Colum Eastwood
Foyle · Social Democratic and Labour Party · Northern Ireland
“Thank you, Mr Speaker. Given the fact that the Good Friday Agreement envisages an Assembly, a power-sharing Executive, North/South Ministerial Council and other bodies, is it the case, today, that, if we do not have the nominating officer here from Sinn Féin, no Executive will be formed?”
“Mr Allister has made my point for me. The Good Friday Agreement is absolutely 100% clear. The power-sharing Executive, the Northern Ireland Assembly, the North-South Ministerial Council: at any point over the last 1,000-plus days, those institutions could have been restored. People on these Benches have tried hard.”
“That is why we are here today. We will gladly take part in those institutions but we will not be party to a stunt that is using and abusing people's emotions and sensitivities over a very difficult issue, which could have been dealt with at any point over the last 1,000 days.”
“<BR /> <BR />Is it the case, Mr Speaker, that without Members here present to my right or who should be to my right that there will not be an Executive formed today? If that is the case, we will be in no position to support a Speaker and allow for the undermining of the Good Friday Agreement through a unionist-dominated shadow Assembly.”
“<BR /> <BR />It is, of course, true that because of the DUP's despicable and disgraceful behaviour, not just around RHI, we have got to this point. It is also true that they were let do all those things. They were allowed to do all those things.”
“We put the papers in on all manner of subjects, topics and areas, but nobody wanted to negotiate back. Nobody wanted to talk to us about how we can invest in the Irish language, protect equality for LGBT people and tackle poverty and discrimination right across our society.”
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“That is why we are here today. We will gladly take part in those institutions but we will not be party to a stunt that is using and abusing people's emotions and sensitivities over a very difficult issue, which could have been dealt with at any point over the last 1,000 days. However, because this is not a serious attempt to do that and because it will only undermine the principles of the Good Friday Agreement and the fundamental thing the people voted for, we will not participate in this stunt any longer and we will not provide cross-community support for the election of a Speaker. Thank you.”
“Mr Allister has made my point for me. The Good Friday Agreement is absolutely 100% clear. The power-sharing Executive, the Northern Ireland Assembly, the North-South Ministerial Council: at any point over the last 1,000-plus days, those institutions could have been restored. People on these Benches have tried hard. We have offered proposals to get those institutions back in place, but it is absolutely clear to us today, notwithstanding any particular issue, that no issue will be dealt with by this House or by an Executive unless two of the parties — the DUP and Sinn Féin — get their act together and get an Assembly and Executive formed.”
“Further to that point of order, Mr Speaker.”
“<BR /> <BR />Is it the case, Mr Speaker, that without Members here present to my right or who should be to my right that there will not be an Executive formed today? If that is the case, we will be in no position to support a Speaker and allow for the undermining of the Good Friday Agreement through a unionist-dominated shadow Assembly.”
“Thank you, Mr Speaker. Given the fact that the Good Friday Agreement envisages an Assembly, a power-sharing Executive, North/South Ministerial Council and other bodies, is it the case, today, that, if we do not have the nominating officer here from Sinn Féin, no Executive will be formed? Therefore, we will not be able to have an Executive, Northern Ireland Assembly or North/South Ministerial Council. It is our clear view — it is the Good Friday Agreement's clear view — that the best way to effect any change to any legislation is to do it within the confines of those structures and that it will not happen as part of a shadow Assembly. We will not be part of supporting the introduction of a shadow Assembly that will effect no change at all but will lead only to the fundamental destruction of the Good Friday Agreement.”
“On a point of order in terms of the election of Speaker, Mr Speaker. I —.”
“If people still believe in that, they have an opportunity on 2 March to give voice to that and put an end to this nonsense that we have had for the last 10 years.”
“People can go to the microphone on the Falls Road and complain about Theresa May's speech today, but they did not even put anything on paper to the British Prime Minister or the British Government to tell them that we need to protect our citizens here — our citizens here who voted 56% to remain as part of the European Union. <BR /> <BR />Tomorrow marks an important day for a man called John Hume. It is his 80th birthday. He is someone who built these institutions and who democratically struggled to ensure that we could have these institutions and that we could be part of an open Europe. In his Nobel Peace Prize speech, he said:”
“<BR /> <BR />We are faced today with the biggest economic, social and political crisis to face these islands since partition. We have a Tory Government who are determined to bring about a hard Brexit, which would destroy everything that we have built — everything that is left of it. It would destroy our economy, destroy our Good Friday Agreement and destroy everything that we have. Theresa May said a lot of things today, but what did she say? She has got a paper from the Scottish Government and a paper coming from the Welsh Government. She did not mention anything coming from this Executive — nothing at all. Seven months and nothing at all from our Executive.”
“<BR /> <BR />It is, of course, true that because of the DUP's despicable and disgraceful behaviour, not just around RHI, we have got to this point. It is also true that they were let do all those things. They were allowed to do all those things. It is not three or four weeks since a draft Programme for Government was announced and hailed by Sinn Féin and the DUP. There was no Irish language Act, no anti-poverty strategy, no LGBT rights legislation — none of that. None of it. We were all called whingers and opposition for opposition's sake for pointing it out. Now, all of a sudden, it is stuff that they just could not stand for. They said they were calling time on the DUP status quo. When did it become the DUP status quo? Only a few weeks before that, we were told that this is what delivery looks like. Well, it looks pretty bare today.”
“We put the papers in on all manner of subjects, topics and areas, but nobody wanted to negotiate back. Nobody wanted to talk to us about how we can invest in the Irish language, protect equality for LGBT people and tackle poverty and discrimination right across our society. Nobody wanted to talk to us about how we can expand opportunities for students, develop our economy and build our infrastructure. Nobody wanted to talk back. It reminds me a bit of today, given that there is nobody here. People who are well paid to be here are not here to have "meaningless" discussions. Well, they are not meaningless to the people on the street. <BR /> <BR />They can go and put their posters up today if they want; some of us are here to do business, and we will be here until the very end.”
“We are here to talk about the failure of the Executive, and all that you have to do is look around. I do not even need to make a speech to illustrate the failure of this Executive, but I will give it a go. It is utterly surreal what is going on in this Building today. The oxygen has been dragged out of this place, and the public are just bemused. People keep talking about the anger on the streets. People are not angry — they are utterly furious that we have got to this point. <BR /> <BR />Some of us went into an election last year and said that we would go to a Programme for Government negotiation after the election, as was outlined in the so-called Fresh Start Agreement. I went into those negotiations. We did our homework. We had papers written.”
“I thank the Member for giving way. Does she agree that we are in a situation in which we are heading into an election, we do not know what will happen at the far end of that election and there is a real possibility that the powers could be back, as they rest with the Tory Government in London? We will have these regulations in primary legislation. As the Minister says, it is now in primary legislation for the bedroom tax, and that cannot be changed. Those are the Minister's words. Are people not concerned that, if we go into a situation of collapse and suspension, the Tory Government will bring in the bedroom tax or some other draconian form of legislation in Northern Ireland and it will not matter what we have done around mitigation, because it will be too late at that point?”
“I thank the Member very much for giving way. He and his party had every opportunity to put down an amendment to the motion, but you put one down that could not possibly be accepted. Who is playing stunt politics? There was an opportunity to put all those things into the motion but you missed your opportunity.”
“Redeem some faith in these institutions and restore some dignity in your office and in our politics. Think beyond yourself and beyond your party. First Minister, step aside now.”
“Those are the words of Mr Gerry Adams supporting a motion of no confidence in the Dáil in 2014. They would be wise to avoid a partition in their principles. <BR /> <BR />Mr Speaker, 2016 has been a strange and serious year for politics. Even those who tune in to current affairs only occasionally will have noticed a change in its frequency and tone. If 2016 has been a bad year for losing musical greats, it has been an even worse year for politics. Too often in the past year, public service has been opportunistically downgraded and demeaned in the mind of the public. As we face into 2017, let us begin to change that narrative. First Minister, redeem some faith in the notion that public service is beyond the selfish needs of any one individual.”
“He goes on to say that a credible Government cannot continue to:”
“The longer that the First Minister clings on, the more that her credibility will fade. Let me assure the First Minister that Christmas will not save her. <BR /> <BR />Let me now turn briefly to the First Minister's coalition partner, which, given its position, will play an important role in today's proceedings. I welcome that Sinn Féin has moved on to similar ground as the opposition parties. I acknowledge that it has come a distance over the past two weeks and has struggled to come to a position. I genuinely urge Sinn Féin Members, having travelled this far, to come a little further. Let them now support our motion and exclude the First Minister until a full investigation takes place. In doing so, let them follow the advice of someone whom they might respect, who spoke not so long ago on a similar scandal. He said:”
“During the week, there was confusion about whether an Executive Office press release was actually a DUP press release. Today, we are informed that the First Minister is speaking without the authority of her joint office. All of this is because the DUP leader will not do the decent and dignified thing and step aside. We cannot go on like this.”
“It is only right and reasonable, therefore, that the First Minister, having failed to take the opportunity to step aside, is excluded from office whilst this investigation takes place. Let it be in the hands of the person tasked with leading the public inquiry to determine whether the First Minister is fit to resume office. <BR /> <BR />I note that the Member for Strangford has been removed from his position by the DUP pending an investigation. Surely the First Minister should follow the same logic and accept the same fate. The continuation in office will further bring deadlock to an already failing Executive. <BR /> <BR />Today, Members were expecting to scrutinise the draft Budget from the Finance Minister, yet we meet to discuss the career of one individual.”
“Did the First Minister advocate for the scheme and on what scale? The same question applies to her party colleagues and their staff. When did Mr Stephen Brimstone make his application? <BR /> <BR />Move on to the role of special advisers. Under what direction and under whose control do DUP special advisers work? Are DUP politicians collectively responsible to DUP special advisers, or is it the other way round? In addition to departmental files, will the DUP publish all its internal correspondence regarding the RHI scheme? <BR /> <BR />The questions are many and detailed. For two weeks now, confusion has been met with contradiction. My party is clear that it will now require a full, public, judge-led inquiry to get to the full truth.”
“In particular, why was section 9 of the GB regulations not included, a section that would have established cost controls for the entire scheme? Did the First Minister advise or take advice on the inclusion of such cost controls? <BR /> <BR />Move on to personal warnings received by the First Minister. We have now lost count of how many times the account and response of the DUP to the whistle-blower has changed. This morning's revelations add to the impression that the First Minister was aware of a lot more than the jot and tittle of this scheme. Did she deal with other whistle-blowers in precisely the same fashion as she dealt with this lady? <BR /> <BR />Move forward to 2015. When will we get the names of the 984 applicants to this scheme between September and November 2015?”
“It must not be reduced to being about just a falling out between former friends or revised to tell only a story of a split in one political party. It is so much bigger than that. <BR /> <BR />So far, digging into this scandal has uncovered staggering incompetence. Digging deeper has the potential to uncover corruption. Therefore, let us be precise and forensic about the information that is still left unanswered. <BR /> <BR />The best place to start is always at the beginning, and whether the First Minister likes it or not, this scandal begins with her. The RHI scheme was deliberately changed from the GB model. The question still remains as to why that happened. When the scheme was drawn up in Northern Ireland, why were some of the GB regulations copied and included and why were some not?”
“The last number of months has seen a damaging pattern to our politics: the cloud hanging over the National Asset Management Agency (NAMA) deal; the inaction on Brexit; the structure of the social investment fund (SIF); and the continued funding and appeasement of a UDA boss. Amongst the many uncertainties of this last political period, there is one thing we can all say for sure: there is no fresh start here. <BR /> <BR />The scandal of the non-domestic renewable heating scheme is by far the biggest imprint on that damaging pattern. This is the biggest public finance scandal ever to hit these institutions. As this scandal has unfolded, it has suited some to try to muddy the waters, but we must not be distracted. This scandal must not be reduced to a psychodrama between the Member from Strangford and the now First Minister.”
“No. <BR /> <BR />The last number of months —”
“I would hazard a guess that, as each of us walked around the streets of our constituencies this weekend, MLAs from across the Chamber were hearing that same disgust. Our community is united in anger. Let it be recognised here today that it is an anger that the public have every right to hold.”
“The SDLP brings this motion before the House in the full awareness of just how serious a moment this is for our local politics. As we attempt to claw back the £400 million and more that may be lost to our local taxpayers, let us also act to claw back the fading threads of confidence in these institutions. As we draw towards the end of 2016, let us today act to redeem and restore some faith in the public service, because the common and the collective good remains worth fighting for. In that context, the SDLP very much welcomes the cross-party support the motion has received. There is a reason for that unity, and the DUP Members of the House would do well to take heed of it. <BR /> <BR />Since entering into public life as a councillor and as an MLA, I have never seen our public more engaged and angry about a single issue.”
“We will not be distracted by people telling us that this is about a little local interest; this is much, much bigger than that. It is about righting an historic wrong that should have been righted many years ago. We will do anything that we can to support Ulster University and the work that Professor McKenna is doing to bring forward this proposal. <BR /> <BR />Let me be clear. Mr McCann asked about the commitment to 10,000 places. We are still committed to it, and I hope that other people are as well. This medical school would be a fantastic addition, if we could get it through, but that is all it is. We are not giving up on the campaign to finally and once and for all fund a decent-sized university at Magee in Derry. People in Derry will not accept anything less.”
“This is about us being outraged that it has not been resolved. <BR /> <BR />I note that some people might say that this is about local interest. It is about local interest, but there was nobody in south Belfast jumping up and down when Queen's got places that it did not even ask for. Nobody talked about local interest then. It is about local interest, but, every single day, I will fight for the local interest that has been denied to people in my constituency and people west of the Bann, and others in the Chamber will do the same. It has been a disgrace that we still do not have a decent road to Derry, a decent road from Dublin to Derry or a decent university at the right size, 10,000 places, for Derry. It is a disgrace that that still has not happened, and we welcome any support that we can get around the Chamber for that.”
“Many people across the Chamber have said that we have a GP shortage here. We know that. We have a huge GP shortage right across this island. This is a fantastic opportunity, and, as Mr Durkan said, the university is already working with people in Galway and in Limerick to try to make this a cross-border entity. Why not meet the need that we have right across this island for GPs? I think that Derry would be the ideal place to do that. <BR /> <BR />We cannot have a discussion about any kind of investment at Magee without recognising, as Mr McCann has, that this has been a 50-year struggle. We have not been very successful at meeting the promise that was asked for by the people who marched to this place over 50 years ago. That was over 50 years ago, Mr Speaker. This is not about us complaining about something that happened 50 years ago.”
“They head away out of Northern Ireland, and we are losing that to our economy, to our society and to our families. I do not think that that is a way that we should order our society. <BR /> <BR />Many parts of our economy need to be turned around, particularly in places in my constituency, and, if we are serious about doing that, we cannot rely on just one fiscal lever. If we think that corporation tax is going to solve all our problems and that continuing to disinvest in our university sector is going to solve all our problems, we are barking up the wrong tree. <BR /> <BR />I have figures in front of me from the health service in the South. In the Twenty-six Counties, a shortage of GPs of between 493 and 1,380 is predicted. Why can we not address that shortage by training people in Derry?”
“I think that, this year, the amount that the Western Trust will spend on locums will be up to £16 million. It is a fairly simple argument to make, in my view, that we could save an enormous amount of money whilst helping the economy by investing in a graduate medical school at Magee. Mr McCartney made this point, and it is a point that I have made many times. <BR /> <BR />If someone goes to a university, it is very likely that they will settle down and stay within 20 miles of that university. In fact, 80% of people who leave Derry or Belfast and go to Manchester or Liverpool end up living within 20 miles of that area. Obviously, we can all understand how that works. People settle down, get a job and stay there. We are losing that to our economy. We are losing over 30% of our young people who are going to university at age 18.”
“<BR /> <BR />Mr Middleton was at a meeting — unfortunately, I could not make it, but my colleague Mr Durkan was there — last week when the University of Ulster said that it was delighted at the fact that the motion was coming before the House. I think that people are happy that we are addressing these issues. I do not want to get into the issue of who said what first, but Mr McCann is right. It was John Hume who first proposed this. Regardless of all that, that was 25 years ago, and we are still here without a medical school and with a chronic underfunding of our university sector, particularly Magee university. <BR /> <BR />Mr Durkan well outlined the case for a medical school at Magee. It is absolutely clear that it is not sustainable for the Western Trust to continue to fund locums at the value at which we are doing it.”
“This was not about political point-scoring; this was about putting a very important issue on the agenda. I will say again that I very much welcome the Minister's support today. This is a hugely important issue, and we do not want to play political football — whatever you want to call it — with it. It is unfortunate that a couple of Members decided to drag this down. One minute, the Opposition are being too negative, and then we come up with a very positive motion, and one of the people who called us too negative named his own Minister and singled him out for praise, but that is not good enough either. I am not sure what we have to do, but we will continue to raise the issues that are important to our constituents.”
“Thank you, Mr Speaker. I will try not to wind it up too much. <BR /> <BR />I am very grateful for the support from around the Chamber for our motion, which states that we note:”
“I thank the Member for giving way. Does he agree with us that the issue has been around for a long time and needs to be resolved, or does he agree with his colleague Mr Middleton that this was a proposal by his party colleague — last March, I think that was it, Mr Middleton?”
“Johnny-come-lately? I noticed Mr Middleton's Twitter account earlier. Does he not accept that this is an issue that was not decided in the last number of months or weeks? It is an issue that people in Derry have been arguing about and arguing for long before he or I was involved in elected politics.”
“<BR /> <BR />Nevertheless, the Committee for Communities recommends that the Assembly endorse the principle of the extension to Northern Ireland of the Savings (Government Contributions) Bill as introduced in the House of Commons on 6 September 2016, including the provision in clause 5(2) that makes bonuses under the Bill an excepted matter under the Northern Ireland Act 1998 and the provision in paragraph 16(8) of schedule 2 dealing with information sharing.”
“I ask the Minister to relay that recommendation to Westminster on the Committee’s behalf. <BR /> <BR />The Minister seeks the Assembly’s support for the LCM today so that people in Northern Ireland can take full advantage of the new lifetime ISA and help-to-save scheme. The Committee calls on the Minister to acknowledge that, while these are positive measures, many low-income families simply do not have the disposable income that would allow them to access those schemes.”
“Members of the Committee noted that the provision making bonuses payable under the Bill an excepted matter under the Northern Ireland Act 1998 was to reflect the fact that they will be administered and funded by the London Government and agreed that it would be more efficient and less complex to deal with the provisions in a Westminster Bill, rather than promoting a specific Assembly Bill. <BR /> <BR />The Committee agreed that the provisions of the Bill are a positive measure to support and incentivise those who are in a position to save to do. The Committee, however, recommends that the London Government should highlight the difference between a lifetime ISA and automatic enrolment and, as recommended by the House of Commons Work and Pensions Committee:”
“I thank the Minister for his contribution and welcome him to the House. The Bill, which extends to Northern Ireland, makes provision for two of the London Government’s measures to encourage saving. The Committee has considered the purpose of the Bill and the appropriateness of the measures being provided for by way of a legislative consent motion rather than bringing an Assembly Bill. <BR /> <BR />The Committee noted that the government bonuses under the lifetime ISA and help-to-save scheme will be a benefit not unlike welfare, which is devolved to Northern Ireland and therefore requires the consent of the Assembly.”
“I thank the Minister for his statement. There will be much disappointment at the announcement that the regeneration powers will not be transferred to councils. There will also be new uncertainty injected into community groups around the North as a result of the announcement on neighbourhood renewal. Does the Minister accept that with Brexit and all the uncertainty in the funding environment for these groups, this injects a new level of uncertainty? Can he guarantee, going forward after his 18-month review, that money and funding will be given to groups on the basis of objective need and that we are not looking at creating another social investment fund (SIF)?”
“I thank the deputy First Minister for his statement. Was there any discussion at the NSMC last week about potential future membership for Northern Ireland of the EEA or EFTA?”
“We look forward to carrying on our important work on the Bill.”
“I am grateful for the widespread support from right across the Chamber.”
“Therefore, at its meeting on 20 October 2016, the Committee agreed to table a motion to extend the Committee Stage to 23 February 2017 but with a view to dealing with the Bill as quickly and comprehensively as possible. <BR /> <BR />On behalf of the Committee, I therefore ask the House to support the motion.”
“At the outset, I declare a family interest in this issue. <BR /> <BR />The Licensing and Registration of Clubs (Amendment) Bill was referred to the Committee for Communities on 28 September 2016, and its Committee Stage is due to conclude tomorrow, 15 November 2016. The Bill has generated considerable interest, not least because it is generally accepted that our licensing laws need to be updated. While the Bill has been long awaited, it is important that the Committee takes the necessary time to get it right. We have received over 30 submissions and taken oral evidence from 18 stakeholders, with further evidence sessions planned. However, the issues are complex, and it is only proper that we scrutinise the Bill as comprehensively as we can.”
“He has gone quiet in the last number of weeks and months. He has a responsibility to bring us to a resolution on all these issues. Disclosure is a major sticking point in this, but disclosure goes both ways. Everybody, whether they were state or non-state actors, has a responsibility to come forward with truth and information to allow all our victims, no matter who they are, to get some respite after all this.”
“We have a responsibility to ensure that no longer do we have to come to this Chamber to debate these issues, to re-traumatise people, but that we actually solve the problem, that we give them a route to the truth, justice, information or whatever it is that those individuals seek and deserve. <BR /> <BR />It has to be noted as well — sometimes it is forgotten — that we have a fragile peace here. Nothing is certain. Anybody with access to a history book understands that. If we continue to try to bury this issue, it will pop up in a way that we cannot control. In Ireland, the past has a terrible way of creating a dangerous future, so all of us have a responsibility to resolve that. <BR /> <BR />The British Government have gone quiet. I have had some great meetings with James Brokenshire.”
“It is important to say this: many people of my generation, and of most generations, say to me, "Why don't you just move on? Why don't you stop talking about the past? Why don't you just draw a line in the sand and forget about it? We all want to move on". That is a very understandable point of view, but I think they are wrong. We have all done all right out of this peace process. We are all in this Assembly; we are all moving on. But all of us, especially us, those who are elected to represent our society, owe the biggest debt to those who have been left behind by our peace process. We owe the biggest debt to those who suffered most, particularly those who were not involved at all.”