Paula Bradley
North Belfast · Democratic Unionist Party · Northern Ireland
“I am especially grateful to all the women who, especially in my first mandate here, were a constant support and encouragement to me as a new MLA. Nothing ever prepares you for this role, but many inside and outside this Building are the glue that holds it all together.”
“I thank them for their support, especially over the last week, with the phone calls, emails, cards and flowers, but, most of all, for allowing me to be part of their lives, sometimes at the most difficult times. Secondly, I want to thank my party, of which I have been a member for 20 years.”
“Thank you, Mr Speaker. I will try my very best to get through these three minutes without tears in my eyes, though I doubt that that is going to happen. <BR /> <BR />I will begin by thanking you, Mr Speaker.”
“After much discussion with officials concerning the objectives of the Bill, the detail of an SMI loan, the process of registering and removing the statutory charge and how and when an SMI loan is repaid, the Committee was content with the Bill as drafted. <BR /> <BR />I welcome the Final Stage of the Bill.”
“I welcome the Final Stage of the Bill. It is probably the shortest Bill that the Committee considered, but it is no less important, as it aims to protect owner-occupiers in receipt of an income-related benefit from the threat of repossession.”
“I know that I have caused a few headaches over the past two years, but you have always delivered week in, week out and put the needs of the Committee first and foremost. You have made my role as Committee Chair so much easier. For all that you have done, I am truly thankful.”
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“I request Members' support to extend the Committee Stage of the Betting, Gaming, Lotteries and Amusements (Amendment) Bill to 28 January 2022. At the Second Stage debate on 27 September, I said that the Bill marks the start of the process to bring about important and long-awaited amendments to the 1985 Order, which has remained largely unchanged since it was enacted. As a result, gambling legislation here is very outdated. <BR /> <BR />The Minister is taking a two-stage approach to reforms, including this Bill, which, unfortunately, will not establish a new regulatory framework but will amend parts of the 1985 Order.”
“We have all had constituents come to us in despair after being served with eviction notices by private landlords through no fault of their own and without any realistic prospect of being rehoused any time soon through the social sector. <BR /> <BR />I ask the House to allow the Committee additional time to scrutinise the Bill so that we can do our level best to ensure that it forms a solid way forward for tackling outstanding matters in the next mandate. We will not hesitate to seek clarifications and propose amendments if needed. A very busy time lies ahead for us in the next few months. I ask that Members agree to this extension to allow us to give the Bill the attention that it deserves and to plan our work to deal with other Bills and our wider workload in parallel.”
“<BR /> <BR />Secondly, the Committee needs to be content that it has sufficient time and space to undertake thorough scrutiny. Members raised many issues and matters of concern during the Second Stage debate. In fact, I think that every key clause was touched upon in that debate, which clearly shows the depth of scrutiny needed. The Committee will not lose sight of ensuring that it does the best that it can with the Bill for all those in the private rented sector, but particularly for those individuals and families who make their homes within that sector. <BR /> <BR />Examples of comments made during the Second Stage debate make the Committee very mindful of the scrutiny required. I will highlight a few of those comments:”
“The need to extend is twofold. First, there is the matter of logistics. We are in the Committee Stage of three Bills: the Charities Bill, the Private Tenancies Bill and the Betting, Gaming, Lotteries and Amusements (Amendment) Bill. We are progressing all three at once in planned order to ensure a balance of thorough scrutiny, with a strong chance of completion of all three in this mandate. To that end, the Committee is working at pace, and will meet twice a week from the start of November until the Committee Stages of the Bills are completed. We are well progressed with the Charities Bill, and will start deliberations next week. The call for evidence is in progress for the Private Tenancies Bill, and closes on 29 October. The call for evidence on the Betting, Gaming, Lotteries and Amusements (Amendment) Bill launches today.”
“I request Members' support to extend the Committee Stage of the Private Tenancies Bill to 14 January 2022. At the Second Stage debate on 13 September, I highlighted that the Bill proposes welcome changes and that the Committee supports its aims. However, as everyone in the House knows, the devil is in the detail. The Committee has identified a range of important stakeholders it needs to hear from on the four key areas of tenancy management; rental payments and deposits; property standards; and security of tenure.”
“We know that those sectors were massively impacted during the pandemic. What feedback has there been from them since the recent relaxations, particularly indoors?”
“I thank the First Minister for his answers thus far. First Minister, you stated:”
“Will it be open to those who want to change careers?”
“Minister, you touched on the effects that the pandemic is having on workers. When will we see a change to the "Work from home" message? Never mind the economic effects in our town and city centres, working from home is having an effect on many workers' mental health.”
“There should be an awareness that there are separate examples of unacceptable behaviour that need to be tackled. Upgrading the law on harassment would provide an opportunity to tackle all abuses in the round. It is for those reasons that, unfortunately, I cannot support the Bill at this stage.”
“For instance, if influencing a person via a pamphlet outside premises where pregnancy advice is provided is deemed a criminal offence, is the next step to ban the distribution of literature on any topic in any public place or private space on the basis that it may cause alarm? <BR /> <BR />The Bill sponsor suggests that the legislation responds to a narrow problem, but that is not simple. It is not black and white, and there is a real risk of unintended consequences. Therefore, while I absolutely agree that there should be greater flexibility in the current criminal framework to crack down on threatening and abusive behaviour against anyone entering our Health and Social Care premises or, indeed, independent premises, we cannot take the issues in isolation.”
“There is no clarity about what is deemed to constitute direct or indirect influence and no definition of "alarm or distress". The clause also includes no requirement for offending to be threatening, abusive or violent. That threshold is stipulated in other important legislation, including that on domestic abuse and coercive control. Does that set the bar too low for prosecution? Moreover, if somebody is prosecuted, are the conditions in clause 6 clear enough to make the offence operable by the courts? <BR /> <BR />There is also the threat that the model would set a precedent for an unfair restriction of fundamental freedoms in other situations.”
“The case for a catch-all ban on protest activity at assigned premises is further weakened by the ambiguity in the Bill. Clause 6 would establish a general offence against anyone intent on:”
“First, it is our view that the aim of punishing and deterring such behaviour on health and social care premises could be realised via existing mechanisms in a way that better defends the fundamental freedoms of assembly and expression. There should be an acknowledgement that a majority of local pro-life campaigners act within the law. Therefore, there needs to be a targeted and narrow focus on rooting out offending among the small number of individuals who engage in such vile, threatening or violent behaviour. That could include tightening the current law on harassment.”
“As someone who believes that every life should be valued and respected, I say unequivocally that there is no place in our society for harassment or threatening or abusive behaviour against any individual accessing any health intervention or service; in particular, there is a need to ensure that those who are vulnerable, are in crisis or have suffered loss receive adequate protection under the law. Therefore, we have to consider the appropriate means to that end. On balance, I do not believe that the Bill is the right vehicle to secure the most robust protections from harassment or, in some case, criminal behaviour. <BR /> <BR />I formed that position for a number of reasons.”
“We are getting there, but we need that extra push. A long-term strategy, along with our longer-term Budget, would go some way towards promoting that and ensuring that, going forward, this is the very best place to be. We need to lead from the front for everybody involved in the arts and creative industries.”
“We saw how that group was able to take those young people away from getting involved in those disturbances. Many of those young people were not involved, but the scheme took them away from inner Belfast to work in the arts and creative industries in other places. <BR /> <BR />We have seen how the arts can be used in so many different ways and how funding the arts can, as Mr Nesbitt said, help people's lives. It promotes good health and good mental health. We therefore need to look at how we can help the many young people out there who are interested in having a career and getting involved in the industry, which, we know, has so many facets. We need to put in place everything we can in order to keep those young people in Northern Ireland and let them see that it is an up-and-coming place when it comes to the arts and creativity.”
“<BR /> <BR />I am also a member of the all-party group on the arts, and that group has discussed how we need a long-term strategy and that, under that strategy, we need to hold all Departments to account on how they progress the arts. We know, through the Department for the Economy, how vibrant and exciting the creative industries are and how much we have to offer here in Northern Ireland. We want that to continue. <BR /> <BR />Just last week, I had the opportunity to attend an awards ceremony with the Newtownabbey Arts and Cultural Network, which offers training in the arts and creative industries in Rathcoole. We all remember that, during the summer, we had disturbances in and around Belfast to do with the protocol. That group decided to run a diversionary scheme, and it was all to do with the arts and creative industries.”
“<BR /> <BR />I agree with Mr Durkan that any strategy that we come up with also needs to focus on regional inequalities and the opportunities presented by the arts and creative industries, and that must also include bridging the rural/urban divide. We also need to bridge the socio-economic gap. I am a Belfast representative, and I absolutely want to see as much funding as possible going into Belfast, but I absolutely get that there are inequalities throughout the country. I ask the proposers of the amendment to recognise that some funding that goes into Belfast is for the likes of the Ulster Orchestra, which is Northern Ireland-wide and is there for all of Northern Ireland. In recognising that some of that funding is Belfast-centric, we should also acknowledge that it is there for the entire community in Northern Ireland.”
“Over 7,500 people are employed by organisations that are funded annually by the Arts Council, and over 6,000 of those are employed on a temporary or freelance basis. Granting added protection and security to those workers must be a key consideration in any strategy moving forward. <BR /> <BR />We cannot look at the situation in Northern Ireland in isolation. Other jurisdictions and Governments face similar threats to institutions such as museums. There is a need to identify examples of best practice to ensure a sustainable and exciting future for the arts and creative industries. The absence of a strategic approach to funding for the arts has severely dented what could be achieved in that sector over recent years. The Arts Council of Northern Ireland saw an almost 40% reduction in its funding between 2011-12 and 2018-19.”
“I, too, pass on my best wishes to Minister Hargey and wish her a speedy recovery. <BR /> <BR />We talk in the Chamber quite frequently about inequalities, and there is no doubt that the arts, culture and heritage and creative sectors have been disproportionately impacted on by the pandemic. We know that they are primarily demand-driven, and, therefore, COVID-19 pulled the rug from right under their feet with deeply alarming consequences. The effect of the pandemic on those sectors was not uniform, and, therefore, a long-term strategy for recovery and renewal cannot adopt a one-size-fits-all approach. It needs to be targeted and evidence-based to ensure that those who are most at risk see the primary benefits.”
“I thank the Minister for her answer. She mentioned the city regional deal. When the Glider was first mooted for north Belfast, there was talk that it would go as far as Global Point in south Antrim or Mallusk, which is part of the city deal as well. Why was that not taken into consideration when you put out the consultation? Albeit I do not know how it would manage to get through Glengormley at rush hour, why is it stopping where it is stopping?”
“<BR /> <BR />I look forward to hearing from the Minister about how she, along with her colleague in the Department of Finance, intends to bring forward options for how we as an Assembly can ease pressures on working families, children and the many with disabilities as we go forward, because, for many, it will be a case of "Eat or heat" this winter, and, as an Assembly, we need to ensure that people are not faced with that question.”
“As someone who sat on the scrutiny Committee for the Welfare Reform Bill, I know that any divergence comes at a cost. I also know that it is not simply a case of instructing Department for Work and Pensions (DWP) to continue the uplift in Northern Ireland. I heard earlier from the SDLP Benches about how it was opposed to welfare reform. I do not remember the SDLP, at any stage, giving us a fully costed plan for how it would have continued with welfare benefits, given that that is not a devolved matter.”
“Universal credit's role as the main safety net for new benefit claimants is likely to be the focus of attention as we emerge from the pandemic. <BR /> <BR />Before the pandemic, women were already more vulnerable to poverty. They made up the majority of lone parents, those with precarious low-paid jobs and those with caring responsibilities that limited their availability for paid work. Women are also more likely to claim social security benefits. Job losses and the need to provide increasing levels of unpaid care as a result of the pandemic are likely to increase poverty and dependence on social security benefits, especially for women. <BR /> <BR />I am not foolish enough to believe that this can be solved at the stroke of a pen.”
“Women who were already struggling are under even more financial pressure as they, their children and their families are pushed even further into poverty as a result of the pandemic. <BR /> <BR />The pandemic has caused a huge surge in the number of universal credit claimants due to the scale of job losses and the impacts of lockdown on people's working lives. The pandemic has highlighted the need for the benefit system to act as a safety net for people in difficult times. It is likely that, as the economy emerges from lockdown and faces a significant recession, many households will continue to struggle with their finances. Part of the solution must be to ensure that the benefit system provides sufficient support to those facing a temporary income shock as well as to those facing longer-term financial hardship.”
“I thank the Women's Policy Group Northern Ireland for its help in preparing this speech, and I refer to its 'COVID-19 Feminist Recovery Plan' — I have a printout rather than a glossy copy — which every Minister in our Executive should read to give them some indication of just how hard it is out there for women and families. <BR /> <BR />Pre pandemic, the rate of women's participation in the workforce was at a record high, although, typically, the work was part-time, low-paid and on temporary or zero-hours contracts. Studies have shown that those in precarious employment saw a greater loss in earnings and hours than those in secure employment. There are strong links between female poverty and child poverty. The pandemic has increased the negative impacts felt by women and children.”
“Northern Ireland will be one of the hardest-hit regions due to the nature of our population and the high numbers of children and families. Demand for universal credit is higher in certain parts of Northern Ireland, including the north-west, so any cut will not be felt evenly by families and households. <BR /> <BR />We have heard it said many times that the pandemic has disproportionately affected women and, in turn, families. We know that women are more likely to be in low-paid and part-time employment. It is those women and families who will be hit hardest yet again by the removal of the uplift in universal credit.”
“I support the motion and thank the Members for tabling it. <BR /> <BR />The DUP strongly opposes the Government's plans to reverse the uplift in universal credit and has made that abundantly clear through its MPs at Westminster. The extra support has been a lifeline for millions of families across the United Kingdom as they grapple with the unprecedented pressures created by the pandemic. A mountain of evidence suggests that any cut will disproportionately and adversely affect working families and single-parent households. Tragically, it will also pull thousands more children into relative or absolute poverty across Northern Ireland. <BR /> <BR />Rather than, as the Prime Minister suggests, helping to level up communities in the four parts of the United Kingdom, the overnight cut in universal credit will promote regional inequalities.”
“I thank the Minister for his answer. Minister, it has been well rehearsed that a lack of GP face-to-face services can lead to an increase in certain diseases and illnesses. For the age group with early-stage dementia, how can we alleviate the anxiety of not being able to see the doctor who knows them best?”
“It is clear that, if the Bill passes Second Stage, substantial amendments will be required to protect families and communities, help problem gamblers and ensure that people get the help that they need.”
“It was the DUP, taking its seats at Westminster, that made the case that gambling cannot be deregulated unless there is regulation in place to help and support problem gambling. It was my party colleagues at Westminster who went against the Government and put together a coalition across the House to ensure that meaningful self-exclusion measures for online gambling were put in place. As a result, the Government introduced multi-operator, self-exclusion measures, which resulted in the creation of GAMSTOP. As of Christmas last year, 170,000 people had received support for gambling addictions. That is why I and colleagues feel so passionately about ensuring that any deregulation of the industry is balanced by regulations to help those who find themselves in difficulty.”
“While clause 7 makes it an offence for under-18s to be enticed to play gaming machines, the Bill does not go far enough. <BR /> <BR />Betting shops, by clustering around deprived areas, target those who can least afford it. The Bill does little to help those in vulnerable positions who are being targeted by mega companies that simply exploit them for profit. It is time that something was done to help those who need it. The Bill is an opportunity to bring real and meaningful change, but that opportunity has been missed. <BR /> <BR />While other parties have taken little action in this regard, my party colleagues at Westminster have been at the forefront of helping better regulate the market. At Westminster, the Gambling (Licensing and Advertising) Bill proposed the deregulation of advertising for online gambling.”
“I thank the Member for highlighting that. He is absolutely right. Throughout the Bill, there are anomalies with the situation North/South and east-west. <BR /> <BR />The legislation does nothing to legislate for fixed-odds betting terminals, as Mr Allister brought up earlier. In the rest of the UK, such terminals are regulated and limited to £2 a bet. There is no regulation in Northern Ireland. There is a voluntary code in place, but not all operators have signed up to it, and it is not universally applied. Given that fixed-odds betting terminals are inside betting shops, most of those machines are located in the poorest areas of Northern Ireland. Such machines, especially if they are not limited, are huge moneymakers for the gambling industry and, more worryingly, are more attractive to young people.”
“<BR /> <BR />A wider question should, perhaps, be why large betting companies have been allowed to cluster around the most deprived areas of Northern Ireland. My constituency has the most betting shops of any constituency, with 31 shops. That compares with North Down, which has fewer than 10. Gambling is of greater prevalence in our more deprived areas, and research shows that people in deprived areas are more likely to bet on outcomes that have greater odds and, consequently, more chances of losing. That is particularly true in sports betting, which is more prevalent in betting shops.”
“Clauses 2 and 6 extend the opening hours of betting shops and bingo halls. That is a not insignificant increase in high street betting. The changes proposed represent an increase in opening hours of 16·67%. What is worse is the fact that the increase in opening hours would disproportionately affect those on low incomes. There are over 300 betting shops on the high street in Northern Ireland. Almost 37% of those shops — over one third — are found in the bottom 10% of areas of social deprivation; over 80% are located in the bottom 50% of the most deprived areas of Northern Ireland; and not one is located in any of the most affluent areas of Northern Ireland. An increase in the opening hours of betting shops will, obviously, affect the areas that can least afford to suffer the harms of problem gambling.”
“I thank the Member for his comments. It is probably up to the Minister to respond to that, but I do not see any reason why we could not have followed suit. <BR /> <BR />It is well known that Northern Ireland has the worst incidence of problem gambling in the UK. It is clear that we need gambling regulation to help those in the grips of addiction, yet, at a time when regulation is needed, what we have in the Bill is greater deregulation.”
“While those regulations are not perfect and more needs to be done, especially in relation to young people and on greater advertising restrictions, regulation is in place. However, it is shocking —.”
“Lives are ruined, families are torn apart, children are condemned to greater levels of poverty and people in the grips of gambling are more likely to take their own lives. In the context of the issues of problem gambling that we face here, it is astounding that the Bill, rather than taking the opportunity to regulate the industry, seeks to further deregulate gambling in Northern Ireland. <BR /> <BR />Regulation of the gambling industry is not novel or unusual. It is, in fact, the stated position of the Minister's own party. That makes it all the more curious why no meaningful regulation of the industry is in the Bill. In the rest of the UK, regulation exists to protect problem gamblers.”
“The Committee is supportive of principles of the Bill and looks forward to considering it in much further detail during Committee Stage. <BR /> <BR />I will now make a few points in a personal capacity and as our party's spokesperson on Communities. I am disappointed with the Bill's lack of ambition. I know the Minister had said that it was not realistic in the remaining time of the Assembly mandate to introduce a fuller Bill. The Minister has stated that she is taking a two-staged approach, introducing this legislation now and then hoping that regulation can be put in place in the next mandate. It is clear to me that the Bill is a missed opportunity. Problem gambling in Northern Ireland is endemic.”
“As stakes and prize limits here have not been increased in over 14 years, I am sure the Committee will hear support for that proposal, which the Department states can be achieved using secondary legislation in parallel with the Bill's progression. The Committee welcomes the proposals to put the operation of pool, or Tote, betting in bookmaking offices on a firm legislative footing. <BR /> <BR />As with the Licensing Bill, which concerned alcohol, all of us will have personal views about gambling based on experience or perhaps our beliefs. However, we are here to legislate for all of society. It will, therefore, be the job of the Committee to consider all the evidence and arguments presented and to advise the House accordingly.”
“<BR /> <BR />Through scrutinising the Bill, I have learnt that a bet is still considered a gentleman's agreement rather than a contract, so it seems very sensible to modernise the law in that regard through the Bill. Broadening the definition of cheating to include failed attempts to cheat, for example, by making attempted match-fixing illegal, also seems a sensible proposal. Many will be delighted to see the removal of the restrictions on promotional prize competitions, which require a person to purchase a product or service or to hold a specific amount in savings in a bank as a means of being entered into a prize draw.”
“<BR />The Committee knows that the power to impose an annual financial levy on the gambling industry is a popular aim with the organisations that treat or research gambling-related harm and with responsible industry members, and we look forward to investigating that further. <BR /> <BR />The principle of having Sunday and Good Friday opening for licensed bookmaking offices and bingo clubs is about removing an inconsistency given that gambling is already allowed on licensed racetracks and arcades on Sundays. However, we know that additional Sunday opening may be problematic for some Members. The proposed reduction to 18 years of age in the lower age limit of those to whom licences, certificates and permits can be issued will need consideration, and we look forward to seeing what evidence comes to us regarding those proposals.”
“The Committee supports the overarching principles: to address specific anomalies in the current regulation of land-based betting, gaming, lottery and amusement activities; and to strengthen existing regulatory protections for operators and consumers as well as young people and those who may be vulnerable to gambling harm. <BR /> <BR />The Committee will closely scrutinise the range of measures that impact on those who are under 18. It supports the principle of creating new offences for licence holders in relation to the playing of high-stakes gaming machines by under-18s. The Bill proposes mandatory codes of practice for the holders of gambling licences and lottery operators. The Committee will carefully consider the evidence on that, including on making compliance with the codes a condition of the licence.”
“Frankly, it is bad enough that we are not in a position to undertake a full repeal and modern replacement of the 1985 Order, so it is all the more imperative that the Committee get this Bill, within its limited scope, into as good a shape as possible. We need to ensure that it strikes a balance between supporting the industry, protecting under-18s and enhancing support for those who have sustained gambling-related harm, through the proposed regulations to introduce a levy. <BR /> <BR />I do not intend to discuss all the clauses, however I will highlight a number of key areas.”
“The Bill will provide help for small-scale society lotteries and charities to guarantee their long-term viability and will deal with some aspects of existing gambling law that are a source of public concern. A key inclusion addresses the issue of the industry doing more to protect the vulnerable from gambling harm. <BR /> <BR />We are here to debate the main principles of the Bill, and the detailed work of the Committee lies ahead. I highlight the fact that the Committee is in the position, not of its own making, of having to complete the Committee Stages of three Bills in parallel. We will not be pushed into rushing our scrutiny, risking the making of bad laws; neither will we cause unnecessary delay to the progress of this legislation.”
“We also know, however, that the outcome of reviews of gambling regulation in Great Britain and in the Republic of Ireland may affect the direction of any changes here. <BR /> <BR />The Committee cannot ignore the context of the Bill. It has been reported in recent years that up to 40,000 people in Northern Ireland may have a gambling problem. That is the highest incidence in the UK, four times higher than any other region and three times higher than in the Republic of Ireland. The Gambling Commission has reported that children as young as 11 years of age have problems with gambling. <BR /> <BR />We are where we are, and now we have this Bill that will not, unfortunately, establish a new regulatory framework but will at least amend parts of the 1985 Order.”
“It is clear that, as a result, gambling legislation here is very outdated and has not kept pace with industry and technological changes. The current law is inflexible, and even minor amendments require changes to primary legislation, which, we know all too well, is a very slow process. To highlight just how outdated the current law is, it is helpful to remind the House that even the 1985 Order is based on various pieces of GB legislation dating back as far as 1963. <BR /> <BR />There is no doubt that the preferred approach of the Committee, many members of the public and lobbying groups that responded to the consultation was a full replacement of the 1985 Order, with new laws that fully reflect the modern betting, gaming, lotteries and amusements industry.”
“I welcome the Second Stage of the Betting, Gaming, Lotteries and Amusements (Amendment) Bill. <BR /> <BR />The Committee heard in May that the Minister had completed her consideration of the issues raised in the Department's consultation on the regulation of gambling in Northern Ireland. She confirmed that a two-stage approach would be adopted, including a medium-sized Bill to be brought forward during this mandate, with the opportunity for a future Executive to agree a larger and more complex Bill. Here we are today, at the Second Stage of that medium-sized Bill. <BR /> <BR />The Minister introduced the Bill on 14 September. That marked the start of the process to bring about important and long-awaited amendments to the 1985 Order, which has remained largely unchanged since it was enacted 35 years ago.”
“<BR /> <BR />As well as the Charities Bill, the Committee will be scrutinising the Private Tenancies Bill and the Betting, Gaming, Lotteries and Amusements (Amendment) Bill, both of which are long-awaited and cover very important issues. They will be in Committee Stage shortly. A very busy time lies ahead for us in the final few months of the mandate. Therefore, I ask that Members agree to this extension in order to allow us to give the Bill the attention it deserves and to plan our work effectively to deal with other Bills in parallel. Thank you.”