Anna Lo
South Belfast · Alliance Party · Northern Ireland
“In 2007, when I decided to run for election, it was an exciting time filled with a promise of change to a better, more inclusive and progressive society. I have seen change, though, borrowing a line from Yeats, "peace comes dropping slow". More still needs to be done.”
“As one of the few pro-choice MLAs, I was naturally disappointed that the two amendments to the Justice Bill, one tabled by colleagues and one by me, to allow abortion in very limited circumstances did not pass. We cannot afford to ignore the issue; women need our help. <BR /> <BR />I want to thank my constituents.”
“I also pay tribute to the environment sector whose expertise and commitment have been invaluable to us. <BR /> <BR />As the only ever MLA from an ethnic minority background, I was glad to be in a position to set up the all-party group on ethnic minorities and human trafficking, as well as to lobby extensively with the voluntary sector for…”
“I thank the Minister for his kind words. I want to thank him too for his always very valuable contribution to the Environment Committee. We definitely had a very good working relationship. <BR /> <BR />When the voluntary sector is being cut, I think that the role of volunteers is more important than ever before.”
“I thank the Minister for her statement. The higher and further education sectors have suffered severe cuts to their budgets, so much so that the University of Ulster had to axe the whole of its languages department. How can the Minister justify the economic case for the creation of the two academies?”
“The Committee was advised that the Minister intended to discuss the matter at the Executive with a view to gaining colleagues' agreement to develop a community planning engagement protocol that clearly establishes the nature of the relationship between Departments and local government.”
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“Therefore, the Committee felt that it would be remiss of it to make a decision when it was not in full possession of the information that it needed. Consequently, during its formal clause-by-clause scrutiny on 11 February, the Committee agreed that it was not content to form a view of clauses 1 to 20 and schedules 1 and 2, as the Committee was unable to give proper consideration and scrutiny to the complex issues raised at Committee Stage within the time remaining, including a full understanding of the impact that the Bill would have on the scrap metal industry. <BR /> <BR />Mr Deputy Speaker, that concludes my remarks as Chairperson of the Environment Committee, and, with your indulgence, I will make some brief comments as a member of the Alliance Party.”
“However, in providing a copy of the amendments, the Department advised that it was not possible in the available time frame to engage sufficiently with other Departments and the industry and that officials remained nervous that radically revising the Bill in such a short period would mean that insufficient scrutiny had been given to the draft amendments. The impact of that is that the Bill could be flawed or would not deliver what is intended. <BR /> <BR />The Committee is aware that Mr Beggs has tabled the amendments in his name. However, the Committee agreed that it did not have sufficient time to properly scrutinise the proposed amendments and the impact that they might have on the industry.”
“The Committee held follow-up sessions to discuss the evidence that it received with the sponsor of the Bill on 12 January and 14 January and with the Department on 21 January, 2 February and 9 February. Following agreement with the sponsor of the Bill, the Department indicated its intention to propose amendments; however, the Committee did not see the amendments until 9 February. Sixty-nine amendments were proposed by the Department, including opposition to clauses, which significantly amended the provisions of the Bill.”
“There were concerns about the impact of a cashless system or a system allowing a de minimis for cash transactions and how that could be enforced. There were also concerns about the unintended consequences of who might be captured by the provisions of the Bill apart from scrap metal dealers.”
“<BR /> <BR />However, during Committee Stage, complex issues were raised, such as whether there was a need for primary legislation, given recent changes to the waste management licensing regulations, which seek to tighten regulation for waste operators, including scrap metal dealers, and whether the Department is the most appropriate body to issue licences, given that the function of the NIEA is to tackle environmental crime. <BR /> <BR />Other issues included inconsistencies between the Republic of Ireland and Northern Ireland legislation, and concerns that that might harm employment and economic growth in the Northern Ireland recycling industry without similar regulations being made in ROI; and whether the existing voluntary code of conduct could be strengthened and form the basis of a legislative framework.”
“Nonetheless, it endeavoured to complete its scrutiny within the compressed timescale. However, the Committee's primary focus was to ensure that the Bill is workable, enforceable and effective and would not damage the economic viability of legitimate traders. <BR /> <BR />The Committee and many stakeholders recognise the merits of the purpose of the Bill, and the Committee commends Mr Beggs for bringing the Bill forward and encouraging debate on the issue. It is aware that the theft of scrap metal is not a victimless crime, and heard compelling evidence of the need for a legislative mechanism to deter and minimise incidents of metal theft, given the impact on local communities and the health and safety implications.”
“<BR /> <BR />The Committee had received only a small number of responses from scrap metal dealers directly and was concerned that this was a significant gap in its evidence. To address it, the Committee agreed to write to a targeted group of scrap metal dealers to ascertain whether they would be willing to provide evidence. Representatives indicated a preference for an informal meeting with the Committee, which was held on 9 February 2016. <BR /> <BR />The Committee secured an extension to the Committee Stage until 19 February. It did not seek a longer timescale as it recognised that to do so would have meant that the Bill would be unable to pass its remaining legislative stages. From the outset, the Committee expressed concerns regarding the timescale of the introduction of the Bill.”
“As agreement was not reached and, in accordance with Standing Order 64A, the matter was referred to the Business Committee, which ruled on 17 November that the Bill should fall to the Committee for the Environment for disposal. The Committee wrote to key stakeholders and inserted public notices seeking written evidence on the Bill by 11 December. A total of 18 organisations responded, including two nil responses. <BR /> <BR />As the Bill was introduced late in the mandate, the Committee arranged evidence sessions with a number of organisations prior to the deadline for receipt of written submissions. The Committee heard from the Department, the British Metals Recycling Association, the Northern Ireland utilities working group on metal theft, the Department of Justice and the PSNI.”
“On behalf of the Committee for the Environment, I will outline the work that the Committee undertook as part of its consideration of the Scrap Metal Dealers Bill. Following the Bill's introduction on 19 October 2015, the Committee was briefed by Mr Beggs on 10 November 2015 on the purpose of the Bill. It seeks to address the theft of stolen metal through a clearer regime of licensing and regulations overseeing the scrap metal trade. Committee members questioned whether the Bill was better suited to the Department of Justice given that its primary purpose is to tackle theft, whilst recognising that it gives the Department of the Environment powers to issue licences to scrap metal dealers. <BR /> <BR />I consulted the Chairperson of the Justice Committee as to which Committee the matter should fall to for disposal.”
“If those had been approved, the proposals would have been included in the Bill. That would have allowed for proper scrutiny during Consideration Stage. The Minister said that the Sinn Féin amendments may well have merit, but there was no consultation, no assessment on equality impact and no Committee scrutiny, and that was not the right way to implement primary legislation, so he recommends that the House oppose the Sinn Féin amendments and support the Alliance Party amendment.”
“He does not want to see some workers being treated as second-class citizens and said that it was unacceptable. He supports a large number of the Sinn Féin amendments. <BR /> <BR />The Chair of the Committee, Mr Swann, mentioned that, with the amendments from Sinn Féin coming so late, it does not give the House adequate time for scrutiny. He said that we accept that we have a responsibility to tackle zero-hours contracts. Therefore, he supports amendment No 3, which will allow the Department and the Committee to take control of what will be brought forward in the future. <BR /> <BR />The Minister concluded by saying that that, while amendment No 3 will provide that enabling framework, he regretted that the proposals that he brought to the Executive last February did not receive approval.”
“While he supports amendment No 3 — I think that he said that he supports amendment No 3 — and thinks that it is a forward step in enabling a future Minister to bring this forward, he wants to see this happen as a matter of priority and for this issue to be dealt with right away. He acknowledged the Minister's proposed policy, which did not get approval by the Executive. There were some discussions on the difficulties in the definition of "a compelling business reason", which was a phrase in his amendment. There were good exchanges between Mr Flanagan and the Minister. <BR /> <BR />Mr Diver spoke in support of all the amendments put forward by Sinn Féin. He criticised amendment No 3 for not being robust enough and said that, without legislation, zero-hours contracts would limit people's lives and futures.”
“I thank all the Members who have contributed to the group 2 debate. It has been a very reasoned debate, and a lot of points have been raised and responded to by the Minister and others. <BR /> <BR />Mr Buchanan was the first Member to speak. He said that the amendments from Sinn Féin have come far too late in the day. He stressed the importance of having time to assess the amendments and to consult stakeholders, and he opposed amendment Nos 5 to 17 because they had come very late at this stage. He supports amendment No 3, and he said that it gives flexibility to the Department. <BR /> <BR />Mr Flanagan spoke passionately in favour of his raft of amendments on zero-hours contracts to protect workers from abuses by, he said, "bad employers".”
“I thank the Minister for his response and commend him on his determination and his work to reform the criminal system, focusing on rehabilitation and the reduction of reoffending. Does he believe that the prison reform programme has made significant changes that will improve outcomes for prisoners and wider society?”
“I thank the Member for his intervention. I understand what you are saying, but what we are doing now is setting the path for the Committee and the future Minister to look at this again through regulation. There is no doubt that it is an important issue and that there are concerns about abuse and exploitation. However, this is not the right time to put amendments forward, as we need Committee scrutiny and further consideration. I think that the future Minister will take this on board and bring it forward as soon as possible.”
“<BR /> <BR />Passing our amendments today would recognise that this is a significant area of public concern and is a focal point for the public discourse. It would also avoid any further delay that would result from the Assembly having to wait for the next opportunity of a relevant employment Bill coming before it.”
“Apart from providing definitions, the clauses are not prescriptive on how zero-hours contracts are to be dealt with in legislation. Instead, they provide for regulations to amend or repeal any statutory provision, including the revision of the definitions if events or circumstances warrant that. <BR /> <BR />Our second amendment provides that this would be done by affirmative procedure. The contents of the Sinn Féin amendments would be progressed through regulations. Given that an affirmative route would be required both today and in relation to any regulations, nothing would be lost through waiting and taking the opportunity to ensure that we are confident that we are providing the most appropriate and proportionate regulation.”
“Our amendment is not prescriptive about content and gives scope for an open and transparent process in which detailed proposals can come forward and be tested with stakeholders and provide space for engagement with the Committee. Nothing would be taken forward without the agreement of the Executive and then the approval of the Assembly. <BR /> <BR />The main amendment in our names defines zero-hours and non-contractual zero-hours arrangements and provides a broad enabling power to make regulations for those provisions.”
“Also, given that the regulation of zero-hours contracts is a relatively new area of law, there is a strong argument that the bulk of legislation should be provided through regulations, rather than by primary legislation, as, in the event that we need to modify what we are doing, it would be far easier to amend regulations than it would be with the longer time frame and the process involved in primary legislation. <BR /> <BR />The amendment in my name and that of my colleague Stewart Dickson offers the Assembly the only plausible option to provide a platform on which the proportionate regulation of zero-hours contracts can be taken forward. It will provide the basis on which the next Minister with responsibility for employment law, who, I understand, will be the new Minister for the Economy, can make regulations.”
“There is an irony that some of the amendments tabled for today reflect the proposals tabled by my colleague the Minister for Employment and Learning. However, they have come far too late in the process for any proper consideration by the Committee and the full Assembly or for further engagement with stakeholders on the proposed way forward. It is important that the Assembly is satisfied that what is proposed will be effective, that the arrangements are not capable of being circumvented by some employers and that there are no unintended consequences. <BR /> <BR />With respect to those who tabled the amendments, there is no basis on which they can provide that assurance.”
“Thank you, Mr Principal Deputy Speaker. I hope to finish within 10 minutes. <BR /> <BR />My colleague Stewart Dickson and I are moving amendment No 3 in the hope that it can be an amendment that the whole Assembly can unite on, as it creates the opportunity on a realistic platform from this point onwards for the proportionate regulation of zero-hours contracts. There are many legitimate concerns about those contracts, and it is important that the Assembly takes the opportunity to put in place proportionate regulation that permits them to remain in areas where flexibility for employers is important and where they may work from the perspective of employees while addressing abuse and exploitation. <BR /> <BR />Opportunities to take forward more detailed proposals over the past year have not been taken.”
“If we were to pass these amendments today, coming as they do at Further Consideration Stage, there would be no opportunity to rectify any issues until or unless fresh primary legislation were passed. It is in those respects that we urge great caution.”
“I congratulate the Minister on the passage of the Work and Families Act (Northern Ireland) 2015 with its new shared parental leave and improved access to flexible working. <BR /> <BR />On the amendments relating to the living wage, Alliance urges great caution. These amendments have been tabled very late in the day. There may be merit in much of what is proposed, but there has been no formal consideration of the issues, no public consultation, no costings and no assessment of regulatory impact. Given that this is a non-devolved matter and the provisions here are skirting around that, there are legitimate questions as to how effective or otherwise these mechanisms would be and whether they would represent value for money. Alliance is open to action in this area, but there needs to be wider consideration first.”
“<BR /> <BR />Despite considerable progress in recent years, there is still a significant gap in the rates of pay between men and women. That reflects, in the main, structural differences in the labour market and does not necessarily represent wide-ranging cases of direct discrimination. However, while women, on the whole, have higher participation rates in further and higher education and, in turn, better qualifications, there are issues of retention and progression in the workforce; variances in levels of part-time work or irregular contracts; and differences in the employment rate. That may arise from choice but may also represent shortcomings in workforce policy and practice or government legislation.”
“I will speak briefly on the amendments in this group. Alliance supports amendment Nos 1 and 2, which come from the Committee. They reflect discussions at Consideration Stage on the need for some minor redrafting to avoid the potential identification of individuals and breaches of confidentiality. <BR /> <BR />We will also support the Sinn Féin amendments on the gender pay audit. That reflects legislation passed in Great Britain through the Equality Act 2010 that, coincidently, came into effect through regulations in the past few weeks. Alliance believes that there should be similar measures in Northern Ireland and that they should reflect our particular circumstances. In that regard, we do not need to replicate the same terms or thresholds that apply elsewhere.”
“The strategy supporting the development of funding between business and arts is vital, particularly for those in disadvantaged communities. Consideration must be given to how Invest NI might encourage participation when providing foreign direct investment and other grants. <BR /> <BR />I support the Committee's view that having representation from disadvantaged communities on board should also be looked at, as those communities are often not heard in the development of public policies.”
“In it are recommendations that the strategy address transportation, education, technology, data gathering and volunteering. It is timely that there is a recommendation that the strategy be underpinned by a strategic partnership with local councils to ensure a more joined-up approach regarding the arts, as councils are in the process of developing their community plans. <BR /> <BR />Short-term funding has been a problem for voluntary organisations when planning and developing in recent years. The report made a valid point about the short cycles of funding that make planning and developing projects difficult. I support the Committee's suggestion that the strategy examine the use of tiered funding periods that take account of the level of deprivation in the target community and of the need for legacy work.”
“The suggestion that the strategy will facilitate research and address the specific difficulties that those communities face in accessing the arts and cultural activities is a good one. I agree that proper consultation with community groups in disadvantaged areas must be made and that that should be aimed at rural and urban areas. <BR /> <BR />It is reasonable that the report proposes exploring the idea of social clauses for publicly funded performance venues to facilitate young people and musical groups or bands in disadvantaged communities. It is also important to look at how the provision of costly equipment, such as musical instruments, might be aided. <BR /> <BR />I welcome this comprehensive report, which has considered barriers to the arts from many angles.”
“It should have coordinated targets, key performance indicators and a monitoring and review process to evaluate outcomes. It also needs to be rural proofed and adequately funded. <BR /> <BR />I particularly welcome the recommendation that the strategy should seek to bring publicly owned arts to public buildings and spaces like libraries and schools, so that all communities can enjoy and be inspired by local art. On the recent Environment Committee visit to the warehouse of the Ulster Museum, we saw thousands of pieces of archived artwork stored away. They should see the light of day whenever possible. <BR /> <BR />I welcome the recommendation that the strategy seeks to forge partnerships with theatres and theatre companies to facilitate them in working with disadvantaged communities.”
“I am not a member of the CAL Committee, but I wish to speak on behalf of the Alliance Party in support of the motion. <BR /> <BR />In 2012, I was delighted to help the Arts Council launch the first ever intercultural arts strategy. That was a significant step in addressing the barriers facing ethnic minority groups in Northern Ireland. I have witnessed at first hand the positive impact that arts initiatives can have at grass-roots level. <BR /> <BR />Whilst I welcome the report's overarching recommendation that an Executive arts and culture strategy be brought forward, I have some reservations about how that will work, given the potential difficulties in getting the buy-in from Departments. It is essential that, as recommended, the strategy does not duplicate existing arts strategies.”
“I appreciate that the issue of dead miles came about only recently and the Minister has agreed to bring an SL1 to the Committee by the end of the month. I also understand that he has just had a meeting with the Consumer Council on the issue. Maybe he can brief us on the steps he is taking between now and the end of the month to bring forward the SL1. Will there be an option for taxi drivers to opt out of the dead miles regulations?”
“The Member, I am sure, is aware that we in Northern Ireland are the exception in the world. Forty seven countries in Europe all allow abortion on the grounds of rape. How do the other countries do it?”
“I thank the Member for giving way. The reality is that many women who get a diagnosis that they are carrying a child with fatal foetal abnormality choose to go to England — are forced to go to England — to have an abortion, and they cannot even bring the foetus back to Northern Ireland. The airlines will not allow them to carry their dead baby back to Northern Ireland for burial. That is very, very cruel.”
“<BR /> <BR />I know that this is an emotive subject, and I know that there are those who will rise and speak against my amendment with passion and conviction, yet I urge Members to consider this carefully from a health perspective rather than purely as a moral issue. I hope that this will be a debate that is informed by evidence. As politicians, we have failed to prioritise women's healthcare. By not supporting amendment No 68, we very much risk being on the wrong side of history. We must not miss this opportunity.”
“Generally, that is in places where people do not have access to sex education and contraception, and so what we find is that criminalising abortion does not stop it, and it certainly does not lower the rate. We live in an imperfect world, one in which violence is common and in which sexual abuse and sexual violence against girls and women does happen and can result in pregnancies that are life sentences of damage to the victims. A victim of rape or sexual abuse needs assistance, compassion and options, yet, as legislators, we offer none of those, just judgement. For how long will we export the problem? For how long will we ignore the fact that it is a class issue? How long will we subject women to such inhumanity? We have done so for far, far too long.”
“I do not think that I can put it better than that. With incest, it is unlikely that there will be a need for a police investigation, because of the probable involvement of social services or because the perpetrator is generally known to the victim. It is something that can be genetically verified as well. <BR /> <BR />This is not an abstract debate. Our restrictive law is making people's lives very difficult. I have heard examples from the Abortion Support Network. It helps local women facing crisis pregnancies, which are truly depressing and distressing. It has helped women who did not want to report a rape because they were afraid that, if the rape made them pregnant, they would be forced to carry the pregnancy to term. <BR /> <BR />Research has shown that the rate of abortions is higher where it is illegal.”
“Just last year, Amnesty International commissioned a Millward Brown Ulster poll that told us that seven out of 10 people back changes to the abortion law in Northern Ireland; 66% of people think abortion should be allowed in the case of fatal foetal abnormality; 69% think that the law in Northern Ireland should make access to abortion available where the pregnancy is the result of rape; and 68% think the law in Northern Ireland should make access to abortion available where the pregnancy is the result of incest. <BR /> <BR />Like others, I have been contacted by a number of constituents urging me to vote yes to amendment Nos 61 to 68. One constituent pointed out that even Sierra Leone has repealed its outdated abortion laws but that Northern Ireland has not.”
“It is also important to consider how our current legislation, or lack thereof, impacts our refugees. We have quite a lot of new refugees who have come here or who are arriving fairly soon. If a woman was raped prior to arriving in our country and then discovered she was pregnant, would she have access to funds to travel to England? Would she be allowed to leave with her documentation? It is not only Justice Horner who thinks our abortion law needs to change.”
“He also highlighted how women having to travel is not only distressing for them but is very much a class issue. His judgement states:”
“<BR /> <BR />I am also concerned that, in arguing that it is too difficult to verify a rape case, we are sending out a dangerous message. If we are saying that we are incapable of proving a rape case, what is the point in women reporting it? Regardless of where you stand on abortion, sending that message to people who are most likely already very reluctant to report a rape should be a concern for us all. It is vital to stress that this amendment is about choice. No one is saying, "If you are raped and get pregnant as a result, you must have an abortion". It simply means that you can assess what options are open to you. <BR /> <BR />Justice Horner's recent judgement found that Northern Ireland's almost outright ban on abortion breaches the human rights of women and girls, including rape victims.”
“We must trust women. Those who make false allegations of rape are in a tiny minority, and in doing so, they are committing a crime and can also face possible charges for wasting police time. Women should be provided safe, legal abortion services based on their complaint of the rape and should not be compelled to undergo unnecessary added stress by having to report a sexual crime to the police. <BR /> <BR />I acknowledge that this is not an ideal amendment. For some, it is too restrictive. I and most human rights organisations would much prefer that we allowed women to have an abortion based on their word. However, I understand that some Members might object on the basis that rape is too difficult to prove and women may lie to get an abortion. Therefore, my amendment requires women to have reported this crime to the police.”
“No evidence or matter connected with the abortion shall be admissible in any criminal proceedings relating to the alleged rape, incest or indecent assault except with the leave of the court. It is a given, of course, that this has to be done within 24 hours, in line with current legislation.”
“<BR /> <BR />Largely based on the Termination of Pregnancy (Medical Defences) Act 1995 in the Isle of Man, my amendment stipulates that a woman may have a legal abortion if she has made a complaint to the police alleging that the pregnancy could be caused by rape, incest or indecent assault. The pregnant woman must then provide evidence to the surgeon and/or medical practitioner that the pregnancy could be caused by rape, incest or indecent assault. A police reference number will suffice. In addition to that, the hospital surgeon and/or medical practitioner must believe that there are no medical indications which contradict the allegation that the pregnancy could be caused by rape, incest or indecent assault.”
“<BR /> <BR />The only law applying to abortion here is the Offences Against the Person Act 1861, which contains a life sentence for anyone convicted of carrying out a termination, even in cases of rape or incest. It has some of the most severe penalties in Europe. <BR /> <BR />This is a health matter, not a criminal justice issue. Women should not be criminalised. Of the 47 member states of the European Council, just six do not permit termination of pregnancy on grounds of rape, incest and foetal abnormality. Even Brazil, a repressive, religious regime whose abortion laws are among the most stringent in Latin America, allows for abortion in the case of rape or incest. Its law simply says that, in order to access a termination, a woman must put in writing to a medical doctor that she has been raped.”
“The World Health Organization (WHO) has clearly indicated that women who become pregnant as a result of rape should have access to safe abortion services. To allow access to abortion services in such cases, the WHO advises that the state should update standards and guidelines for police and healthcare providers, and that includes referrals to abortion services. <BR /> <BR />At least 1,000 women and girls from Northern Ireland travel to hospitals in Britain for terminations every year. Official figures for 2014 state that 837 Northern Irish females had abortions in Britain, although that number is regarded as an underestimation. Among them was a 13-year-old who became pregnant through incest.”
“In the case where abortion was denied to a suicidal young girl who had been raped, CEDAW recommended that the state take measures to ensure access to abortion in cases of rape. It also said that the life and health of a pregnant woman or girl must be prioritised over the protection of the foetus. Under human rights law, a state can decide to provide an unborn child with protections. For example, a state may restrict a woman's access to termination of pregnancy. Any such restriction must not, however, violate a woman's human rights. The European Court of Human Rights found that:”
“That includes reproductive decision-making. UN treaty monitoring bodies agree that abortion should be legal when a pregnancy results from rape, and they have urged countries to amend their laws to allow that. <BR /> <BR />The United Nations Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), last year, made clear that access to termination of pregnancy must be made available in Northern Ireland in circumstances of fatal foetal abnormality, rape or incest.”
“The state now tells her that she must continue with a pregnancy where, every day for the next eight months, she will be reminded of that act of violence that was forced upon her. <BR /> <BR />Traumatised and re-traumatised. How barbaric is that? <BR /> <BR />It could happen to your daughter, your wife, your niece or your neighbour. Yet, as legislators, we have allowed this restriction from an arcane 1861 law to continue. Now is the time to bring Northern Ireland into the 21st century and meet international human rights standards. <BR /> <BR />Violence against women is a violation of fundamental human rights. Those include the right to health, life and the right to be free from torture and other ill-treatment. The United Nations says that individuals should be able to:”
“I am speaking as an individual MLA, not representing the Alliance Party, which has no set policy on abortion. <BR /> <BR />I wonder whether anyone in this Chamber has seen a woman who has just been raped. I have. Many years ago, when I was a sessional interpreter for the RUC, I was involved in a rape case — an experience that has never left me. Imagine a woman who has just been sexually violated. She is traumatised, exhausted and feels dirty. She is experiencing a mixture of emotions: anger and disgust towards the perpetrator, not to mention helplessness and humiliation. Imagine, a month or two later, she discovers that she is pregnant. The consequence of the violation is growing inside her body.”
“The Minister mentioned the new strategy for apprenticeships. What different outcomes can we expect from it?”