Alex Easton
North Down · Independent · Northern Ireland
“I, too, want to raise the issue of Bright Sparks Preschool, which is a feeder preschool for Crawfordsburn Primary School. Last Wednesday, the Education Minister visited Bright Sparks to hear about its excellent work and see all the pupils in the preschool.”
“<BR /> <BR />My annoyance is that I have met the Education Authority with Bright Sparks many times over the past several years, and there has been a lack of effort by the Education Authority to find a solution for a building that it owns.”
“The map shown in the consultation included the entire Newry, Mourne and Down District Council area, which has nothing to do with the South Eastern Trust area. <BR /> <BR />We therefore know that the consultation and the equality impact assessment were a farce and a foregone conclusion.”
“<BR /> <BR />The South Eastern Trust proceeded to say what its plans were. Closure, with the announcement of a new minor injury unit at the Ulster Hospital site, was the only option.”
“How accurate my prediction was: the Bangor minor injury unit never reopened its doors. It was stripped of its equipment even before the consultation was finished.”
“I quote two Alliance councillors, who said that the units had not been "of any use". If they were of no use, why did 22,000 people use the two minor injury units at their height? <BR /> <BR />Over 20,000 people signed a public petition opposed to the closure of the units.”
The complete record
Every one of 630 lines we hold for Alex Easton, in date order, each linked to its source. Free to read, in full, without an account. Page 1 of 13.
“Can the Minister give a guarantee that he will carry out a review of all points allocations to try to ensure that points are allocated in a better way than they are currently?”
“<BR /> <BR />My annoyance is that I have met the Education Authority with Bright Sparks many times over the past several years, and there has been a lack of effort by the Education Authority to find a solution for a building that it owns. My message to the Education Authority is that it must act quickly and do something to help Bright Sparks. I ask the Education Minister to use his influence to get the Education Authority to do something to help.”
“I, too, want to raise the issue of Bright Sparks Preschool, which is a feeder preschool for Crawfordsburn Primary School. Last Wednesday, the Education Minister visited Bright Sparks to hear about its excellent work and see all the pupils in the preschool. He was made aware of all the issues; the electrical issues and the fact that parts of the building were in danger of collapsing. He went away giving the guarantee that he would contact the Education Authority. Come Thursday, we heard the devastating news that the Bright Sparks management committee had decided that it had to close the building and make alternative arrangements due to health and safety issues.”
“I hope that you will rethink the closure of the MIUs, because the staff did a wonderful job and took a lot of pressure off the Ulster Hospital site.”
“I quote two Alliance councillors, who said that the units had not been "of any use". If they were of no use, why did 22,000 people use the two minor injury units at their height? <BR /> <BR />Over 20,000 people signed a public petition opposed to the closure of the units. That was ignored, even though, in the public consultation, 80% opposed the closure. That was also ignored. What is the point of a public consultation if the public's responses will just be ignored? <BR /> <BR />The closures have achieved nothing but the creation of a bigger crisis at the Ulster Hospital site, with longer parking waiting times, overworked staff and frustration for the public. Minister, I thank you for hearing my frustrations and those of the public who, until now, have not had their voices heard.”
“According to the response to a question for written answer, there were zero savings to the South Eastern Trust budget from the closure, so the question is this: why close the MIUs when, between them, they kept 22,000 people away from the Ulster Hospital site? If there were no savings, why did they do it? <BR /> <BR />We then come to the Alliance Party, which gave the South Eastern Trust political cover to close the Bangor and Ards minor injury units. Its political reps said:”
“Either they have not gone to the Ulster Hospital minor injury unit because they cannot stand the thought of going there and spending hours waiting or they have tried to go to their GP. GPs are not seeing patients as they did pre-COVID, however, and people do not want to queue on the phone for hours just to wait on a call from their GP. <BR /> <BR />Then, of course, some people have gone to the Ulster, adding to the waiting times, backlogs and car parking issues and putting more pressure on the Ulster Hospital site, which is not equipped to cope. It is no coincidence that the Ulster has frequently declared an emergency as a result of A&E being too busy due to the number of people attending.”
“That means frustrated patients and visitors waiting for long periods. I took my wife up there this morning because she had previously fallen and broken her hip and had an outpatient appointment. We had to wait 45 minutes to get a car parking space, so that is more evidence. <BR /> <BR />We know that, as a result of the closure, only seven members of nursing staff from the Ards and Bangor sites transferred. The rest left, so we have lost valuable staff. What do we know about the patients who were attending the Ards and Bangor minor injury units annually? We know that up to 13,000 patients a year were attending the Bangor minor injury unit. Some 10,200 patients a year were attending the Ards minor injury unit. Those stats were provided in answers to Assembly questions.”
“The map shown in the consultation included the entire Newry, Mourne and Down District Council area, which has nothing to do with the South Eastern Trust area. <BR /> <BR />We therefore know that the consultation and the equality impact assessment were a farce and a foregone conclusion. Let us look at the impact on the Ulster Hospital site. We know, from a freedom of information request, that the new A&E building is smaller than the old one, has fewer beds and is too small overall. Well done to the person who thought that one up and designed it. We know that there was no new minor injury unit on the Ulster Hospital site, as there was one already there. We know that some new, additional car parking spaces were provided. Anyone going up to the Ulster Hospital, however, has to wait for a space and is often met with queues.”
“That seemed inappropriate, especially as the South Eastern Trust's preferred option would have had a greater impact on residents of Bangor, owing to the greater distances to travel, poorer-quality roads and weaker public transport links to the Ulster Hospital site. From a freedom of information request, we know that the South Eastern Trust did not even bother to contact Translink about improving public transport to the Ulster Hospital site. <BR /> <BR />The consultation also contains a number of concerning elements, suggesting a lack of understanding of the area and the issues involved. First, the South Eastern Trust consistently used a map in the consultation that does not accurately represent the area.”
“It merely listed the number of individuals falling into each category in two broad geographical areas. In fact, by the South Eastern Trust's own admission, it openly discriminated against those who are disabled in the consultation on the closure of the minor injury units. <BR /> <BR />The consultation approach to the Bangor minor injury unit was problematic. The location was shut temporarily owing to the COVID-19 pandemic, without there having been a public consultation, yet the subsequent consultation document was produced on the basis that that closure was permanent. That meant that the consultation focused primarily on the proposals to close Ards minor injury unit, with minimal reference made to the facility in Bangor.”
“It is clear that the review was conducted on that assumption. The accompanying equality impact assessment (EQIA) was also flawed. First, it was prepared using outdated statistical information from the 2011 census. That data was superseded by results from the 2021 census, which were published between September and December 2022. The trust did not use that updated information. In addition, the disability measures used in the equality impact assessment did not accurately reflect the number of individuals with a disability in the relevant geographical areas. That was because it used a measure based on households rather than on individuals. The equality impact assessment also did not measure the different impacts of the proposals on section 75 groups.”
“That is problematic, as the scale of the change is likely to generate different impacts across areas and population cohorts on their having access to minor injury services. The consultation did not provide evidence of the South Eastern Trust's preferred option: the replacement of the two minor injury units with an urgent and emergency care centre. That has not even got off first base and was a red herring. It could be years before it happens, if ever. <BR /> <BR />The Department of Health's 2022 review of urgent and emergency care services unambiguously states:”
“Secondly, insufficient assessment was done of the impact of the proposed changes on service users, including section 75 groups.”
“Minister, your colleague and mine, Alan Chambers, pointed out in 'The County Down Spectator' on several occasions that the Bengoa report should not be used as a reason to close MIUs; in fact, the Bengoa report does not even mention MIUs. <BR /> <BR />The consultation documents were the poorest example of their kind. It is difficult to see how any external consultee could have provided an informed response that might have affected the South Eastern Trust's decision-making process on the basis of the document. There are two main issues with the consultation documents. First, important information on the policy, background and evidence base that informed the South Eastern Trust's decision-making process was missing from the consultation document.”
“<BR /> <BR />The South Eastern Trust proceeded to say what its plans were. Closure, with the announcement of a new minor injury unit at the Ulster Hospital site, was the only option. The consultation farce continued with the South Eastern Trust's failure to mention that the Ulster Hospital was not creating a new minor injury unit, because there already was a minor injury unit at that site. Ironically, few people knew about it. It was the world's best-kept secret. The next farce came when the new unit, which was not new, was moved into the old Ulster Hospital A&E unit, which was declared not fit for purpose by the South Eastern Trust itself. <BR /> <BR />At the public meeting, the South Eastern Trust claimed that it was closing the units as a result of the Bengoa report. That is where I have a problem.”
“How accurate my prediction was: the Bangor minor injury unit never reopened its doors. It was stripped of its equipment even before the consultation was finished. <BR /> <BR />The South Eastern Trust launched its consultation with one public meeting in Newtownards, attendance at which was booked through a complicated system, which immediately put people off going. A further two Zoom meetings with restricted numbers were held. No meeting was held in Bangor, despite it having the larger population, nor was there one for residents living in the Ards peninsula, the furthest point away. On the evening of that one public meeting, the South Eastern Trust arranged a format that meant you had to hand in questions beforehand so that it could control what was asked and by whom. So much for a fair consultation.”
“At the outset, I say to the Health Minister that I in no way blame him for the closure of the Bangor and Newtownards minor injury units. My comments are not directed or aimed at him in any way but are comments of frustration and annoyance about the closure of the two minor injury units. I hope that he understands that. I suspect that, had the Minister been in place, there might have been a different outcome. <BR /> <BR />On 6 March 2023, the South Eastern Health and Social Care Trust launched a consultation to close the Ards and Bangor minor injury units. The Bangor minor injury unit had already been closed for some time due to COVID. I always said that it would never open again, despite reassurances at the time from the Health Minister that it would be reopened.”
“I thank the Minister for his answers. Will he outline which areas of North Down might be included in this tree plantation? Will he also outline the benefits to schools that might want to partake in helping to plant trees?”
“In the scheme of things, £400,000 is not a huge amount of money to keep all those enquiry offices open, so I implore the Justice Minister to contact the Finance Minister and to raise the issue at the Executive, because it would be a disaster for policing right across Northern Ireland if we could not keep those enquiry offices open. <BR /> <BR />I am also deeply worried about recruitment to the PSNI. There are hundreds of vacant PSNI officer posts. If we do not do something, we will have a difficult time in the future with proper policing, because we will not have enough police officers or stations.”
“I want to raise the shocking closure of the Bangor PSNI public enquiry office. It is one of 17 such offices to close right across Northern Ireland. What is particularly worrying about that is that North Down has a population of over 162,000 people and will have only one police station, which is in Newtownards, that is open to the public. That means that Bangor residents will have to make a 10-mile trip to an actual station when they need to give in documents or report a crime. <BR /> <BR />In North Down, we have a huge problem. We have seen the closure of Donaghadee police station. Holywood police station is no longer open to the public, and now we will be left with just the station in Newtownards. It is a deeply worrying situation. All that is happening to save £400,000.”
“Let us look to government, not to the consumer. I welcome the Infrastructure Minister's broadening of the conversation by involving stakeholders with Northern Ireland Water early on and learning from good practices, as previously noted in the House in connection with the Belfast Living with Water scheme. <BR /> <BR />In conclusion, I welcome the Minister's openness to doing things differently. A successful research-informed, evidence-based-options approach is the correct start, but I will not support the introduction of water charges.”
“<BR /> <BR />I fully support the proposal for a proper plan on the matter from the Infrastructure Minister. That is necessary, for if we fail to plan, we plan to fail, which is not an option for residents or our business communities. My insight is that any imposition of charges would place an outrageous additional burden on Northern Ireland households, especially our low-income families, and inevitably exacerbate poverty that is already at unacceptable levels in this part of the United Kingdom. <BR /> <BR />In practical terms, we need the conversation's alternatives to be outlined. For instance, what would a public education campaign look like that addresses the incentives required for measures such as the installation of effective water conservation appliances? What more can government do on efficiency and addressing water leakages?”
“That needs to be addressed in a manner that does not add stress to those households already struggling to pay bills. Concerns have been raised many times about the governance procedures at Northern Ireland Water, as well as the value-for-money aspect. The issue is complex, but government bodies and Northern Ireland Water getting their house in order and avoiding wastage is a priority that must come higher than implementing more charges on already struggling communities. <BR /> <BR />I also take issue with the consultation process that the Secretary of State launched several months ago. There were four questions to answer, none of which made it easy for people to say that they do not support water charges, so, in answering the questions, people need to be clear that they do not agree with their introduction.”
“<BR /> <BR />For decades, we have paid for water as part of our rates bills. Our bills used to be itemised years ago, but that was quietly removed. Itemisation needs to be reinstated so that we can see how much we are already paying for water infrastructure in our rates bills. I am concerned that having separate water charges could lead to a greater division between richer and poorer members of society. I am concerned about those people who are already making choices between heating their homes and eating having the added worry of having potable clean water, worrying about what it is going to cost them to run the washing machine or have showers for a whole family, for example. <BR /> <BR />Clearly, our infrastructure needs to be fixed as we are leaking away lots of our water due to the lack of investment.”
“At the outset, I reiterate my opposition to water charges. Our residents already pay for their water, and I am opposed to double taxation. <BR /> <BR />Water is vital to life, and an efficient sanitation system is vital to the health of everybody. We saw during the pandemic how we shared responsibility for public health, and access to clean water for all is a basic pillar of our public health system. For too long, there has been an extreme lack of investment in our infrastructure, which is now having a major impact on the system. That leads us to question how we are going to pay for the required work to upgrade our system. We need to have a mature conversation about where public money is being spent — and wasted — before we decide to increase the burden on hard-working families.”
“Is the Minister willing to meet Mr Campbell, the head of Bangor Central Integrated Primary School, to offer some reassurance about the future of a new school build?”
“I thank the junior Minister for her answer. How will the Department ensure that the good relations fund addresses the specific needs and challenges faced by marginalised communities, particularly women, who often bear the brunt of economic disparities and a lack of resources?”
“It is common sense that practical solutions need to be found. Let us get this right through collective action, planning and delivery to give us an effective MOT system that not just promotes delivery of a safer and greener Northern Ireland but contributes to our collective well-being. Let us use a bit of common sense, as the solution is out there.”
“<BR /> <BR />There is a need to plan. The old adage, "If you fail to plan, you plan to fail" is particularly relevant here. Accountability is critical. It is simply not good enough to charge increasing fees without showing evidence of quality services. Road users deserve better. With the cost-of-living crisis, the importance of the used car market is evident. Let us be consistent on the value that an MOT test brings to confidence in that market. It does so by giving the buyer confidence in the condition of the vehicle and by promoting the integrity and efficiency of the used car market, which is an important part of the economy across Northern Ireland and in my North Down constituency. <BR /> <BR />Other parts of the UK use reputable garages and dealers to deal with backlogs: why can we not do that? To not do so does not make sense to me.”
“The third reason that I will highlight is its importance to the economy. First, it is important to take ownership of the delays and accept the legitimate criticism and frustration of road users who are doing everything right but are being caught in the situation through no fault of their own. The situation is not OK. We need to look at why getting it right in a timely manner is important. Simply getting it right protects not only drivers but passengers and cyclists. It also protects the environment, and, while we may disagree on the level of climate change, we must own our contributions to preventing environmental issues, through exhaust emissions in this instance. Furthermore, regular MOT testing extends the sustainability of the vehicle, leading to savings to the driver and less environmental impact from disposal and manufacture.”
“My comments will be short, as many of the points have been clearly stated. There is no doubt that the current MOT system is broken. That stems from COVID, which led to a huge backlog of vehicles that were not able to get MOTs. That has led to a broken system, with a broken computer system that either does not work properly or cannot cope with the demand. I have been inundated with complaints from residents in my constituency who have had to wait weeks or months, a period during which they have needed their MOT certificates to drive legally. They have often had to travel as far as Enniskillen to get an MOT test. That, Minister, is not acceptable. <BR /> <BR />Three principal reasons underpin the importance of today's debate on the MOT. The first two are self-evident: road safety and environmental impact.”
“Minister, all those criteria have been met, but the situation is still going on after four years. Does the Minister agree that the safety of the pupils at St Columbanus’ College who use that road is paramount?”
“What plans does the Department have to ensure that educational and vocational training is adequate to meet the demands of future economic employment opportunities through the use of the South Eastern Regional College (SERC) in my constituency?”
“<BR /> <BR />As we go forward against the backdrop of disturbing research from the PSNI and Women's Aid, may we address and utilise existing good practice. Here I think of the United Nations Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women being taken alongside the sustainable development goals of addressing gender equality and the empowerment of women and girls. <BR /> <BR />As we set our collective face against violence against women and girls, let us never stop, both in words and deeds, to be part of the solution, supporting survivors, allowing their voice to be loudly heard and pointing towards a society where women and girls in Northern Ireland can be free from abuse, violence and misogyny.”
“Let me get on a wee bit. <BR /> <BR />Let us ensure that, through prosecution, justice is done and seen to be done through robust legal frameworks, with tailored wrap-around support for the victim that includes healthcare, counselling and economic support to allow the rebuilding of lives. It also includes enhancing access to employment, vocational training, financial services and housing. Let us ensure that our response is survivor-centred and education-centred and compatible with international human rights standards. Let us ensure that, no matter how horrifying the numbers, the data in that area are robustly accurate in order to allow us, through research, to measure the prevalence and, indeed, the patterns of violence and let that research lead our public and policy response.”
“Let us address, through a preventative strategy, the root causes of violence through educational awareness raising and make the protection of our women and girls key through access to services. I think here of the provision of safe shelter, legal aid and representation and psychological support in the short and long term.”
“I have witnessed at first hand its outstanding work, but I am horrified by the fact that, year on year, its workload rises as the level of domestic abuse against women and girls also, sadly and depressingly, increases year on year. Each statistic represents a life devastated, impacted by violence and emotional abuse, and yet, 24/7, Women's Aid supports women and girls, including many children, on their journey. <BR /> <BR />I salute the resilience of so many women and girls who have had the courage to speak out and who refused to suffer in silence, but we must go beyond policies and programmes to a societal shift in attitudes and behaviours. Let us commit today to challenging, through every avenue from education to legislation, every stereotype that perpetuates violence.”
“I support the motion and the amendment. We must realise that violence against women and girls is not only a violation of human rights but a multidimensional issue that goes across economic, social and political boundaries. We see misogyny manifested in physical, sexual, psychological and economic harm. The statistics are horrifying, and we must focus on the fact that they are the lived realities of numerous women and girls. Their lives, routines, hopes and ambitions are shattered by violence. Nobody has the right to harm, coerce, control, threaten or psychologically abuse a woman. <BR /> <BR />I salute the work of Women's Aid in my North Down constituency.”
“I thank the First Minister for her answer. What is the Executive Office's assessment of the revenue-raising in Northern Ireland that is required to meet those targets? What does it mean for the central good relations fund?”
“I thank the Minister for his statement. Will he assure me that my constituency, North Down, will get its fair share of the £1 million?”
“— the reality is that, until there is political maturity from the rest of us in here and until Westminster and the EU stop playing games, we will get nowhere.”
“It is even more depressing when we see the lack of negotiation between Westminster and the EU. The Northern Ireland Protocol Bill is going through Westminster. Westminster could have had it fast-tracked, but it did not. It is causing part of the problem that we have here today. Much as I want to help the people of Northern Ireland —”
“No, I will not, because I listen to you all the time, and you achieve nothing.”
“No, I will not. You do not meet or support one another. You are not willing to listen to other people's points of view.”
“No. <BR /> <BR />People need to realise that the Northern Ireland protocol, whether we like it or not, is a serious issue for the unionist population. I see some of my colleagues on the Ulster Unionist Benches shaking their heads, but some are not. Some agree that it is an issue. Until we get it sorted out, this place will not be coming back. There is a responsibility on all the political parties in here to talk to one another, but you do not: all that you do is shout at one another. It does not matter from which side of the divide you claim to come, whom you support or whether you claim that you are in the middle —.”
“Before the Assembly collapsed, we could have done little to help people, because the Assembly was in debt to the tune of £600 million. The Finance Minister allowed that to happen before he left office. Where were we going to get any money to help people with their energy costs or their heating or to help them afford food? We could not have found the money. We did not have it, because we were that far in debt, yet you all sit around here pretending that we were going to do fantastic things. We were not, because we could not afford it.”
“Sorry, no. <BR /> <BR />Sinn Féin could not care less about the increasing costs that the Northern Ireland protocol is putting on the people of Northern Ireland. It could not care less, so you are hypocrites. You are total hypocrites. <BR /> <BR />When we look at our Government in Westminster, we see that they are also playing with the lives of the people of Northern Ireland through costs, because they know that, if they want to, they can get the cost-of-living payments and the energy payments out to the people of Northern Ireland just like that. They have a responsibility to resolve that.”
“During those three years, Sinn Féin could not have cared less about our housing or about jobs, and it certainly could not have cared less about the welfare of our people. <BR /> <BR />Ironically, Sinn Féin supports the Northern Ireland protocol, yet what does the protocol do for Northern Ireland? It costs businesses extra money and leads to extra paperwork. It denies the citizens of Northern Ireland the right to the same goods, in many places, that they get in the rest of the United Kingdom; in fact, the protocol has actually driven up prices. Although Sinn Féin says that it cares about the cost-of-living and energy crises, it certainly could not care less about the crisis and the amount of money —.”
“I despair at the political maturity and debate in this place and the hypocrisy that comes from some parties, which, in my opinion, are interested only in point-scoring and playing games and, no matter what section of the community they claim to represent, are not really interested in the lives of the people of Northern Ireland. <BR /> <BR />When we look at the facts, we see that Sinn Féin brought down the Assembly for three years. It did that for several reasons. It did it because of the RHI scandal and, indeed, because it wanted an Irish language Act, although only 5% of the population can speak Irish to some degree. During those three years, Sinn Féin could not have cared less about our education system, our health system, our wildlife, our policing system, our infrastructure and roads, and our security.”