Sandra Overend
Mid Ulster · Ulster Unionist Party · Northern Ireland
“My thoughts are with the Black family, who have been put into the public eye once again due to the failings of the judicial system, the very system in which David served so faithfully.”
“On this, the last day the Assembly will meet in this place, I thank my colleague Mr Doug Beattie for proposing this important motion. I express my deep concern and share the anger of many people from my constituency of Mid Ulster at the management of the bail conditions for the man who was charged with offences linked to the terrorist mur…”
“<BR /> <BR />There is an argument that suspects have an entitlement to bail due to the length of time that they spend on remand. However, the answer to that must be to speed up the process of administering justice and not to grant bail in such cases.”
“It emerged that, having failed to sign in with police on 18 November, it was not until 23 December when police called at his bail address that they found the flat had been cleared out, and, in fact, evidence suggested he had been gone a few weeks by that stage.”
“To allow this type of situation to occur once could be seen as being careless. For it to happen twice in the same year is clear evidence of a culture that needs to change and of a policy that needs to change. Bail is seemingly too easily given out and not stringently enough managed.”
“I thank the Minister for that. I wonder whether he is optimistic that he will deliver that programme in the days that remain, given the fact that clubs have been waiting since last March, when the consultation process ended. An announcement was promised before Christmas. How confident is he that there will be something for local clubs?”
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“I know of a proposed project that aims to focus on children in the foundation years. That is surely admirable, as they are building a shared education ethos from the beginning of their school years, but the assessments that are being called for take place on older children in the school. In actual fact, the assessments of that school are not relating to the actual shared education project that would be implemented in that school. Those are the sorts of anomalies that need to be thought about, and a resolution must be found in that area. The Chair of the Committee knew that I might raise the issue of the assessments. I believe that the type of assessment is not necessarily key, but rather that some type of assessment is made. <BR /> <BR />The shared education that the Ulster Unionist Party believes in must lead somewhere.”
“Some could question the Minister's commitment to the delivery of the signature projects on shared education as the schools applying to participate, and even those already signed up to participate, are the only schools in Northern Ireland that are being pressurised to adhere to specific assessment criteria that are still the subject of a dispute between the unions and the Department. Time is of the essence in finding a resolution here as time progresses for the successful delivery of each project where funds can be spent appropriately.”
“In one large provincial town, a Catholic maintained secondary and a state controlled secondary had, for over a decade, developed a shared learning community; they had established formal links and shared classes to develop the curriculum. After the maintained sector rationalised its schools estate, that all stopped; sharing across the traditional divide ended. That was six years ago. <BR /> <BR />It is not all doom and gloom. Good practice is continuing in many parts of the country, including in my constituency of Mid Ulster. However, despite talk of shared campuses and shared education, the current picture is mixed and patchy.”
“I repeat that challenge today. Surely shared education cannot be simply about busing children from one type of school to share, say, a physics GCSE class with children from another type of school in order to make up the numbers. Surely shared education cannot simply be about building a new school building to accommodate two schools, with the children entering the front door and half turning right and half turning left. It seems that, for some, sharing is to be undertaken only on their own terms and must not lead to a process of integration or a dilution of the ethos of their individual sector. <BR /> <BR />After the Bain review of 2006, the Catholic maintained sector did its own thing and independently rationalised its schools estate. The area planning process conducted by the former education and library boards happened after that.”
“To remind Members, it was about the fact that, in 2015, the teaching profession is exempt from fair employment regulations here. Moreover, in the maintained sector, at nursery and primary level, schools can insist on applicants for teaching posts having a Catholic RE certificate. The Bill does not address those anomalies. The position of the Minister of Education is massively muddled on these issues. One minute, he says that he has written to OFMDFM on the certificate issue; the next, he says that he made a slip and that he actually wrote to it on the teacher exemption issue. Then he admits that he never wrote to it at all and just laughs the whole thing off. <BR /> <BR />In the debate on our motion on 13 April, nationalist MLAs lined up to defend the status quo. Mr Rogers of the SDLP said:”
“He has never shown the same concern about separating children at age five, never mind at age 11, on the basis of religious denomination. Suddenly, in that scenario, the concept of parental choice trumps everything else. <BR /> <BR />To continue on the same theme, if we are to have sharing in education, surely there should be no barriers to teachers from all community backgrounds and none taking up employment in any grant-aided publicly funded school in Northern Ireland. The fair employment exemption and the certificate are two obvious barriers. On 13 April this year, the Assembly debated an Ulster Unionist motion proposed by Danny Kinahan, who is now the MP for South Antrim, that stated:”
“An objective reviewer of that debate could only come up with one conclusion: that the overriding priority in education for the two nationalist parties in the Assembly is the protection of the Catholic maintained sector, and that any sharing must not compromise the ethical purity of that sector and its distinctive religious and Irish identity. That is an absolutely valid and defensible position to take up; just do not, at the same time, come out with rhetoric about a shared future. It constantly amazes me to see the Minister at the Dispatch Box railing against the perceived evils of separating children by academic selection at the age of 11.”
“Commitments were inserted into the Programme for Government and the ministerial advisory group reported in 2012. <BR /> <BR />We have the shared education campuses programme being rolled out. We have also had the recently published report from the Education Committee on shared and integrated education and the recent publication of 'Sharing Works: A Policy for Shared Education' from the Department of Education. <BR /> <BR />One would have thought that, with all that activity, the political class in the Assembly would have come to some sort of understanding on the issue and on the way forward. However, go back to 27 January this year and reread the adjournment debate on St Mary's teacher training college.”
“As legislators, we have a duty to seriously question the wisdom of spending the £44 million that it is estimated it would take to expand sharing between segregated sectors at a time when basic maintenance in schools is being neglected and special needs teaching is being squeezed. <BR /> <BR />It seems to me that the basic problem is that we have not even begun to tackle the lack of consensus on where we want to go as a society. Perhaps that lack of consensus is the reason why we have such a minimalist and unambitious Bill in front of us today. We have seen some very good work undertaken in the area of shared education over the past decade. Since the phrase first emerged in the Bain report of December 2006, there has been extensive academic research carried out in the School of Education at Queen's.”
“I feel that the Assembly needs clarity on why the Department has gone for such a short definition. <BR /> <BR />The explanatory and financial memorandum of the Bill states that funding has been committed to support the implementation of shared education up to June 2018. The Minister says that funding will be mainstreamed after that and for the longer term. In the past, when short-term funded programmes that focused on community relations ended, so did the schemes. <BR /> <BR />In the Sharing Works policy, the Department is committed to increasing the percentage of pupils to 80% within four years. To put it mildly, this is ambitious and will place huge logistical demands on schools. Option 4 in the shared education business plan estimates that scaling up would cost £44 million.”
“From all that, we have a boiled-down definition in the Bill. Clause 1(2) states:”
“The Sharing Works policy was published on 1 December this year. It states:”
“The definition that the ministerial advisory group was asked to use in 2012 involved the organisation and delivery of education so that it:”
“The definition of shared education used by Queen's University's centre for shared education is:”
“I hope that Members will bear with me, but I feel that it is important to look at the various definitions. The Bain report of December 2006 described shared education as a cross-sectoral approach to education, where:”
“It was noted that this also affects the depth of meaningful activity and limits the potential of shared education to effect lasting systemic change. <BR /> <BR />The centre called for legislation that will provide a consensus on the definition of shared education. So, almost a year down the track, the question is this: does the definition of shared education in the Bill and the policy that underpins it provide us with a working and workable definition that commands widespread support? <BR /> <BR />I know that the definition is also a concern for other Education Committee members, as the issue was raised by many of them during our recent briefing on the Bill. At Second Stage, it is worth looking at the evolution of the definition of shared education.”
“We have before us the much-anticipated, long-awaited Shared Education Bill. Comprising four clauses that fit onto an A4 piece of paper, the Bill is nothing if not concise. It is not, however, visionary. It is minimalist legislation that certainly does not set out a road map for a Utopian shared future in education. <BR /> <BR />It should perhaps not come as a surprise that the Shared Education Bill is short. Last December, when the Committee was holding its inquiry into shared and integrated education, we had an interesting evidence session with the centre for shared education at Queen's University. The centre argued that the lack of coordinated policy or clear definition of shared education has created a policy vacuum that allows it to be labelled as "light touch" and supportive of the status quo.”
“I thank the deputy First Minister for his responses. Since the original funding earmarked for this project was announced, it has been lost. Where does the deputy First Minister propose that funding for this can be found? Is it part of his negotiations, since it would benefit the constituency that both he and I represent?”
“I feel that I should inform the Minister that different Education Authority areas have made differing recommendations to schools that have applied for the projects. Some are proceeding with their projects in good faith that the funding will be forthcoming, whereas others are not. Will he seek not only to find a resolution but to ensure that there is a uniform message to all schools and all tranches throughout the system?”
“Has the Minister requested that her arm's-length bodies prepare revised corporate plans as a result of the funding cuts to their budgets? If so, when will they become available?”
“How right he was, four and a half years ago. The issue has not gone away and will not go away. It must be revisited and resolved. The future of our children demands it.”
“Sinn Féin could say that it had abolished the official 11-plus, but the DUP could say that it had salvaged it through the unofficial tests. I say that because the post-primary transfer issue seems to have disappeared off the radar, which cannot be right. <BR /> <BR />The Minister and his Department need to convene talks with all major stakeholders to build consensus and agree a way forward on the issue. There was an opportunity to do that, and it was happening before 2002. In February 2010, Sir Reg Empey — now Lord Empey — said:”
“We want a solution based on teacher guidance and continuous assessment at primary level. <BR /> <BR />There are other aspects to the debate, and questions that demand answers. How do we deal with the attainment gap and persistent underachievement? Is 14 a more appropriate age at which to choose between a more academic or a more technical and vocational route? The point of the debate is that those important issues have effectively been set aside and ignored since the unofficial tests have taken root. It seems to me that the transfer test has become the elephant in the room. It is a difficult issue, but ignoring it will not make it go away. The only conclusion that I can come to is that, at some point after the restoration of devolution in 2007, Sinn Féin and the DUP came to a truce on the issue.”
“The pressure that the new transfer test system puts on primary schools, especially year 6 and 7 teachers, is not fair. It is also not fair for the Minister to authorise warning letters to be sent to some primary schools accusing them of, horror of horrors, helping to prepare their pupils for the tests. Those primary schools and their principals and teachers are under enough pressure from the expectations of parents at the school gate. Again, it is a situation not of their own making; it is one born of political failure. <BR /> <BR />In our motion, the Ulster Unionist Party is not prescriptive about how the 11-plus impasse will be ended. We believe that academic selection should be part of post-primary transfer, but we also believe that we do not want to see the current situation set in stone.”
“<BR /> <BR />Universities select students on the basis of their A-level exam results, sixth-form colleges select their A-level students on the basis of their GCSE results and most, if not all, secondary schools stream their pupils on the basis of objective academic criteria. It is entirely possible to be 100% against the P7 test but 100% for academic selection. The problem at age 18 and 16 is the same as at age 11. We need to look at each individual and decide not how clever they are but how they are clever, and which type of educational system suits their learning style.”
“Yet, I do not see any child who does not go to a grammar school as a failure. That is similar to the designation of our children as failures if they do not study A levels or do not go to university. It is a real bugbear of mine every August when we hear on the radio and from advisers after the A-level results have been released. They say, "Don't worry if you didn't do well enough in your A-level exams to get into university. There are other options for you such as studying at an FE college." It is not about saying that one option is better than another. Rather, it is about finding the most suitable form of education for each individual to enable each to find their full potential. The question is how we assess individuals.”
“Whatever you think about the old 11-plus, everyone had the chance to take it. There are plenty of examples of the social mobility that it provided. The Ulster Unionist Party recognised the limitation of the 11-plus a long time ago. Equally, we recognise the limitations of the new, unofficial 11-pluses. However, at the same time, we recognise that selection is a natural part of life. <BR /> <BR />Back in 2004, Martin McGuinness said:”
“In general, it is the fault of the Executive for failing to find a solution since 2007. More specifically, it is the fault of successive Sinn Féin Education Ministers for polarising the debate and creating the current stand-off. Sinn Féin, the so-called socialist party, has actually succeeded in privatising the transfer test. Well done, McGuinness, Ruane and O'Dowd. <BR /> <BR />Leaving politics aside, I ask all Members to ask themselves a simple question. If you went to a grammar school, think of those pupils — you may have been one yourself — who came from less affluent backgrounds and sat and passed the 11-plus, went to a grammar school and excelled academically. Do you think that they would have sat one of the current non-departmental tests? Would they even have had an opportunity to go to the local grammar?”
“In the past, the old 11-plus exam received heavy criticism for putting 10- and 11-year-olds under undue pressure, but just look at the situation that we find ourselves in now. Today, in 2015, a system that is much more akin to social selection is being entrenched, whereby better-off families are paying for tuition and coaching for the AQE or GL tests. A common complaint about the 11-plus was that children with better-off parents were coached for the test. If there was an element of truth in that 10 years ago, it is even more true today. It looks like private tuition is becoming a major growth sector in the local economy, and whose fault is that? <BR /> <BR />Our motion refers to and criticises party politicking, and I do not want to add to that unnecessarily. However, some things need to be said.”
“It was inevitable that, in the absence of an ordered and thought-out method of transferring pupils, tests unregulated by the Department of Education would be devised. <BR /> <BR />The AQE and PPTC deserve credit for the professional way in which they have gone about organising their transfer tests, and I am not aware of many complaints about the fairness of the system. However, it is perhaps typical of this place that there are two rival testing regimes. Whilst the AQE and GL tests are professionally organised and are a response to parental demand for the continuance of academically selective grammar education, what we have now is not what we, as legislators, should want for our children.”
“Results will be released at the end of January, and those will determine whether the entrants gain places at the grammar school of their choice. <BR /> <BR />I understand that, last year, 7,285 children were entered for the AQE assessments and 7,255 for the GL assessments. Early indications are that even more have applied this year. How did that state of affairs come about, and why does it seem that so many in this place are quite prepared to accept the status quo? <BR /> <BR />Politics, like nature, abhors a vacuum. A vacuum in the process to transfer children from primary schools to secondary schools was created when, following the last official 11-plus exam in 2008, nothing was put in its place. The vacuum that was left when the 11-plus was scrapped has been filled by two non-state exam systems.”
“As the Ulster Unionists' education spokesperson, I commend this afternoon's motion on the post-primary transfer process to Members. <BR /> <BR />On Saturday morning coming, thousands of 10- and 11-year olds will go into 35 grammar schools all over Northern Ireland to sit the first of three common entrance assessment exams, organised not by the Department of Education but by the Association of Quality Education (AQE). The fee is £46. In two weeks' time, on 14 November, the Granada Learning (GL) assessment, sponsored by the Post Primary Transfer Consortium (PPTC) will take place in 35 schools. Some schools are using both the GL and AQE tests, so some 10- and 11-year-olds face four weeks of tests from now until the end of November.”
“At this stage, I welcome the new junior Minister to her post; it is good to see her in the Chamber this morning. <BR /> <BR />I am content with the reporting responsibilities contained in the Bill. Good results should be prevalent in the report, and it is necessary that children's authorities work with the Executive Departments in its preparation and, furthermore, that it should include recommendations and opportunities for future cooperation. I am pleased that it will be live legislation, so to speak, with potential for improvements as time progresses. I support the Bill: it is an opportunity to set aside the silo mentality of Departments and work together for the benefit of children's services in Northern Ireland. I hope that such work will be catching and will spread across other sectors in the Assembly.”
“It is my hope that, when Departments finally get round to pulling together a cross-departmental strategy for Internet safety, the Bill will make such policy streamlined and effective and there will be natural cooperation on all these matters. The issue of Internet safety is cross-cutting. The Department of Education is responsible for children in schools and youth services; the Department of Health is responsible for safeguarding children and young people; and the Department of Justice needs to sing from the same hymn sheet in relation to laws, sentencing and deterrence. <BR /> <BR />It seems to me that, so far, the Office of the First Minister and deputy First Minister is not taking responsibility for overseeing such a cross-cutting strategy. It is my hope that this legislation will impose proper checks and balances in that regard.”
“I understand that various children's representative bodies support the legislation, not only in the implementation of policy but, importantly, in the making of policy and strategies. Indeed, the chief executive of Children in Northern Ireland, an umbrella group that has already been mentioned, has written to me and, I am sure, many other Members. She said:”
“In those instances, it is essential that the Department of Education and the Health Department work effectively and efficiently together in a timely manner. Often, that is not the case; delays are experienced, and the result is that the child does not receive the help and support they need at the time in their development when they need it most.”
“It is my pleasure, as the Ulster Unionist spokesperson for children and young people, to support the Children's Services Co-operation Bill in its Final Stage today. I congratulate Mr Agnew on bringing it forward and pursuing such good aims and objectives. <BR /> <BR />The lack of cooperation and joined-up government has shown to be of detriment to the people of Northern Ireland time and again. With issues relating to children, failings in their early years have the potential to have an effect on the rest of their lives. I am sure that no MLA, in their work for constituents and in dealing with various and numerous issues, has failed to see the gaps and the failures of Departments in not working together. Most memorable to me are the many delays that children experience in relation to statementing for special educational needs.”
“I thank the Minister for that update. What is her assessment of the legislative proposals from the Department of the Environment with regard to newly qualified young drivers and the restriction of carrying passengers and the assertion that the proposal did not need to be rural proofed? What is her position on that?”
“I thank the Minister for his responses so far. Given the undoubted success of the National Crime Agency in tackling serious and organised crime in Northern Ireland, does the Minister agree that the parties that thwarted efforts to enable the NCA to operate fully in the war against crime here made a major tactical blunder ?”
“I thank the Minister. Was the idea of fixers' fees of millions of pounds mentioned at any stage?”
“Can the Minister provide details of any schemes under the control of her Department where financial transactions capital funding has been used in the past two years?”
“What are the Minister's views on how the SPPS now fits with such proposals as the John Lewis development at Sprucefield?”
“I thank the Minister for the response. Does she agree that the perception of the Assembly not delivering, its ongoing failures, and how that is seen not only in Northern Ireland but across the world, will affect Northern Ireland's economy and will ultimately mean that those in the agriculture sector could end up on welfare in the coming months?”
“Funnily enough, my question has been answered, but I am thinking of another one. In relation to dairy farmers, whilst it was encouraging that Westminster has recognised Northern Ireland's unique problems through its share, can the Minister now explain how she is going to use this recognition to her advantage through further discussions with the Commission?”
“I thank the Minister for his response. In regard to available teacher training places, the Minister is on record as describing the current system of having the teacher demand model topped up by Education Ministers as politically motivated and a "racket". What progress has been made in ensuring that the ability of Sinn Féin Ministers to act in a blatantly sectarian manner is stopped?”
“On behalf of the Ulster Unionist Party, I offer my condolences to this family. No one could fail to be affected by the news that we heard of this terrible tragedy in Dublin, in our neighbouring country. Our condolences go to the families of the 10 whose lives were taken early. Five of those were children, and it makes you sick in the stomach when you hear of such a tragedy in which lives so young were taken from us. It shows the danger of fire and how it can take life so quickly. I sincerely hope that the authorities will efficiently and effectively find the causes of this fire so that tragedies like this do not happen again. <BR /> <BR />In conclusion, our thoughts and prayers are with the families of those who have lost loved ones and with those who are in hospital fighting for their life.”
“I am aware, from an answer to a written question, that the number of daily compulsory hours for years 1 to 4 is three hours. For older pupils, it is four and a half hours per day. However, I am aware that special educational needs pupils are effectively being sent home when their one-to-one tuition, or support, finishes for the day. Is the Minister aware of this inequality? Is he willing to do something about that?”
“Will the Minister inform the House about the true extent of the consultation on this issue and whether the response was reflective of the Northern Ireland population? Primarily, did he seek responses from the higher and further education sectors and businesses that will actually use these grades to assess students' ability to get into universities and further education and as a basis of their employability skills? Will he undertake to remedy this situation?”
“On that point, does the Minister recognise the inequality in the decision to force those schools that want to carry out a shared education project to provide those statistics, when all the other schools are not forced to do that?”
“Having to wait months for appointments only adds to the stress. An early diagnosis is essential to put in place the help and support that a child needs at home and at school. A diagnostic ASD assessment will give parents and teachers the information that they need to determine the level of support that a child will require, ensuring that they will not be at a disadvantage in the education system. It is vital that the trust takes actions. <BR /> <BR />In conclusion, the motion calls for cross-departmental collaboration, which is something that we have been calling for time and again. Frankly, the people of Northern Ireland deserve better.”