Thomas Byrne
Meath East · Fianna Fáil · Ireland
“We are very proud of the work they do in what are often very dangerous circumstances. Let us be 100% clear: our troops will only ever do peacekeeping, peace enforcement or conflict prevention in accordance with the principles of the UN Charter and, of course, as with every action of this Government, in accordance with the Constitution.”
“To be clear on what our troops will be doing, they will be doing peacekeeping, peace enforcement and conflict prevention. That is what the law says; not what the Deputy imagines it to be. We are bound by our Constitution and international law. The legislation changes nothing in that regard.”
“We are bound by international law. We are bound by international law since our Constitution came into force and we continue to be bound by international law and always will be, no matter what happens to this legislation. International law governs what we do as a Government.”
“I propose to take Questions Nos. 125, 140, 157 and 185 together. I am taking this question on behalf of the Minister. A commitment to reform what is known as the triple lock was set out in the programme for Government.”
“-----in accordance with UN principles and, of course, in accordance with our own Constitution, which commits us to peace and friendly relations among nations. The triple lock is a statutory mechanism.”
“Switzerland, the classical neutral country that is not even a member of the European Union and will never join the European Union, it is so neutral and independent, accepts UN, EU and OSCE mandates. I understand the situation is similar in Austria, which is another neutral country. By the way, it is also similar in Germany.”
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“It is something Sinn Féin has opposed time and again in regard to the various measures we have been taking to try to decarbonise and remove that link between natural gas and energy prices but Sinn Féin has opposed every measure we have brought in. Sinn Féin speaks out of both sides of its mouth on that.”
“I assume the specific issue Deputy Boyd Barrett raised on the Central Bank is a matter for the Department of Finance and can be answered there. Ireland was to the fore in putting our voice forward in the conclusions. For example, I raised the issue of airstrikes at the General Affairs Council on the Tuesday before the meeting in preparation for the meeting. It happened the night before. I am glad there was reference to that there. Again, there were 27 countries around the table, all with different nuances and views. On energy, the biggest decoupling we need is decarbonisation. That is the decoupling we need.”
“Ireland is one of 27 countries that come together with their various views and nuances that exist in every single country and we work together, not to take minutes, as some people have put it, but instead to give direction to the European Commission, the Council and the Parliament as to where we see things going in a general way. The workflow in those institutions follows from that. It is also very important to note, because there is a lot of talk about war, peace and everything, that defence policy is a matter for member states and the conclusions - the bit the Deputy did not read out in the Chamber - refer to the specific traditions of certain member states. It is written in there, acknowledging countries like Ireland, Austria, Cyprus and Malta.”
“The Taoiseach met with her boss, the Secretary General of the United Nations, at the European Council last week and raised directly with him, in front of the other leaders, the situation in Palestine and Ireland’s concerns and, indeed, many of the concerns that were raised here in the Dáil. I want to put that on the record because it is very important. There is a lot of misinformation going out here regarding what the Taoiseach did or did not say at the European Council but I can say very clearly that he did that at the European Council. It is also important for people to understand what the European Council is. Ireland does not decide the conclusions of the European Council.”
“I will answer these because there is a lot of stuff here. It is kind of a free-for-all. I am happy to answer but in some ways I am limited to answering on what comes before the European Council. I do not have information on some specific items that were not discussed at the European Council and nor am I the Minister of State with responsibility for some areas. I do want to take one point, however, that has been raised by a number of people, particularly Deputy Mary Lou McDonald, with regard to the Taoiseach apparently not meeting with the UN special rapporteur for Palestine.”
“In November 2024, Ireland had a general election, and the subsequently agreed programme for Government committed to reform of this. I call on the House to support the Government's motion. I thank the Deputies for their engagement.”
“People can see the benefits in terms of peace, economic security and where we see our place in the world. Ireland's commitment to the rules-based international order, and to multilateralism, has not changed but the world has changed. We are militarily neutral, but we are not indifferent. We are not immune to the challenges of the global security context. We must work to strengthen our place in Europe and around the world. We must reform aspects of our foreign and defence policy when circumstances change, while always holding true to our values and constitutional principles. The Government's motion reiterates our support for Ireland's long-standing policy of military neutrality and it sets out our commitment to continuing multilateralism, which we accept. The previous Government was clear that reform of the triple lock was needed.”
“The Government will ensure that our security and defence policy will continue to be shaped by military neutrality, coupled with active and principled membership of the EU, the UN, and other international forums. Some of the statements on the European Union that the Social Democrats have put out this week are worthy of Nigel Farage. The European Union is the greatest peace project in the history of the world. The statement by the Deputies opposite in the last few days about war-mongering and all of that could not be further from reality. It is the greatest peace project in the history of the world. The Social Democrats' voters do not agree with them on this. Ireland has one of the highest levels of support for membership of the European Union.”
“Every document on defence from the European Union talks about that. The proposed new legislation governing how we dispatch our Defence Forces personnel overseas will be brought to this House and to the Seanad for debate. This debate will occur following pre-legislative scrutiny by the relevant Oireachtas committee, when the committees are established. The Government's countermotion recognises the importance of these parliamentary safeguards and national oversight in ensuring Irish military deployments are in line with our policy of military neutrality, and that they are decided solely by the elected sovereign representatives in this Dáil of the people of Ireland, and not by Russia or China. That is the reality. I have faced that reality myself.”
“The reputation of Ireland has been acknowledged by the Social Democrats in dealing with multilateralism and international bodies like the UN. That is thanks to Government policy over many decades, that of Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael which are criticised all the time, and our diplomats who operate under our policy direction. We have always taken an active approach to global challenges and have made significant contributions to international peace and security. Partnership has been at the heart of all our international engagement. We have always engaged constructively with our international partners in the UN. We are committed to working with our fellow EU member states through the EU's common security and defence policy, while acknowledging that defence policy is a matter for each individual member state.”
“Conflict is impacting communities across the world and yet we have not seen a new UN peacekeeping or peace enforcement mission mandated since 2014. That is because of the veto. We need a mechanism where our own elected officials of Government and of this Dáil have the power to direct the dispatch of our Defence Forces personnel overseas. Our Constitution sets out that Ireland is a sovereign, independent, democratic state. Under the legislative proposals Ireland will make decisions about where Ireland sends its Defence Forces personnel. These will, of course, be in line with the principles of the UN Charter and international law, subject to Government and Dáil approval. We are in no way disengaging from the UN. It is rather the opposite.”
“Deputies will join me in recognising Ireland's proud peacekeeping tradition. We want to ensure that this continues. We cannot simply allow this situation to persist where Russia, the illegal invader of Ukraine, has a veto over what we decide in this Dáil. I went to the Security Council just months after Russia had invaded Ukraine. That is the reality we face. The programme for Government commits to reforming the triple lock legislation, while also ensuring that amendments to the legislation are in keeping with our values and policy of active military neutrality. Any proposed legislative change will remain fully consistent with the principles of the UN Charter, and international law. I reject the statement made as Gaeilge by Deputy Gibney about an dlí idirnáisiúnta also.”
“The experience demonstrated to me why reform of the triple lock is necessary and why it should not be at the core of Irish policy. I had no certainty that day as to whether Russia, or any other UN Security Council member, would veto the renewal of this peacekeeping mission. This is the whim of a foreign government, which Deputy Gannon has spoken about. That is the reality we face when we want to go to the UN Security Council. If this effort had failed, Ireland would have been required to withdraw its contingent from Operation Althea under the current triple lock provisions. It should be noted as well that even though there are only five members of the Defence Forces in Bosnia and Herzegovina, it does require a UN mandate. The 12 members provision applies to Dáil approval.”
“If the Irish Government was on the Security Council now and tabled a motion on Palestine, almost certainly no matter what we said it would be vetoed by one or other of the permanent members. In February of this year, the US and Russia opposed a European-drafted resolution supporting Ukraine's territorial integrity and condemning the illegal and unjustified actions of Russia. For my own part, I have direct experience in dealing with the power of the veto at the UN Security Council. I have direct experience of actually implementing the triple lock. In November 2022, I travelled to the UN Security Council to advocate for the renewal of Operation Althea, in Bosnia and Herzegovina, where Irish members of the Defence Forces serve.”
“Ireland has consistently opposed the use of the veto, as demonstrated during our own term on the Security Council, where we witnessed its use several times. It is important that we address the reality. I can provide the House with some recent examples. One of our most important initiatives on the Security Council was the proposal of a resolution on climate and security, effectively allowing climate to be discussed at the Security Council. This was an initiative co-led by us and Niger. It had the backing of 113 UN member states. It was vetoed by Russia. Since February 2022, Russia has used its veto power to stop action aimed at addressing the illegal war in Ukraine. Since October 2023, the US, China and Russia have exercised their vetoes in relation to the Middle East, including on resolutions concerning Palestine.”
“The Government is certainly aligned with them on that. The UN Security Council is not functioning properly. We cannot continue to deny that reality. As the House is aware, the five permanent members of the UN Security Council possess a veto power, which can prevent the adoption of resolutions by the UN. Crucially, this veto power allows permanent UN Security Council members, namely the United Kingdom, the United States, France, Russia and China, to prevent the authorisation of peace support mandates. In practice, even the threat of a veto is often enough to halt Council action. Ultimately, while other organs of the United Nations can make recommendations to member states, under the UN Charter, the Security Council alone has the power to take decisions that member states are obligated to implement.”
“Every single country has its own nuance as to what its neutrality means. Ours has been characterised by non-membership of military alliances. This policy choice has been practised by successive Governments since the Second World War. The Government is not changing this policy. To put it in simple terms, Ireland will not be joining NATO and, in line with Bunreacht na hÉireann, we would not adopt a decision taken by the European Council to establish a common defence. There has never been any such proposal and the EU is not a military alliance. However, the Government is committed to broadening and deepening Ireland's international security engagement, as well as our domestic efforts, to ensure the security of our country. I welcome the Social Democrats' commitment to increasing investment in our Defence Forces.”
“Ireland is not immune from the changing global security context. We can see the international rules-based order that Ireland has advocated for and worked within since independence under considerable strain. In line with our fellow EU members and international partners we are obliged to take our security and our responsibility towards our like-minded partners more seriously than ever. An agile, thoughtful, and considered foreign and defence policy is needed to meet the challenges that face us. In respect of our own security, Ireland's policy of military neutrality can be characterised by our non-membership of military alliances, or common or mutual defence arrangements. Any neutral country has its own nuance. An example was given of one country that I would not necessarily accept.”
“As Minister of State at the Department of Defence, I welcome the opportunity to discuss this motion on reform of the triple lock mechanism and neutrality. As Members will likely be aware, the Tánaiste is in Lebanon today visiting the dedicated women and men of Óglaigh na hÉireann, who are currently serving in UNIFIL in south Lebanon. At the outset, I want to take this opportunity to acknowledge and thank all Defence Forces personnel who are currently serving overseas. I am very mindful of the sacrifice that they and indeed their families make in serving our countries in the interests of peace. All of us recognise that the global security context has changed. We may differ in our views as to how we respond to the changing global security context, but all of us can agree that the world has changed considerably in recent years.”
“I move amendment No. 1: To delete all words after "Dáil Éireann" and substitute the following: "notes that: - Ireland's policy of military neutrality is characterised by non-membership of military alliances or common or mutual defence arrangements, and this policy choice has been practised by successive Governments since the Second World War; - the Government reaffirms its commitment to this policy and reiterates that it has no plans to either join a military alliance, or enter into a mutual defence arrangement; and - the Government does not believe a national plebiscite on the matter is either necessary or appropriate; recognises: - Ireland's long-standing policy of military neutrality, our strong tradition of participation in International peace support and crisis management operations over many decades; - the importance of parliamentary safeguards and national oversight in ensuring Irish military deployments are in line with our policy of military neutrality, and that they are decided solely by the elected sovereign representatives of the people of Ireland; and - the importance of stakeholder engagement as part of the legislative process in shaping Ireland's future defence policy; and acknowledges that: - in common with other partners in Europe, Ireland finds itself in an increasingly contested, dynamic and volatile international security environment, marked by violence and conflict in our immediate neighbourhood, including in the Middle East and Africa; - Ireland, therefore, should not find itself unable to respond to Peace Support and Crisis Management Operations that align with the United Nations (UN) Charter and International Law, due to a veto by permanent member(s) of the UN Security Council; and - this legislation will remove the power of UN Security Council permanent members to veto our national sovereign decisions regarding our participation in an International Force and will also allow for the deployment of Defence Force personnel overseas, in other overseas roles, such as the crisis management evacuation of Irish citizens.".”
“Tá deis iontach ansin d'Éireannaigh le Gaeilge ar ardleibhéal acu post a fháil sna hinstitiúidí. Impím orthu an fógra sin a léamh.”
“Bíonn an-bród orm an Ghaeilge a chloisteáil nuair atáim ag obair san Aontas Eorpach agus ag úsáid na Gaeilge ag cruinnithe Comhairle na nAirí. Ag an am céanna, áfach, is rud an-phraiticiúil é don teanga freisin, mar tá an Ghaeilge anois in ann dul isteach sa todhchaí ag déileáil leis an gcóras digiteach, le hathrú aeráide agus cúrsaí cosanta. Tá a lán teangacha ar fud na hEorpa ag déileáil leis an dul chun cinn sin agus tá athrú ag teacht ar ár dteangacha agus focail nua á gcumadh. Tá sé sin ag tarlú sa Ghaeilge, ach tá sé ag tarlú i ngach teanga freisin. Tá roinnt de na dúshláin atá ag an nGaeilge ag teangacha eile freisin. Foilsíodh fógra ar shuíomh Idirlín an Choimisiúin Eorpaigh. Tá 33 dlítheangeolaí le Béarla agus dhá theanga eile á lorg acu. Caithfidh na hiarrthóirí a bheith ó hÉirinn, an Bhreatain Mhór nó Málta.”
“Níl aon dabht ach go ndéanfaidh an tAire, an Teachta Calleary, jab iontach don Ghaeltacht agus Gaeltacht ina Dháilcheantar agus i mo Dháilcheantar freisin. Ní mór dúinn an Ghaeilge a úsáid agus a húsáid a spreagadh i ngach cearn den tsochaí - ó ghnó go healaíona agus cultúr, ó oideachas go seirbhísí poiblí. Is í úsáid rialta na Gaeilge don fhíorchumarsáid an eochair. Ní leor an Ghaeilge a fhoghlaim agus a úsáid sa chóras oideachais. Tá sé an-tábhachtach go n-úsáidimid sa chóras oideachais í, ach caithfimid ról a aimsiú di inár saol. Go deimhin, ní féidir máistreacht a fháil ar aon teanga mura bhfuilimid á húsáid go rialta, is cuma cén leibhéal inniúlachta atá againn. Taithí a dhéanann máistreacht, mar a deir an seanfhocal. Is trínár gcuid Gaeilge a chleachtadh go rialta a shroichimid líofacht.”
“Cé go bhfuil a háit cheart ag an nGaeilge anois laistigh d'institiúidí an Aontais Eorpaigh, ní mór dúinn a aithint nach bhfuil sa stádas seo, cé go bhfuil sé tábhachtach, ach an tús. Ní leor an Ghaeilge a bheith le cloisteáil i hallaí na Bruiséile agus Strasbourg. Bhí mé ag fágáil bialann i Lucsamburg cúpla bliain ó shin agus thosaigh roinnt daoine ag labhairt Gaeilge liom. Bhí mé an-bhródúil ag an am sin, agus tá sé iontach an Ghaeilge a chloisteáil sna cathracha sin. Ní mór í a chloisteáil agus a labhairt anseo sa bhaile, i saol laethúil ár ndaoine. Ní luíonn fíorluach an éachta seo san aitheantas foirmiúil laistigh d'institiúidí an Aontais Eorpaigh, ach ina thionchar i measc an phobail. Caithfimid a chinntiú go mbeidh rath ar an nGaeilge inár scoileanna, inár bpobail, inár dtithe agus sna Gaeltachtaí.”
“Léiríonn sé freisin don domhan go bhfuil ómós agus meas ar éagsúlacht teanga agus chultúrtha na hÉireann laistigh den chreat Eorpach. Ní ceist stádas oifigiúil nó gradam amháin atá san éacht seo, áfach. Is aitheantas é go mbaineann ár dteanga le hinstitiúidí an Aontais Eorpaigh ar bhealach fíorphraiticiúil. Ciallaíonn an cinneadh an Ghaeilge a thabhairt isteach go hiomlán taobh istigh den Aontas go mbeidh an Ghaeilge ar fáil as seo amach le húsáid i reachtaíocht an Aontais Eorpaigh, i gcumarsáid agus i seirbhísí poiblí, díreach mar a dhéantar leis na teangacha oifigiúla eile. Deis atá ann dóibh siúd san Aontas Eorpach taithí a fháil ar shaibhreas ár dteanga, agus is freagracht é nach mór dúinn a ghlacadh anois mar náisiún.”
“Dearbhaíonn sé, ag an leibhéal is airde go hidirnáisiúnta, nach déantúsán stairiúil amháin í an Ghaeilge nó iarsma ón am atá thart, ach teanga bheo atá ag forbairt, á labhairt ag go leor agus a bhfuil meas ag na milliúin uirthi. Is teanga de chuid an Aontais Eorpaigh í anois, a úsáidtear ar an mbealach céanna le haon teanga oifigiúil eile de chuid an Aontais Eorpaigh. Cad a chiallaíonn an t-aitheantas iomlán seo dúinne mar náisiún? Ar an gcéad dul síos, cuireann sé an Ghaeilge ar chomhchéim le teangacha bhunaitheoirí an Aontais, chomh maith le teangacha na mballstát is deireanaí a tháinig isteach ó shin. Is admháil é go bhfuil teanga againn, mar phobal, a léiríonn ár gcultúr, ár n-oidhreacht agus ár dtraidisiúin uathúla.”
“Is mór an onóir dom seasamh os bhur gcomhair inniu chun Seachtain na Gaeilge a chomóradh agus chun cloch mhíle thábhachtach i scéal na Gaeilge a cheiliúradh. Agus muid ag machnamh ar stair ár dteanga agus ar a todhchaí, tá sé ríthábhachtach an dul chun cinn iontach atá déanta againn a mheas, go háirithe ar stáitse na hEorpa. Ag meán oíche ar an 31 Nollaig 2021, bhain an Ghaeilge cothromas iomlán amach le 23 teanga oifigiúil eile an Aontais Eorpaigh. Nóiméad tábhachtach a bhí anseo, agus ní hamháin d'Éirinn. Ón 1 Eanáir 2022, tháinig deireadh leis an maolú a bhí i bhfeidhm ó 2007 agus bhain an Ghaeilge stádas iomlán amach in institiúidí an Aontais Eorpaigh i ré nua don chomhionannas teanga. Is aitheantas suntasach é an fhorbairt seo ar an nGaeilge agus ar ár bhféiniúlacht ar leith mar phobal.”
“We want to assert our sovereignty in this Parliament and our policy of military neutrality and to continue our proud tradition of our soldiers, the peacekeepers who have gone all around the world and sacrificed so much, including some of their lives, for peace in other countries. It is incumbent on us to take our security and our responsibility to like-minded partners more seriously than ever. The Government is committed to doing this. Three years ago, the Russians and many other people thought that Kyiv would be captured in three days. It was not. Russia underestimated the strength and resolve of the people Ambassador Gerasko represents. Russia underestimated the unity and determination of the free peoples of the European Union and our partners. We will stand with our European partners. We will support Ukraine.”
“There are no plans to alter our policy of military neutrality but I have to say it galled me to go to the UN Security Council in October 2022 to renew Operation Althea, our peacekeeping mission in Bosnia-Herzegovina, wondering until the last possible moment whether Russia would veto that particular resolution of the Security Council. We did not know until very late in the day. If Russia had vetoed it - and it did question it - with me, as Minister of State, supplicating myself at the UN Security Council, we were gone. No matter what this Dáil or the Irish people said or what we all say about how proud we are of our UN peacekeepers abroad, if Russia had used a veto that day or were to do so on any day that operation is to be renewed, our troops would have to go home. That is the law of the land. That is what we want to change.”
“We see this in the debates and discussions across all the member states. We see a rise in hybrid and cyber incidents, both those that have been publicly declared and many that have not been publicly revealed, particularly attacks on private companies. Lots of these things are happening. These pose serious threats to our democracies, societies and economies and, indeed, to our undersea cables. The Government is committed to broadening and deepening our international security engagement, as well as our domestic efforts to ensure the security of our country, which is a mark of an independent sovereign nation.”
“They want democracy and freedom. They want what we have in the European Union. They do not want what Russia has, which is autocracy, spending 10% of GDP on the military and putting mainly men of all ages into the war machine. This has to stop. EU enlargement has become, as the Tánaiste said, a matter of security for the people of Ukraine. It is, however, a geostrategic imperative for us in Europe as well. Russia’s expansionist ambitions and efforts to rewrite history highlight the clear need for continuing ever-closer co-operation between the EU and our partners in the western Balkans and eastern partnership regions. Our future security depends on it. Our security and that of our European partners and the European Union, which is so important to us, are also directly threatened by Russia’s actions in Ukraine.”
“We not only welcomed the decision in June 2022 to grant EU candidate status to Ukraine but we were one of the member states to put it forward. Since then, we have been impressed with the progress Ukraine has made in its reform efforts, while defending itself against the illegal and brutal invasion by Russia. December 2023 marked another milestone, with the decision of the European Council to open accession negotiations, which we strongly supported. This was followed by the first Intergovernmental Conference in June 2024 and I hope to sit at further Intergovernmental Conferences during the Polish Presidency. This will send another signal of hope to the people of Ukraine that their future lies in the European Union. We will support Ukraine in its pursuit of peace and a prosperous future. Its people want the good life.”
“Our 50 years of European Union membership have transformed our economy and society, amplified our global influence and protected us as a free, sovereign, independent nation. We believe all European countries deserve the same chance, provided of course they meet the necessary criteria for membership. The people of Ukraine have proven time and again that they value the fundamental rights of freedom and democracy that the European Union has been able to guarantee for its citizens over many decades. The people of Ukraine have made clear their desire for a European future. They have shown that they are prepared to fight for this with their lives. We have a responsibility to respond to their legitimate aspirations and expectations for peace, freedom and security. Ireland was among the first supporters of Ukraine's European path.”
“Seventeen successive packages of restrictive measures have been passed, the most recent one just this week. Individuals and entities numbering 2,400 are now subject to travel bans and asset freeze measures. Irish financial institutions have frozen €2 billion of funds belonging to those individuals and entities. A broad range of sectoral sanctions has been put in place. The objective of these sanctions is to impose costs on Russia and its enablers for its actions in Ukraine, while undermining its ability to fund its war and killing machine. Ireland has supported strong sanctions on Russia and will continue to do so. I encourage all parties in this House to encourage their MEPs to support the range of measures that is necessary to continue to hold Russia to account. Ireland has benefited from the European Union's enlargement.”
“Nation states in Europe have only really been allowed to exist in the last number of decades, primarily through the European Union. Our European colleagues see that as under severe threat now from Russia's aggression. The European response to date has been significant and multifaceted, encompassing political, economic, military and humanitarian support, while imposing costs on Russia for its actions. The most dreadful support we have had to give is supporting bomb shelters for children. That is support we have given and it is necessary for the people of Ukraine. We have given support through the EU civil protection mechanism. We have given humanitarian assistance, economic support and military support as well. The EU is holding Russia to account.”
“This is a moment when Europe and parliaments in Europe need to stand together, in solidarity with Ukraine and in defence of those European values and the European Union.”
“Her resolve in the face of not only the war against Ukraine but all the other political challenges the country is facing was incredible. I also support the Tánaiste's assessment that the current situation is a turning point in terms of the trajectory of Russia's war. It is clear that this is an existential issue for many of my European counterparts. This House needs to understand the way parliaments in Poland and Lithuania, across all parties, view this situation. At times, there is division or even nuance in this Parliament. While it is important to have difference of opinion, Opposition parties here should look at what opposition parties are saying in parliaments across Europe on this issue.”
“I am glad to have this opportunity to take part in this debate as we mark the third anniversary of Russia's unprovoked, illegal, full-scale invasion of Ukraine - nobody else's. I join the Tánaiste in recognising the unrelenting suffering that has been inflicted on the people of Ukraine in recent years. Those people are ably represented in Ireland by the Ukrainian Ambassador, H.E. Larysa Gerasko, who is in the Gallery with members of her community. As Russia continues to prosecute its war of choice, ordinary Ukrainian civilians continue to pay the highest cost. That their spirit remains unbroken is a testament to their remarkable resolve and resilience. I was really struck by that last week when I met Deputy Prime Minister Olha Stefanishyna, who is a good friend to many of us.”
“The Minister for Transport has asked us to thank his officials, the local authorities, the Road Safety Authority, members of An Garda Síochána and other key stakeholders who all worked hard to deliver the recent changes on local roads and thereby increase safety for road users. The Government is committed to ensuring that we deliver a multifaceted approach to reducing road fatalities and serious injuries on the path to vision zero.”
“If we are to reach our goal of vision zero by 2050, which is also a European objective, all road users must come together and drive safely. It is our duty as citizens to take responsibility for our actions and reduce the chance of death or serious injury. Every death has a devastating effect on families and communities and we must minimise the chance of them occurring. The Department of Transport, along with Cork County Council in the case of the Deputy's constituency, will review the roll-out of phase 1 of the safer default speed limits, prior to implementing phases 2 and 3. This iterative approach will allow us to learn from each implementation phase, helping to deliver a smooth and measured approach to the other phases. This was all legislated for in Dáil Éireann. The whole system was passed by the Dáil in the Road Traffic Act 2024.”
“I reiterate that the Minister, Deputy O'Brien is at the Cabinet meeting so he cannot be here. He would like to be here. In my previous remarks, I outlined the roles of TII and the local authorities, which are significant in all this. It is important that people work with TII and the local authorities on this. The Department is already doing so. It is important that we provide speed limits that will improve safety for all road users and that is what is happening. The Government is confident that the new limits will help to reduce the number of deaths on our roads, which grew alarmingly after the pandemic. That is a fact. While there was a slight decrease in the number of lives lost on our roads in 2024 in comparison with 2023, it is vital we continue to build on that and do our part to ensure fewer lives are lost this year.”
“The timeline for the implementation of phases two and three of the speed limit changes on national secondary roads and roads in urban cores will be informed by the roll-out of the local rural road speed limit change and will take cognisance of the reaction, behavioural response and quantified impacts on metrics such as collisions. I encourage the Deputy to stay in touch with his local authority and councillors, as I am sure he does, about queries on specific roads and the implementation of safer default speed limits as the Minister does not have any power to intervene on the decisions local authorities make on this issue.”
“We can all imagine scenarios where a new development beside a road will lead to a significant increase in traffic and would have an impact on what is the appropriate speed limit. I assure the Deputy that in these cases TII and the local authorities engage closely to ensure the proposed speed limit alterations are appropriate. Formal requests for consent for the making of a special speed limit by-law involve a public consultation phase and are processed by TII on an ongoing basis. Speed limits are designed to be appropriate to current road requirements, including traffic levels, and can be changed when the requirements change. Local authorities can change the speed limits to fit new developments. Speed limits which currently exist do not act as a barrier to future development.”
“The Department has worked closely with the local authorities on this first implementation phase and has issued new guidelines to help them in the process. In light of the complexity of the work, the Department agreed that the new local default limit, originally intended to come into effect last November, would come into effect on 7 February 2025. I understand the Deputy is also concerned about the question of developments along national secondary roads. Transport Infrastructure Ireland, TIl, and the local authorities engage on the setting of speed limits on national secondary roads, with TII having the final say. I expect that the Deputy and his constituents will consider what the relationship will be between new developments and possible speed limits, particularly on the N71.”
“This is quite right, because local authorities are best placed to assess the characteristics of each road and apply the appropriate limits in light of safety and traffic management considerations. The setting of special speed limits by local authorities must be carried out in accordance with the statutory guidelines for setting and managing speed limits in Ireland. Implementing the changes called for by the legislation and review requires local authorities to assess the roads in each of the three classes affected and to consider whether the default or another limit might be appropriate. It is a big task and, therefore, the implementation of the changes is being undertaken in phases, with local roads being addressed first.”
“In September 2023, the Department of Transport published a speed limit review which made key recommendations, including that the default speed limit on national secondary roads should be reduced from 100 km/h to 80 km hour, on local roads from 80 km/h to 60 km/hand on roads in built-up areas from 50 km/h to 30 km/h. We legislated for these changes in the Road Traffic Act 2024, which was voted on in the Dáil and signed into law in April last year. The Deputy will recall that national legislation sets default speed limits for different classes of roads but devolves responsibility for setting the individual speed limit on any given road to local authorities within parameters defined in the legislation. Local authorities can leave speed limits at the default or apply different limits through what are called special speed limit by-laws.”
“I thank the Deputy for the good wishes. I apologise that the Minister, Deputy O'Brien, cannot be here this morning. He is attending the Cabinet meeting. The Government Road Safety Strategy 2021-2030 seeks to improve road safety in Ireland and make our roads safer for all road users. The strategy is based on vision zero, which is an aspiration to have zero deaths or serious injuries by 2050 and it has been adopted across the European Union. The introduction of more consistent and appropriate speed limits will help to improve road safety in Ireland in pursuit of this objective.”
“The review of the provision of accommodation for victims of domestic violence published by Tusla in February 2022 highlights that almost three quarters of the population of the State is within 30 minutes of a refuge location. Cuan is acutely aware of the need to improve on this and ensure services are accessible to everybody, including those living in rural areas and in Cavan and Monaghan. Achieving this, including through the completion of a national services development plan, is a core objective of Cuan's plan for 2025 to 2027, which was published at the end of last year. Alongside refuges, a further 20 safe homes are in the pipeline for development. Once complete, they will bring the national total to 72.”
“As I noted earlier, the Minister is at a Cabinet meeting. That is why he cannot be here and it is only fair to put that on the record. A key overarching goal for the zero tolerance strategy is to ensure every woman and child who needs a refuge space gets one and the Government continues to work towards that. In the most recent budget, domestic, sexual and gender-based violence funding was increased to €70 million. This is more than treble what was available at the start of the previous Government's term and is a further significant increase for this year. The increased funding for Cuan to almost €67 million includes additional funding for refuge spaces.”
“I am aware that the Castleblaney area of Monaghan is supported by a number of Cuan’s funded services, including the national 24-hour domestic violence helpline operated by Women’s Aid. Outreach supports are provided to the Castleblaney area by Tearmann Domestic Abuse Service, now operating as Safe Ireland Cavan-Monaghan. The TLC Kidz recovery programme is delivered by Barnardos, which supports children recovering from their experience of domestic violence. Emergency refuge accommodation services are available in Dundalk, County Louth.”