Clare Bailey
South Belfast · Green Party · Northern Ireland
“It is a great relief to finally be able to move my Abortion Services (Safe Access Zones) Bill at Final Stage. When I was first elected, I pledged to the people of South Belfast that I would work hard on equality issues, for human rights-compliant legislation and, particularly, for women. Today is the last sitting day of the mandate.”
“Yet, despite "Stay at home" messaging and regulations to prevent public gatherings, the concerted campaign of harassment and intimidation against women and staff continued unabated, and all authorities — the Health Department, the Department of Justice, the PSNI — claimed that they could do nothing to stop it.”
“The efficacy of the Bill is achieved without being unnecessarily heavy-handed or putting significant additional pressures on any criminal justice system. I hope that we can move on from those debates. <BR /> <BR />This is absolutely a landmark moment for the Assembly. I have seen many Bills passed today that I am incredibly proud of.”
“I thank the Member for that. It is worth noting that, comparatively, this Bill takes a light touch in respect of offences being committed, because the punishment for breaching safe access zones around the world, in almost all cases where they are operational, can result in imprisonment and wildly higher fines than what is being proposed i…”
“I am also aware that the Minister, who, Mr Butler, is your party colleague, has also confirmed that he will produce a policy paper setting out how his Department intends to implement the requirements for safe access zones, including guidance to operators of health and social care premises.”
“None of that is what I have experienced with abortion services. <BR /> <BR />I went out to consultation on the Bill in 2017, just as the Executive was collapsing yet again, and the three-year hiatus meant that I could not progress the Bill any further.”
The complete record
Every one of 1,016 lines we hold for Clare Bailey, in date order, each linked to its source. Free to read, in full, without an account. Page 11 of 21.
“I thank the Member for his intervention. It is not envisaged in the Bill that the climate commissioner will have any enforcement powers; it is simply a monitoring and reporting function to assess how the legislation is progressing. <BR /> <BR />I have lost my place, Mr Speaker, so I will start again on clause 11. Clause 11 relates to the alteration of climate action plans following the climate commissioner's annual report. Following the laying of the annual report by the climate commissioner, the Executive Office must prepare its response — this may address the Member's point — including any proposed alterations to targets or measures. In altering the climate action plan, the Executive Office must not directly or indirectly lower targets or standards. Alterations must be approved by the Assembly.”
“The climate commissioner will have two main functions: to monitor the implementation of the climate action plans and make annual reports to the Assembly on the issue; and to produce, at least once an Assembly term, an independent review report on the functioning and effectiveness of the Act, recommending any amendments that are considered necessary to achieve the overriding climate objective. Those functions will create an important statutory discourse that will allow climate action plans to be flexibly rooted in independent science. <BR /> <BR />Clause 11 concerns the alteration of climate action plans following the climate commissioner's annual report.”
“Similar to the Public Services Ombudsman, the climate commissioner will not be under the direction of any Department or Minister, the Assembly, the Assembly Commission or any local authority. The manner of appointment of the climate commissioner by the Crown on nomination by the Assembly is to allow maximum independence from government. <BR /> <BR />The climate commissioner will not have enforcement powers, but, similarly to independent climate bodies in other jurisdictions, will have the power to make recommendations and raise issues that the Executive will be mandated to address.”
“Clause 4 provides for implementation reports to be laid before the Assembly each year for the duration of the climate action plan. It sets out how the reports should be set out and what they should contain. That includes whether the annual target was met; reasons for failure to meet targets; progress on each sectoral policy and the likelihood of full policy implementation; and the likelihood of the overriding climate objective being achieved. <BR /> <BR />Part 2 relates to the Northern Ireland climate office and the Northern Ireland climate commissioner. Clauses 5 to 10 and schedules 1 and 2 establish the Northern Ireland climate office and the Northern Ireland climate commissioner, and outline the climate commissioner's powers and functions. The climate commissioner will provide independent scrutiny and oversight of the Act.”
“<BR /> <BR />Other provisions in clause 3 include details of what must be taken into account in carbon and nitrogen budgets, including the requirement to take transboundary impacts into account; requirements for DAERA to create a scheme to track carbon usage and its purchase of carbon units; the requirement to take transboundary elements into account; details of which sectors must be included in sectoral plans; and the just transition principles to which those plans must be subject. The inclusion of just transition principles is an important part of ensuring that the change to a net zero carbon society will mean a better and fairer society for all. <BR /> <BR />The clause states:”
“Those include international law and the impact that a target with have on the environment, public health and well-being in Northern Ireland's specific economic and social circumstances. That is key to ensuring that targets are fair and do not disproportionately impact on one group while ensuring that the Bill is effective and achieves its overriding climate objective.”
“Targets will be for greenhouse gas emissions, biodiversity, water quality and soil quality. That is because climate change is caused by greenhouse gas emissions but manifests itself in declining water and soil quality, and biodiversity. Any climate action plan must, therefore, consider those areas as key performance indicators. Measures look at how targets will be implemented. Measures include carbon budgets, nitrogen budgets and sectoral plans across the Northern Ireland economy. <BR /> <BR />The clause sets out what must be taken into account when setting targets. Targets are set after obtaining advice from the relevant expert body, and certain things must be taken into account.”
“This target of 2045 is ambitious but achievable, and it reflects the general legislative trend towards strong climate legislation and the urgency to do as much as possible as quickly as possible. The net zero year may be altered by order of the Executive but cannot be amended to a year after 2045. Each climate action plan will be prepared by the Executive Office and laid before the Assembly for its approval. The first plan must be laid within three years of the Bill being enacted and every five years thereafter. Clause 2 also defines aspects of the "overriding climate objective", such as net zero and climate resilience. It lists the seven greenhouse gases that must be included in the net zero target. <BR /> <BR />Clause 3 states that climate action plans will be made up of "targets" and "measures".”
“The annulment of the emergency requires Assembly approval and must be based on verifiable proof from a relevant body that the global temperature threshold defined in the Paris agreement or any subsequent agreement has been met. The Assembly can redeclare a climate emergency at any point. <BR /> <BR />Clause 2 relates to the creation of climate action plans, which are policy documents that detail the steps that will be taken to address the challenges of climate change in Northern Ireland. The plans must be approved by the Assembly and must achieve the overriding climate objective: the establishment in Northern Ireland of a net zero carbon, climate-resilient and environmentally sustainable economy by 2045.”
“Lastly, the Bill guarantees non-regression in Northern Ireland law from existing climate and environmental protections contained in EU law as it applied before the end of the Brexit transition period. Of course, this is already provided for in the withdrawal Act. <BR /> <BR />The Bill is broadly broken down as follows. Clause 1 provides for the declaration of a climate emergency from the date of Royal Assent. In declaring a climate emergency, we acknowledge that climate change exists and that the measures taken to this point have not been enough to address it. We recognise the role that Governments have in introducing measures that will halt climate change. The climate emergency will outlive successive Assembly terms.”
“<BR /> <BR />The Bill is divided into three Parts. It is made up of 17 clauses and two schedules. In broad terms, it does the following. First, it declares a climate emergency as the basis for government action to halt human-induced global warming. Secondly, it mandates that the Executive, within three years of Royal Assent, prepare five-yearly climate action plans containing annual targets, carbon budgets, nitrogen budgets and sectoral plans. Thirdly, the Bill establishes the Northern Ireland climate commissioner and climate office to independently oversee the implementation of the Bill and review its working, making recommendations as required to achieve the overriding climate objective.”
“I look forward to taking sectoral evidence, through the AERA Committee, and working with the Committee, MLAs, political parties, stakeholders and civic society to strengthen and advance the Bill. <BR /> <BR />Before I turn to the detail of the Bill, it may be helpful to set out briefly what the Bill does and does not do, and the rationale for that. This is primary legislation, so it is not prescriptive. It is a framework Bill that sets out the legislative basis upon which to build future climate policy. It does not assign sectoral-specific targets or dictate departmental policy. The Bill sets out a sustainable pathway to decarbonisation for Northern Ireland, ensuring transparency and democratic oversight at every stage and guaranteeing independent monitoring so that the democratic oversight can be effective.”
“We need to move far, and we need to move fast. Climate mitigation will impact on all aspects of people's lives. <BR /> <BR />The key components of a just transition are citizen participation and democratic decision-making. Partnership and participation are inherent to the Bill. It was co-developed by a partnership of civil society, legal and scientific academic experts and MLAs. It originates from the Climate Coalition Northern Ireland (CCNI), which is Northern Ireland's largest collaborative body on climate action and has a membership of 390,000. This will continue to be a collaborative process as the Bill makes its way through the various legislative stages to become law. It must be collaborative.”
“In February 2020, the Assembly voted to declare a climate emergency and called on the Executive to fulfil the climate action and environmental commitments set out in NDNA. In July 2020, the Assembly passed a motion calling for the urgent introduction of a climate change Act for Northern Ireland within three months. In response to the July motion, the Minister made it clear that he had no intention of bringing forward urgent climate change legislation. He said that the time frame was "impossible to achieve" and that we were "ridiculous" to ask for it. It was in that context of persistent ministerial inaction that a private Member's Bill became the only option for bringing climate change legislation before the Assembly before the end of the current political mandate. Time is no longer on our side.”
“The role of climate legislation in driving down greenhouse gas emissions cannot be overstated. The commitment to introduce a climate change Act for Northern Ireland was a cornerstone of the New Decade, New Approach (NDNA) agreement. NDNA stated:”
“I thank the Member for his intervention. I am certainly not a climate denier or a climate sceptic. I will act on all the work that comes from international bodies and from states across the world in trying to deal with the issue. Even in Northern Ireland, we are seeing the impacts of it, particularly in our weather patterns. I do not think that any of that should be ignored. <BR /> <BR />The legislation is long overdue. Northern Ireland remains the only part of the UK and Ireland with no legally binding greenhouse gas reduction targets. We know that Northern Ireland has an unfortunate track record of poor performance on climate. Our emissions are not falling at anywhere the same rate as those in the rest of the UK. They are 20% here compared with the UK average of 43%. We have actually increased our share of total UK emissions.”
“Those impacts include irreparably degrading our natural environment, driving species to extinction, worsening chronic and contagious disease, worsening food and water shortages, increasing the risk of pandemics and aggravating mass displacement. <BR /> <BR />The UN estimates that there could be anywhere between 25 million and one billion environmental migrants by 2050. Northern Ireland needs strong climate legislation in order to ensure that we do our part to tackle the global, social and ecological crises that are inherent in climate breakdown. As global citizens and citizens of a developed country and as politicians and the generation responsible for leaving behind a liveable world for our children and young people, we have a responsibility to act. We cannot continue to lag behind and let others do the hard work for us.”
“The scientific consensus is that climate change is real, is a global issue and requires a global-to-local response. The work of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) is probably the largest and most rigorous examination of a scientific issue in the history of the world. The most recent IPCC report concluded that the "continued emission of greenhouse gases" will increase:”
“Although we no longer have the opportunity to be global leaders by bringing forward the legislation, our hope is that the Bill will serve to finally enable Northern Ireland to play its part in tackling the biggest issue of our time: climate breakdown.”
“Before I begin, I will also take this opportunity to wish Mr Aiken good luck. I am delighted that he is remaining as an MLA because he is always a very positive person to work with. I wish him well. <BR /> <BR />The Bill sets a framework for climate change adaptation and mitigation in Northern Ireland. Since 2008, climate change legislation has been slowly but steadily emerging around the world.”
“While strong words and signage are good steps, what real environmental and climate education strategy is being planned?”
“I am from a family of firefighters, and I have the utmost respect for the work and dedication of the Northern Ireland Fire and Rescue Service and, indeed, of all our emergency services, particularly when they face such personal risk. I, too, take the opportunity to thank each and every one of them for their efforts over the weekend. <BR /> <BR />In the past week alone, we have seen serious fires on Cave Hill, there have been oil spills, or dumping incidents, in Donaghadee, and there has been devastation in the Mourne Mountains. Our environmental record in Northern Ireland should shame us all. The Minister tells us that there were 22 forest fire incidents in 2020 and that, this year, we continue to face many threats. How many of those incidents led to enforcement cases?”
“I thank the Minister for making himself available today. We know that women trying to access services are being forced to travel during the pandemic and that those who can access the very limited services here run a gauntlet of protests — in some cases by people who are travelling for their right to protest during the pandemic. In some of those cases, we have seen protesters entering health clinics and premises, blocking access, standing on the steps of hospitals. Minister, this is a deliberate attempt to prevent women accessing those services, so do you have anything to say to those who are protesting? Can you do anything to ensure safe access to the very limited services that exist for women?”
“I beg to introduce the Climate Change Bill [NIA19/17-22], which is a Bill to enable the mitigation of the impact of climate change in Northern Ireland; establish a legally binding net-zero carbon target for Northern Ireland; provide for the establishment and powers of the Northern Ireland Climate Commissioner and Northern Ireland Climate Office; guarantee existing environmental and climate protections; and for connected purposes.”
“— a sense of community. I do not think that the Speaker will let me.”
“I encourage the Minister please to visit the school at least, meet its committed staff, pupils and community there, see the work that they do and see what they really need. <BR /> <BR />We have a long way to go in South Belfast to ensure that every school is a good school. We still do not really understand what integrated education is about. Lagan College is a good school because of its ethos. It is all-ability and non-selective, and it takes children from right across the spectrum, which means that children from one family can all attend the one school, thereby encouraging —”
“I have also visited Forge Integrated Primary School around the corner from it. It is deeply regrettable that the Minister could not find it within his powers to include those schools — St Joseph's College in particular — in the capital expenditure scheme that was announced by his Department in June. I hope that he will look favourably on their development proposals as a matter of urgency. <BR /> <BR />Last summer, I, along with a team of my party's volunteers, spent time at Glenveagh School helping teachers and staff simply to improve their outside space to make it safe — just safe — and more usable for their students. Glenveagh School is a lifeline for many children and young people with severe learning difficulties and their parents.”
“<BR /> <BR />I do not want to go over other issues that have already been raised, suffice it to say that only 15·4% of students in the Belfast City Council area attend their nearest school. That is followed closely by the Lisburn and Castlereagh City Council area at 18%. Those are, by far, the lowest rates in the whole of Northern Ireland. I do not think that it is any coincidence that South Belfast straddles both council areas. I see how many pupils are left without places each year and the limited options that are available to them, yet the most oversubscribed integrated school in the region is told that it has no need for more places. <BR /> <BR />As we have heard, a number of schools are waiting desperately for new builds. I have visited St Joseph's College and seen the cramped conditions that its staff and pupils manage in.”
“We had an RUC armed guard to help us get into school. Thankfully, that situation has shifted, and we now have, I think, 65 integrated schools across Northern Ireland. Opposition to integration remains, however. Since 1989, the Minister's Department has had a statutory duty to encourage and facilitate integrated education, but I have seen little policy or practice coming from it to promote integrated education. It is left to schools and parents to do the heavy lifting. I am delighted to be able to say that Lagan College will mark its fortieth anniversary this year. It stands as an example, just like Scoil an Droichid in South Belfast, of a proud and successful parent-led project that has led to a great school at the other end. We still reinforce divisions and segregation in children, however, and that has to end.”
“As some may know, and as Matthew O'Toole mentioned, I was part of the first intake of pupils at Lagan College. It is now the most oversubscribed school in Northern Ireland. If an identical school were to be built next door, it would be filled straight away, yet, last year, when the school applied for extra places, it was turned down by the Minister, apparently because there was no need in the area. That is a complete contradiction of my experience as an MLA in South Belfast and as a past pupil of Lagan College. Last year, for the first time in its history, it had to turn away children from the local integrated primary school until a temporary variation was later granted for the many children across South Belfast who had been turned down for a place. <BR /> <BR />My first day at Lagan College, back in 1981, was marked by protests.”
“Every year, we are promised that the Department has a plan, that we will not be in the same position and that there will be enough places, but, every year, there is the same scramble for places and the same temporary variations.”
“I am delighted that the Minister has begun the appointment process for members of the panel of the independent review of education. I look forward to their work, which is long overdue. <BR /> <BR />Across the school estate, we have in the region of 50,000 empty seats. We spend £95 million a year on the duplication of services. Recently, the Integrated Education Fund estimated that £1 million had been spent over 10 years on cross-community projects that bring children together. However, every year, without fail, I am inundated with pleas for help from the parents of children without a post-primary place after assurances of an offer. The letters come out at the start of June, and some may have just missed out on a place at their preferred school, and others have little prospect of getting a place at all.”
“I see that there is a report out today from an EU committee saying that there is no evidence of the AstraZeneca vaccine having negative impacts. Have you sought any assurances or, more importantly, have you been given any assurances from your counterpart in the South that they can go ahead and use the vaccine again?”
“Abstention is not an option, because abstention will simply allow this to continue.”
“The Bill will only exacerbate that, because this is what a clawback of the hard-fought-for, hard-won, small amount of women's rights looks like. <BR /> <BR />There is nothing about the Bill that will stop abortions happening. Everything about the Bill will simply make it harder and riskier for women to access them, but I suspect that that is exactly the intention of the sponsor. Even if passed, it will not be implemented, if we are to believe the Secretary of State, so perhaps it is a stunt. Who knows? Either way, I look forward to continuing to work with Westminster and the Secretary of State to have free, safe, legal services commissioned here for women in Northern Ireland, whereby they can access treatments and be free to make the choices that affect their own lives. <BR /> <BR />I call on everybody to reject the Bill.”
“Amnesty International and Informing Choices NI have also sent a briefing paper, and it points to the same thing: the Bill will not do what we hear it is seeking to do. <BR /> <BR />As I listen to Members from the DUP, the UUP and, of course, the TUV, I hear their outrage at not being able to import trees, plants and cricket-field loam from GB and are blaming the protocol for threatening their sense of Britishness and for them being treated differently from other UK citizens. Well, you have been reminded several times today that the Irish Sea border has always existed for women in Northern Ireland. Today, we continue to force women from Northern Ireland to travel to access safe, free, legal healthcare, regardless of there being a pandemic that is putting them at further risk. Shame on us.”
“The Royal College of Obstetricians and Gynaecologists is telling us to consider the issues around the Bill and that removing the ability of clinicians and women to terminate a pregnancy for a severe fetal impairment after 24 weeks will have a substantial impact. Women will be rushed to terminate their pregnancy before 24 weeks. We know that Doctors for Choice in Northern Ireland has said that, in its view, along with that of the Royal College of Obstetricians and Gynaecologists, women should be supported in difficult circumstances during pregnancy and that this is best accomplished by permitting decisions to be taken by women in discussion with an expert and a multidisciplinary clinical team. It goes on to give everybody the reasons why the Bill will not do what we hear it is seeking to do.”
“The UK Government have rarely stepped in to uphold equal rights for our citizens. I know that every Member has been lobbied on this, so I know that every Member has been given the briefing papers from professionals and medics working in Northern Ireland. I will point to a few key points that they raise.”
“Earlier today, a Matter of the Day was accepted, and we had a debate in which everybody spoke against violence against women. <BR /> <BR />The pro-choice and anti-choice debate has been well rehearsed and acted out in the Chamber long enough for us all to know that this is not where we change mindsets. Where we have seen mindsets shift is when women have been forced to come forward and publicly bare their souls by telling their personal stories to us as legislators, to our media, to our courts and to the very states that have removed their right to choose. It is not and never has been my desire or that of the Green Party of Northern Ireland to legislate away a woman's right to choose. <BR /> <BR />The Assembly and the five-party Executive do not have a notable record on standing up for women's rights.”
“The committee's confidential inquiry took place under article 8 of the Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, to which the UK acceded back in 2004. <BR /> <BR />When the CEDAW inquiry published its report in February 2018, its findings on Northern Ireland were:”
“Back in 2014, as we all know, the United Nations Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women carried out a full inquiry in the UK, including us in Northern Ireland. That was a rare thing to have happened. To my knowledge, it has undertaken such action in only four other jurisdictions. When it was here, it held meetings with, among others, the Communities and Justice Ministers, the Attorney General and officials from the Department of Health. It interviewed Members of the Northern Ireland Assembly from the five main political parties, members of civil society, academics, trade unions and numerous women who had sought or procured an abortion. I was part of that evidence-giving session.”
“I also speak as a mother who supports my right to choose how many children to have, when to have them and whether I want to have them at all. I support my right to choose to continue with a pregnancy or to terminate it. I support the right of any woman and all women to have that choice. The only role for anyone else who is not me or the woman who has to make that choice is to support us in making our decision. At no stage should a state Government, never mind a devolved Assembly, even be involved in that decision and be able to legislate to remove or restrict my choice. The role of a state Government or a devolved Assembly lies in the commissioning of services to allow for free, safe and legal healthcare for all women at home.”
“I declare an interest as a board member of Informing Choices NI, formerly the Family Planning Association in Northern Ireland.”
“I thank the Minister for coming here today. Like Mr Gildernew, I fall into the bracket and welcome making the phone call to get my vaccination. If they offer me the AstraZeneca one, I will gladly and happily take it, as others in my family have done. Minister, if people are uncomfortable about taking that vaccine when they go for their vaccination, will they be able to request a different vaccine?”
“The Criminal Justice Inspection Northern Ireland (CJINI) recommended what we could do to step up, yet we have done nothing. Women's Aid, Nexus NI and the charity sector have all been dealing with the fallout, yet we continue to reduce their access to resources. We had an Executive gender strategy that did not even mention the word "woman". <BR /> <BR />We have much to do, so let us commit to being human rights-compliant and to stepping up to protect women at every opportunity. Today, let us commit to stop being gender-blind.”
“I am now teaching my daughter how to keep herself safe, how to report and how to stand up and be heard. I do not want my grandchildren to repeat the same behaviours. In the UK, 97% of sex crimes are committed by men, and 90% of murders are committed by men. It is time for men to step up and address why that is. <BR /> <BR />As an Assembly, we have much to do. We know that the United Nations Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women, which carried out a full inquiry in the UK, including Northern Ireland, made a series of recommendations about how we need to step up, yet we have done nothing. The Gillen review made plenty of recommendations about how we can step up, yet we have done nothing. The pilot domestic violence courts showed us where we need to step up, yet we have done very little.”
“I, too, extend my sympathies to the family of Sarah Everard and to the families of the five women in Northern Ireland who, we know, have been murdered in their own homes since lockdown began. <BR /> <BR />Last Monday was International Women's Day. Yesterday was Mothering Sunday. The images being beamed across the world and across social media really show how we as a society respect and value women. Legislation is not enough. If it is not resourced, it is simply legislation. If it is not understood, it is simply legislation. Male violence against women is endemic in our society and is largely accepted. <BR /> <BR />My grandmother suffered the same as I would have. My mother suffered the same as I would have. I have grown up and suffered as every other women has.”
“I particularly thank Caitríona Ruane, who, when I was first elected in 2016, was the chair of the caucus and gave me a special invite to join; at that time, the rules of the caucus did not allow me to be a member automatically. <BR /> <BR />There is so much that I would like to say today, on International Women's Day, not only to mark the achievements and hard-won rights of women but to acknowledge the long road that lies ahead. In my last few seconds, I pay tribute to the women from the North West Migrants Forum for the launch of their new project and for finding not only their voice but their power in challenging the barriers and institutions that keep them marginalised. I pledge to do all that I can to support them and look forward to seeing some of them being elected to the Chamber.”
“The Women's Caucus wants to encourage women into politics and support them once they are elected to enable them to remain in those positions and champion their progression. <BR /> <BR />The Assembly and Executive Review Committee recommended those measures, so we are now bringing them forward in the action plan with a road map for implementing them. We recognise the problem and present an effective, robust and sustainable solution. I call on the Assembly to endorse the action plan so that we may finally take the steps to create a gender-sensitive Assembly. I commend the motion to the House. <BR /> <BR />I want to make a short contribution in my capacity as an MLA and Green Party member. I thank the previous chairs of the caucus, some of whom are in the Chamber.”
“It focuses on the needs and interests of current and future female MLAs around the Assembly's structures, operations and methods, and aims to address the problems of discrimination and recrimination; on processes that facilitate participation for everyone, such as a formal mechanism to enable the Women's Caucus to bring forward issues of concern, and reviewing the Assembly's voting mechanisms; on actions that promote equality and participation, such as initiatives that are related to encouraging women to enter politics and targeted engagement with the media; on an environment that is accessible to women and men, has zero tolerance of discriminatory and sexist language and where all MLAs are encouraged to engage in the gender mainstreaming processes; and on gender-sensitive political parties and politicians as being essential elements in driving forward that change.”