will not, in good conscience, applaud a process that has taken far too long to come into being. I think today particularly of the older survivors I have met and engaged with. They expressed to me how they felt through the years that the State was waiting for them to die, hoping time would erase their voices. The impact of the actions of the perpetrators did not end when the abuse ended. The impact has caused innocent survivors a lifetime of pain and trauma, sometimes borne in isolation. It is important that open, easily accessible and ongoing mental health supports are made available to every survivor who wants to engage and to their families. Survivors have called for truth-telling, acknowledgement and dignity.”
“That does not give her a plausible platform to dispute the term "advocate", especially given that Government has said it will be bringing in safeguarding legislation which, as we heard in the health committee today, will deal with advocates and make strong asks in respect of the term.”
“After such a length of time since the Bill was introduced, that is simply not good enough. Chemical restraint must be governed with the same clear rules and subject to the same level of oversight as any other restrictive practice outlined in this Bill. I do not know why the decision was made to take out the reference to chemical restraint but that was the Minister of State's decision and this is where we stand today. Any restrictive practice causes concern for patients and their advocates and rightly so. However, it was the Minister of State who referred to other regulations, secondary legislation and whatever else was mentioned earlier on.”
“I believe this is partly down to the Bill having been introduced four years ago with pre-legislative scrutiny having been done almost three years ago. The sheer number of amendments we see here today is the result of that passage of time. This omission is really troubling given that this practice is not covered under existing regulations or codes of practice. Why were such significant changes made to this Bill in respect of the use of chemical restraints? Why was a requirement to notify the Mental Health Commission of the use of chemical restraints not included as a Government amendment?”
“I move amendment No. 51: In page 68, between lines 6 and 7, to insert the following: “(4) The use of chemical restraint shall be notified to the Mental Health Commission within 24 hours and made available for review upon request by the individual or their advocate.”. This amendment relates directly to the use of chemical restraint on those subject to involuntary admission and treatment. This is an area within the Bill that we absolutely need to strengthen. Previous patients, their loved ones and advocates have strongly asked for provisions on chemical restraint. Earlier drafts included a comprehensive section on chemical restraint but all references to and protections against the use of chemical restraint were subsequently removed.”
“These people are one of the most vulnerable sections of our community, if not the most vulnerable. They deserve whatever additional protection we can provide through this Bill, specifically with regard to clear timelines.”
“With the greatest respect to all those health professionals and to the Minister of State, nobody knows what is going to happen in the future. There may be a presumption of two or three weeks but that presumption may turn out to be false. There may be a presumption of a week that turns out to be false. None of us has the ability to see into the future. I agree with what the Minister of State said earlier on. The number of people who are involuntarily admitted is very low and the number of those who lack capacity is even lower. However, it is my firmly held belief that anybody who is a member of such a minority has a level of vulnerability that is without compare in the general community. That is why we have proposed this definitive timeline as to when an application should be made to the Circuit Court.”
“If somebody is involuntarily detained or admitted, his or her first 21 days is well known, with the potential to be extended to 42 days under this Bill, but there is no definitive timeline around an application to the Circuit Court for decision-making supports and that is what this amendment seeks to do. At the very least everybody should be fully aware of what a timeline for involuntary admittance is going to look like. Should the decision-making capacity of an individual be under question, everybody should be fully aware of the timeframe for assessments to take place.”
“I move amendment No. 47: In page 64, line 21, after “made” to insert “within 5 days” This amendment relates to a potentially prolonged involuntary treatment period without timely access to decision-making supports. This amendment seeks to put in a definitive timeframe for when an application to the Circuit Court to put decision-making supports in place for somebody who lacks capacity or who is waiting on a capacity assessment can be done. It can be done at any time for involuntary treatment but the five-day window seeks to do just that and to ensure that people get the proper decision-making supports in a timely way and that everybody is fully aware of what the timeframe will look like.”
“I move amendment No 30: In page 37, between lines 39 and 40, to insert the following: “(c) where a person is subject to involuntary treatment for a period exceeding 21 days, shall carry out a formal capacity assessment at regular intervals to determine whether the criteria for continued involuntary treatment still apply.”.”
“I believe it is best practice to include it in primary legislation because everybody needs to be crystal clear as to what exactly their entitlements or their loved ones' entitlements are when we are talking about people who have been involuntarily admitted for a period exceeding 21 days. We need to bear mind that 21 days is three weeks. If that it extended to 42, it becomes a month and a half. Why would anybody argue against somebody having a formal capacity assessment if the 21 days is to be extended? What is to be gained from it? In my opinion, the individual, their loved ones and advocates will lose. It needs to be standardised and needs to be a formal capacity assessment. It needs to ensure that the person who is receiving treatment is receiving it only for the length of time that they need it.”
“I fundamentally disagree with the last part where the Minister of State said it should be left to secondary legislation. This House has seen no secondary legislation. I agree that regulations have a place, but it is not here. It would not give the confidence or reassurance to a patient who is being involuntarily detained, their loved ones or their advocates that at some point a regulation may exist that would entitle them to a formal capacity assessment. I am also very concerned that by not putting this into the Bill, we are not establishing from day one that every individual who may be involuntarily detained for more than 21 days is entitled to the exact same rights and entitlements in the exact same format regardless of where they are receiving their treatment. It would not be best practice to not have that in this Bill.”
“One group put it to me that the additional 21-day extension appears to proceed without necessitating a new capacity assessment. I can understand those concerns. I understand where it is they are coming from. They are coming from a place that wants the best possible treatment for people when and how they need it. However, the lack of what is perceived to be, and the Minister of State may clarify this, an absolute need for a new capacity assessment to be carried out within those 42 days is deeply troubling. If possible, I ask her to provide clarity on it. As I said, it is the topic that has been raised with me most often since Committee Stage. I would appreciate that clarity, as would the groups, the ex-patients and those who support them.”
“I move amendment No. 29: In page 37, line 22, after “for” to insert “no more than”. As the Chair said, amendments Nos. 29 and 30 are related. They concern one of the issues that has most frequently been brought to my attention since Committee Stage of the Bill, namely, the extension of the involuntary detention period from 21 days to, potentially, 42 days. The doubling of that timeframe has caused very real concern both for professionals and individuals who have previously been involuntarily detained, and for their advocates and the groups that support them. What has been very clearly said to me is that concern is based upon the increased risks associated with prolonged involuntary interventions. The doubling of that timeframe, and particularly its point of entry into this Bill, has shaken many groups to their core.”
“By not accepting the amendment and not recognising the value of the two and a half year interim review, the Minister of State is closing the door on potential learnings for the new parts of the Bill that may not be enacted or may not be fully in place. There may be very valuable learnings from parts of the Bill that have been enacted and the services that have been in place for two and a half years. Those learnings will not be shared with or available to the other parts that need to come more into place.”