Caitríona Ruane
South Down · Sinn Féin · Northern Ireland
“I support outdoor pursuits and education centres. I remember, many moons ago, when I trained as an outdoor education facilitator in an outdoor pursuits centre on Achill Island, which was funded by the education system. I have some of the best memories of those times. That centre is still open and still funded by the education system.”
“The Minister has a substantial budget — and I note he is pointing at the Minister for Finance — and money should be found from within his budget to fund these centres, rather than passing the buck.”
“<BR /> <BR />During difficult budgetary times it is important to focus where money should be focused, and that is why I ask the Minister to really think carefully about cutting money and closing these centres, because they do contribute to academic as well as physical education.”
“They told me how centres such as Killowen, Ardnabannon and Delamont, as well as other centres throughout the North, not only keep young people active but help with mental health, the obesity crisis, and academic achievement.”
“I thank the Minister for giving way. I understand the difficulty with budgets, as we all do, but does he agree with me that at a time of austerity, at a time when we have a serious obesity crisis, at a time when the Executive are working together to try to bring about changes, and at a time when we want to deal with underachievement, it i…”
“Cuirim fáilte roimh an ráiteas. I welcome the statement and, if the Minister is looking for a rural town for the scheme, Warrenpoint will be very open to having it. Will he outline in more detail his interesting proposal to enable companies to access rate relief by accrediting with the Living Wage Foundation?”
The complete record
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“I share the Member's frustration, and I think that it is disappointing that we do not have a strategy. I cannot speak for everyone on the Commission and, while we are a corporate body, I believe that we should have an Irish language strategy. I pay tribute to the people who made representation, and I can absolutely understand their disappointment.”
“Go raibh maith agat, a LeasCheann Comhairle. I thank the Member for the question. Ar an drochuair tá dréacht-treoir teangan ag Coimisiún an Tionóil, ach níl Straitéis na Gaeilge aige. Unfortunately, the Assembly Commission does not have an Irish language strategy that you would expect under the Good Friday Agreement in relation to statutory duties and equality. The absence of an Irish language strategy adversely impacts on Irish speakers in the Assembly, including MLAs, staff, workers and also visitors to the Assembly. The Assembly Commission does have draft language guidance, but that is not a substitute for an Irish language strategy. I expect that there will be further discussion on this deficit at future meetings.”
“Gabhaim buíochas leis an Aire as an fhreagra sin. I thank the Minister for his answer. I appreciate the decision and share his view on the importance of early years. Will he outline the rationale for the modification of the implementation date for the new nursery to September 2016?”
“No, I will not give way. <BR /> <BR />We know that the British Government have been found guilty, unanimously, by 12 judges in the European Court. I was privileged to be at that hearing. To move forward, we need to ensure that there is proper truth for all relatives. We should never try to say that there is a hierarchy of victims. That is the greatest insult to people who lost their life in this conflict and to their family. They deserve truth and justice, and, to date, they have got very, very little of it. I commend the motion to the Assembly.”
“I have yet to hear from the other side of the House — today is an opportunity to do this — a critique of state killings and of the extent and level of involvement of the RUC, the RIR, and layers and layers of the British Army.”
“The Stormont House Agreement is the appointed way forward that all the parties here negotiated. All the investigations must be article 2-compliant. We cannot have a situation in which those involved in murders, in overseeing murders and in overseeing investigations are carrying out those investigations. George Hamilton has an enormous responsibility in relation to those matters, given what happened in the past. I have no doubt that he understands that confidence in policing is at stake here. He needs to avoid the mistakes of his predecessors. <BR /> <BR />We will not support the DUP amendment. It is an attempt to separate those killed by the British state and an attempt to create a hierarchy of victims.”
“I am not in any way trying to belittle the killings of men, but we will all agree that, when a woman is murdered in a conflict, there are extra dimensions to it.”
“All those killings point to state collusion. We also had the murder of tireless human rights lawyer Rosemary Nelson. I have no doubt that I have missed other names, and if I have, I apologise to those families in advance. What we had was a state policy that targeted family homes and family members. The civilian women and children of those homes deserve an independent and thorough investigation that is article 2-compliant. <BR /> <BR />In many cases, the paramilitaries that went in doing the shooting for the state had maps of the houses provided to them by state forces. Any agency charged with investigating our past must apply a gender lens to ensure that the full complexion of experience and arising need is identified.”
“No, I will not give way. You will have an opportunity to speak. <BR /> <BR />Following the importation of South African weapons, 12 women — Katrina Rennie, Eileen Duffy, Teresa Fox, Teresa Dowds De Mogollon, Sharon McKenna, Philomena Hanna, Sheena Campbell, Karen Thompson, Moira Duddy, Theresa Clinton, Roseanne Mallon and Kathleen O'Hagan — were murdered.”
“We have not yet heard all the truth about the biggest loss of life in the conflict — the Dublin and Monaghan bombings — and the British state's involvement in those south of the border. <BR /> <BR />A number of our Members will speak in the debate, but I want to focus on gender, and on the particular role of women when loved ones were lost. We all know in the House that, in many instances, women would fulfil the primary role of family carers and homemakers. The violation of the safety of their home and the ensuing trauma was a harm in its own right.”
“That is what 'Panorama' exposed, and I have no doubt that that is what 'Prime Time' will expose tonight. <BR /> <BR />In this part of Ireland, we have had paramilitary policing, Diplock courts, emergency legislation and judges congratulating the RUC for sending people to "the final court of justice", effectively endorsing the RUC shoot-to-kill policy. We have also had the targeting of defence lawyers. The British Government are still trying to present themselves as neutral peacekeepers between the warring tribes. <BR /> <BR />Collusion was about suppressing dissent, terrorising communities and telling the croppies to lie down. We have seen cases in which families thought, for decades, that their loved ones had been killed by the IRA, only to discover that it was the state.”
“<BR /> <BR />I pay tribute to the families who have done sterling work to expose it: the family of Pat Finucane and the Loughinisland families. You just need to look at what happened in Loughinisland. Agents were used to drive getaway cars, and cars were destroyed whilst being held by the RUC. Evidence was destroyed by the RUC, and agents, many of whom had serious criminal records and got money for their services, were protected. <BR /> <BR />Collusion was only one of a number of policies. I remember being a member of the committee for the truth about collusion in the late 1990s. We were laughed at and called conspiracy theorists; now it is generally accepted by all that there is collusion. We are beginning to see the extent of it, but I would argue that it is the tip of the iceberg.”
“Collusion was a deliberate policy that was designed to use unionist paramilitaries as a method of killing Irish citizens or, indeed, anyone who got in their way — those in opposition to the state. There was a particular focus on Irish republicans and nationalists. They did it to subvert the rule of law and to avoid responsibilities in international courts. I was a human rights worker at the time, and we carried out a number of public inquiries into state killings, into the shoot-to-kill policy. The British Government were coming under a lot of international scrutiny, and international courts were clogged up with cases, so the use of unionist paramilitaries was a very deliberate strategy for the state to pretend that it had nothing to do with it.”
“As we speak today about state involvement, I understand that many people have also suffered at the hands of the IRA and that their grief is no less than the grief of the families who have suffered through state violence. <BR /> <BR />Today is about the collusion of state forces and their use of loyalist paramilitaries. That is nothing new for the British Government: they used the same tactics wherever they colonised, whether it was in Aden, Africa, Latin America or in Europe. <BR /> <BR />The last 12 months have been very difficult for families who have been victims of collusion; they have had long court battles, and more and more truth is coming out.”
“Go raibh maith agat, a Cheann Comhairle. As I ask for support for the motion, I am conscious that the debate is taking place as people continue to grieve. I understand that that grieving is happening across the political spectrum, and I want to acknowledge the pain and suffering that our society has come through over decades. I hope that we will have a good and respectful debate; I ask all Members for that. <BR /> <BR />The debate is about collusion. I have no doubt that some in the House will be opportunistic and try to bring up killings by the IRA. We have had many debates about that, and I am sure that we will have again in the future.”
“<BR /> <BR />I listened carefully to what representatives from the Marie Stopes clinic said about regulation and the law, and, at all times, they said that they wanted to work within the law. Thankfully, the amendment will be defeated because of a common-sense approach across a range of parties. Given the lateness of the hour, I have said enough, but I would like to end by thanking my colleagues in Alliance and the Green Party and Basil McCrea for helping to ensure that the amendment fails.”
“At least I could have some respect for their position if they had a consistent approach. <BR /> <BR />In the absence of guidance, there can be no other conclusion than that the amendment is aimed at ensuring that no other avenue will be open to women in a life-threatening situation to opt for a termination. Where a termination may or may not take place is not the issue: the important thing is that it happens within the law. Any institution that provides for a termination, whether it is in the National Health Service or the private healthcare domain, must of course be regulated. However, the amendment is not about medical emergencies or ensuring that women get the best treatment in those difficult circumstances; it is about limiting a woman's right to have that treatment.”
“Clinicians and medical practitioners in the health service need the assurance and support of the law to allow them to carry out their work and, when required, to act to save lives. <BR /> <BR />Let us examine some of the arguments against, and, in the interests of us all getting home at a reasonable hour, I will be brief. Private healthcare versus public healthcare: the DUP and its allies in this have suddenly become cheerleaders for public rather than private healthcare. In Sinn Féin's view, in an ideal world, all aspects of health would be public. However, the current reality is that the National Health Service is heavily dependent on private health referrals. Is the DUP saying that it now wants to cancel all private operations funded by the taxpayer — children's heart surgery, heart operations, specialist operations?”
“The health professionals have called for guidance, the court has ordered Ministers of Health to bring forward that guidance, and, unfortunately, we still do not have it. Three successive DUP Ministers of Health to date have failed to bring forward the guidelines as ordered by the courts. The absence of legislative implementation of these judgements has created very dangerous grey areas in which women can die. The failure of DUP Ministers to have in place guidance to give clinicians the legal assurance required to allow them to intervene in life-threatening circumstances at the request of the mother represents gross negligence. We call on the new Minister of Health to bring the guidance forward.”
“Sinn Féin's view of the amendment is that it is clearly an attempt to restrict the right of a woman to obtain a termination in life-threatening circumstances. It is an attempt to further compound trauma by marginalising women at a time in our life when we are most vulnerable. The criminal justice arena is not a place to deal with a sensitive health care issue such as this.”
“For the record, the members of our party on that Committee voted against the amendment at that point.”
“Sinn Féin believes that the issue should be dealt with in a comprehensive manner, involving a multi-agency response that develops effective services for sexual health and sex education, fuller access to child support provision and specific support for single parents. <BR /> <BR />I join the Chairperson of the Justice Committee in urging everyone who participates in the debate tonight to deal with this sensitive issue in a polite and respectful way and to respect that we have many different positions on it. I also respect and am conscious of the fact that there are strong and sincerely held views on all sides of the House. <BR /> <BR />This is the same amendment that was defeated on 12 March 2013. The Chair said that the Committee did not fully support it.”
“Go raibh maith agat, a Phríomh-LeasCheann Comhairle. Níl Sinn Féin i bhfabhar le ginmhilleadh; vótáil Sinn Féin i gcoinne Acht 1967 a leathnú go dtí an Tuaisceart nuair a moladh sin sa Tionól. Creideann Sinn Féin gur chóir don ghinmhilleadh bheith ar fáil i gcás éignithe, drochúsáide gnéasaí nó i gcol, agus i gcásanna ina bhfuil beatha na mná torraí i mbaol. <BR /> <BR />Sinn Féin is not in favour of abortion. We opposed and voted against the extension of the 1967 Act to the North when it was proposed in the Assembly. That remains our position. Sinn Féin believes that, in the case of rape, sexual abuse or incest and fatal foetal abnormality, or when a pregnant woman's life is in danger, the option of termination should be available.”
“<BR /> <BR />I respectfully suggest that he rereads the quote that Mr Dickson read out at the end of his contribution. Sinn Féin will continue to work to ensure that we have the Human Rights Act as it is, and, as a society coming out of conflict, we badly need that. It is one of my favourite quotes; so I am sure that Mr Dickson will not mind if I repeat it, because I think that it is important that we all listen to it again. It was from Pastor Martin Niemöller, who was a Protestant pastor and social activist:”
“As I listened to him, I was struck that the human trafficking law came into effect today, spearheaded by Lord Morrow. There was a wonderful event in the Senate, which I attended because I believe it is a very important piece of legislation, and practically the entire DUP Assembly team was there, and they applauded and gave a standing ovation to a woman who fought for human rights on the platform of human rights. Yet, an hour or so later, we have a Member of the same party making such spurious, inaccurate and wild allegations about the human rights community. So, I hope that the contributions of the DUP in the human trafficking debate reflect the ethos of the sentiments that I heard, rather than the ill-thought-out contribution of Mr McCausland.”
“CAJ seeks to ensure the highest standards and administration of justice by ensuring that the Government comply with their obligations in international law. It is a member of the International Federation of Human Rights (FIDH) and has received many international human rights prizes, including the Reebok human rights award and the prestigious 1998 Council of Europe human rights prize. <BR /> <BR />I understand that the Cheann Comhairle is looking at the comments, and I am sure that I speak for the entire House, maybe with the exception of some in the DUP, when I say that I assure the membership of the CAJ, the human rights community and human rights academics that Mr McCausland's comments do not reflect the view of the Assembly.”
“It was very disappointing and worrying to hear the cavalier attitude of Mr Nelson McCausland earlier, who threw out wild, inaccurate claims about CAJ. He is not here now. He may be busy with something else, or he may not be interested in human rights. Maybe he did that because it was the easy option. Maybe he did not have his work done on preparing for the debate. I would like to read something into the record about CAJ, because the claims made about it this afternoon were nothing short of disgraceful. CAJ is an independent human rights organisation. It has cross-community membership in the North. CAJ seeks to ensure the highest standards of justice and campaigns on a broad range of human rights issues.”
“It is also a direct attack on the Good Friday Agreement and the international treaty signed by the British and Irish Governments, which gives legal effect to the agreement. Not only was the agreement approved by referendum, it was incorporated as a treaty between Britain and Ireland and was lodged with the United Nations. It is treaty series number 50, 4705. Article 2 of the treaty binds the British Government to implement provisions of the multiparty agreement. I have some of the agreement with me. Paragraph 2 of the section on rights states:”
“Go raibh maith agat, a Cheann Comhairle. Cuirim fáilte roimh an rún seo, agus gabhaim buíochas le Páirtí na Comhghuaillíochta, mar is díospóireacht an-tábhachtach í seo. I welcome the motion and thank the Alliance Party for bringing it forward, because I believe that this is a very important debate. <BR /> <BR />For the record, Sinn Féin called for and supported the Human Rights Act, and we are deeply concerned about Tory plans to consult on or any attempt to repeal the Act. The implications of the plans to repeal it and reject the current oversight role of the European Convention on Human Rights are enormous for the administration of justice, policing and equality in the North.”
“On a point of order, Mr Speaker. That is a very dangerous statement to make, and it is absolutely untrue. I ask the Member to withdraw it. The CAJ is not working to a Sinn Féin agenda. It is absolutely wrong for somebody to say that in the House.”
“I ask the Member to withdraw his comments about CAJ. In my view, and from my experience, CAJ is a collection of individuals from across the political spectrum and none, with human rights experience, academics and human rights activists. It is a bit disappointing to hear the comments made about an established human rights group.”
“It is very important, and I am sure that the House agrees, that we ensure equality for all our communities, including our LGB community. Will the Minister comment on whether he will be moving to lift the ban?”
“I add my comhghairdeas — my congratulations — to the Minister in his new post. We look forward to working with him.”
“Further to that point of order, I was here for the entire debate. I heard every single Member who spoke sympathise with Mr Jim Wells. Just in case there is any ambiguity about this: every single person who spoke here sympathised with Mr Wells. I am sure that I speak for everyone in the House when I condemn any abuse towards anyone, including Mr Wells.”
“Those politicians who incite hatred, do not wring your hands, cite your conscience or say that you are against violence, if your words — your words — are the words ringing in the ears of the person who throws the brick through the window. Shame on you. Shame on you. <BR /> <BR />Today, what we need is this House to support the motion.”
“My concluding message is to the LGB community. Sinn Féin believes that you have rights. We will support those rights. We will take on discrimination and homophobia using all the tools at our disposal, but the biggest message that I want to send to drown out the negative, hateful bile that is coming out of some people is: we love our gay aunties and uncles; we love our lesbian children and gay grandchildren. We applaud your courage and bravery and the bravery of organisations that work with you. Together, we will build a society that includes and embraces. <BR /> <BR />I urge politicians to be very careful when they are speaking. A gay couple knows only too well how scary it is, in the dark of night, when a brick might come through the window. It takes courage to come out, because hate crime is on the rise.”
“It was in apartheid South Africa, to justify why black and white could not marry — because it would threaten the institution of marriage. <BR /> <BR />The other argument we will hear today is about religious belief. In case there is any ambiguity about it, the motion supports freedom of religion by allowing religious institutions to define, observe and practise marriage according to their beliefs. However, as legislators, we are not here to legislate according to our personal beliefs; we are here to legislate on the basis of equality, and that is what we will do. We will join the rest of the world in equality for all of our citizens.”
“As Justin McAleese so eloquently put it in his article, when he heard Ian Paisley junior's remarks, it stopped him coming out for another while and left him suffering in silence. It is wrong, and things need to change in this part of the world. You are condemning them to silence and fear. <BR /> <BR />What are the arguments that we are going to hear today? That it threatens family values — yeah, yeah, yeah. We have heard it before. I will tell you when we heard it. We heard it when it was used to justify laundries, when women were hidden away to protect family values while they were pregnant and had their children. Children were sent to far-flung parts of the globe to protect family values. We do not want to protect those types of family values. We will hear that the institution of marriage is threatened. Where did we hear that before?”
“We had Paul Givan trying to bring in a Bill, but, thankfully, Sinn Féin, with the Greens and Basil McCrea, are blocking that discriminatory private Member's Bill dressed up as a so-called conscience Bill. <BR /> <BR />To the DUP, I say that I hope that none of your children; grandchildren; nieces; nephews; brothers; sisters; aunties; uncles; cousins; neighbours; friends, or constituents are gay. The reason that I hope they are not is because they will be living in fear and getting very dangerous messages. They will be living in a culture of silence and rejection. There is a good chance that your policies and utterances are hurting them, and hurting them so deeply that they fear coming out.”
“Then, he is on the radio making nonsensical arguments that the marriage equality debate is not about equality and that that is why he supports equality for LGBT people but not in relation to marriage. It is nonsensical. He should be here and he should clarify his position. <BR /> <BR />This is an equality issue. I can marry my husband. I can show the world that I have married him and that I love him, but my gay and lesbian friends who have been in relationships for longer than I have — I have been in it for only 22 or 23 years — cannot do the same, and that is not fair. It is not legally right and it is not fair. <BR /> <BR />Jim Wells is not alone in the DUP to have made such homophobic comments. The list is long — Sammy Wilson, Ian Paisley junior, Iris Robinson, Edwin Poots.”
“<BR /> <BR />I note that all of the parties have criticised his comments, and I welcome that, but now the proof of the pudding is in the eating. Parties like the SDLP and Alliance say that their policy is to support marriage equality, and their members say they support their party policy. But then, some of them do not turn up for debates, and we hear the most ridiculous excuses. So, I genuinely hope that there is a full SDLP team and a full Alliance team here today. <BR /> <BR />Ulster Unionist Party Members have a free vote — sitting on the fence as usual. I believe that the leader of the UUP has questions to answer. He is not here, unfortunately. He sits on the Committee with responsibility for equality, but he has questions to answer. His party has election pacts with a party that does not support equality.”
“No, I will not give way. <BR /> <BR />I believe that he made the right decision. The only part of the decision that I think is wrong is that he should have resigned from now and not from 11 May. Peter Robinson, the leader of the DUP, now has a decision to make. The public needs to be reassured that the new Health Minister will fulfil her or his duties in the Department, whether it is in relation to adoption, blood donation or child protection. We cannot continue to have policy made based on personal religious belief and then pretending that there is research to back it up. We have seen that with the last two Health Ministers. It is insulting to the community at large, particularly to the LBG community. Indeed, his comments were very insulting to lone parents.”
“However, no matter how much pressure someone is under, there is no excuse for the comments that were made. What made the comments even worse was that they were made by the Health Minister, who has taken a pledge of office and who is responsible for safeguarding children. Jim Wells violated that pledge of office, and I believe —”
“We want to join the nations that have supported marriage equality: Argentina, Brazil, Canada, Denmark, France, Iceland, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, Portugal, South Africa, Spain, Sweden, England, Scotland, Wales and Uruguay. This is the fourth time that Sinn Féin has brought this motion forward, and I have no doubt that there will be some among you who will be critical of that. We make no apology for that, because until all our citizens have equality we will continue to bring motions in relation to equality. Sin é; it is as simple as that. <BR /> <BR />I sympathise with Jim Wells in relation to his wife Grace, and I am genuinely sorry that they are going through such difficult and traumatic times; I mean that very sincerely.”
“Go raibh maith agat, a Cheann Comhairle. Agus molann Sinn Féin an ceart um chomhionannas sóisialta, gnéis agus cultúrtha. I welcome the referendum for marriage equality in the South of Ireland. I will be voting yes — tá — on 22 May. I was part of the Sinn Féin team at the constitutional convention, and I was very proud that all our representatives voted in favour of marriage equality. If we vote yes, and I hope we do, we will be a step closer to cherishing all the children of the nation equally. <BR /> <BR />Sinn Féin wants to see this island part of a progressive world where all citizens can be married, regardless of their sexual orientation.”
“Go raibh maith agat. Thank you. Gabhaim buíochas leis an Aire as an fhreagra sin. I thank the Minister for his answer. Can he detail the numbers waiting and the action plan that he has for this serious matter?”
“Mr Principal Deputy Speaker, I would like to apologise for missing my question today. I meant no disrespect to the House.”
“I thank the Member for permitting me to make an intervention. First, it is incorrect to say that I was not at the meeting where the decision was taken: I was. I made the proposal that there would be a 10% cut, so there is nothing bogus about it. The previous meeting was a seminar where decisions were not taken. In relation to your point about where the money goes, all Sinn Féin MLAs take an industrial wage, including all our Ministers, because we believe that public money should be used well. You asked where the remainder of the money is used. It is used to provide services to our constituents.”
“Would the Member take an intervention and I will answer his question?”
“Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker. I will repeat the question. Is the Member willing to take an average industrial wage rather than the full wage that he currently takes?”