Caoimhe Archibald
East Londonderry · Sinn Féin · Northern Ireland
“Taken together, that points to a scheme that is operating effectively in its early stages, while, of course, remaining under review as further evidence becomes available. <BR /> <BR />I therefore commend to the Assembly the Statutory Parental Bereavement Pay (Employment and Earnings) (Amendment) Regulations (Northern Ireland) 2026.”
“I seek the Assembly's approval for the Statutory Parental Bereavement Pay (Employment and Earnings) (Amendment) Regulations (Northern Ireland) 2026. The statutory rule was made on 1 April and came into operation on 6 April. It is before the Assembly today under the confirmatory procedure.”
“The 2026 regulatory impact assessment estimates one-off employer familiarisation costs of up to £1·36 million, with wider HMRC implementation costs forecast at £1·5 million and annual systems maintenance costs of around £10,000. It may assist Members to note that early implementation has gone smoothly.”
“The amendment ensures the continued operation of those regulations and forms part of a wider package of legislative measures establishing statutory parental bereavement pay as an entitlement for bereaved parents.”
“The regulations before the Assembly today are a key part of that implementation and ensure the continued operation of the statutory parental bereavement pay framework. The policy objective is clear: to support bereaved working parents at a time of profound loss and provide a minimum standard of protection in law.”
“<BR /> <BR />The confirmatory procedure means that the regulations before the House today have come into operation before the Assembly debate has taken place and must then be approved by the Assembly within the relevant statutory period. In this case, the deadline for approval is 20 September 2026.”
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“If we are to stamp out violence against women and girls, then, alongside tackling the root cause of misogyny and the culture that enables it, is removing the stigma for those who are victims and, as the Bill sponsor outlined, the stigma of disbelief. There is no shame in being a victim of abuse. We need workplaces to acknowledge the needs of those who suffer at the hands of abusers and for employers to stand with victims and survivors to ensure that they get the support that they need. This Bill will, hopefully, go some way to achieving that. <BR /> <BR />A Phríomh-LeasCheann Comhairle, with a little bit of indulgence, I want to make a remark on some of the commentary at the weekend, including on 'Sunday Politics', about legislation that is progressing, including this Bill, that is unlikely to pass before the end of this mandate.”
“Employers have a duty of care to their staff, and workplace health and safety procedures should include provisions that acknowledge domestic violence. It is also important to recognise that work can provide a safe and supportive space for victims of abuse and a supportive environment. The removal of stigma needs to be encouraged. Additional to the provisions for guidance in this Bill is the need for guidance and training on a greater awareness in the workplace of the signs of domestic abuse. <BR /> <BR />It is no exaggeration to state, as the Bill sponsor has done, that this Bill will save lives. It will certainly make a difference in the lives of victims of abuse.”
“Paid leave for victims of domestic abuse is already in place and is successfully working in a number of other countries, in local authorities in Britain and in private companies here. The Civil Service here in the North also operates a special paid leave policy for domestic reasons, which can include domestic abuse. Facilitating domestic abuse safe leave, which provides for paid leave, will enable the person who is experiencing the abuse to take time out from work without fear to put in place safeguards to keep themselves and their family safe and not have to worry about losing a day's pay, being forced to take annual leave, being penalised or reprimanded for taking time off or being at risk of losing their position in the organisation.”
“In 2017, the European Institute for Gender Equality estimated that intimate partner violence against women cost EU member states €109 billion a year. The three main types of cost identified were lost economic output; provision of services, including health, legal, social and specialised; and the personal, physical and emotional impact on the victim. In fact, as outlined by a Council of Europe report into violence against women, employers and the business sector have to bear substantial losses caused by the psychological and ill-health consequences of violence against women, such as unpredictable absenteeism from work, reduced productivity, poor concentration and accidents. <BR /> <BR />As the Bill's sponsor outlined, any costs will be offset by the benefits.”
“I will make some comments as Sinn Féin economy spokesperson. I am conscious that I am speaking on this important issue in the context that we in the North have the joint highest rate in Europe of women killed as a result of domestic violence. That is a stark statistic. Make no mistake: domestic abuse is a workplace issue, and it needs to be treated as such. The emotional and psychological cost of domestic and gender-based violence is absolutely devastating, but there are also significant economic costs associated with this crime, including a person's ability to attend and perform at work. <BR /> <BR />A study by the National University of Ireland Galway and Safe Ireland put the average individual cost of domestic abuse at over €115,000.”
“<BR /> <BR />The Committee welcomes the Second Stage of the Bill and looks forward to engaging at all levels, through its consultation, with those impacted on by the legislation, including organisations that work with domestic abuse victims and survivors, and with employers in order to ensure that it is fit for purpose and that workers are adequately supported when they need it most.”
“The issue was raised as a recommendation in the Justice Committee report on that Bill, and the then Economy Minister also supported the provision of safe leave. So far, however, no progress has been made by the Department in bringing anything forward. The Committee shares the Bill sponsor's desire to see that support put in place. Members understand that much of the detail will be specified in regulations that will be brought forward by the Economy Minister and subject to Committee and Assembly scrutiny.”
“The legislation is long overdue, given that, up until now, there has been no statutory entitlement to paid safe leave for people in those extremely difficult circumstances. Workers should be given adequate time to receive the help and support required and should be supported by their employer. It is hoped that most employers would be compassionate and understanding towards people in such circumstances. Some public- and private-sector employers have already successfully introduced safe leave policies. <BR /> <BR />As part of the discussions on the Domestic Abuse and Civil Proceedings Bill, the Committee previously sent a letter to the then Minister for the Economy on 16 November 2020 regarding its support for paid special leave for those who suffer domestic abuse.”
“Go raibh maith agat. <BR /> <BR />First, as Committee Chair, I will outline the Committee's consideration of the Bill to date, after which I will speak in my party capacity. As the Bill sponsor, Ms Woods, outlined, the Bill will entitle workers or employees who are victims or survivors of domestic abuse to at least 10 days' paid leave in each leave year. Ms Woods set out the Bill in detail, so I will not repeat any of that. The Committee received a pre-introductory briefing from the sponsor at its meeting on 24 November, in which she outlined the detailed policy proposals in the Bill. I thank the Member for her early engagement on the Bill and for the briefing on its principles. <BR /> <BR />The Committee is aware that domestic abuse victims face a range of concerns when needing to access help and support.”
“Go raibh maith agat, a Phríomh-LeasCheann Comhairle. How long do I have?”
“I thank the Minister for that response. At the beginning of July, I wrote to the Minister about St Patrick's College in Dungiven. I invited her to visit the school because, despite the best efforts of the highly committed staff, they are struggling to maintain the school to the standard that they would like. Patchy, small repairs here and there are no longer enough. The young people at that school deserve the same good facilities as any other young people. Will the Minister commit to visiting the school to see at first hand what is needed?”
“In Germany, an energy surcharge has been slashed, and, in Portugal, a windfall tax has been put in place on energy generators. There is nothing of that nature yet from the British Government. The Finance Minister, Conor Murphy, has written to the British Treasury urging it to cut VAT on energy bills, which would immediately see a reduction in household bills of 5%. That would be a start. However, we need to see the British Government get to grips with the scale of the crisis. As we have seen with the pandemic, financial intervention is about political will. We need to see action now to support struggling families and to help businesses to protect jobs.”
“Unfortunately, in the recent British Budget, there was nothing that indicated that the British Government recognised the scale of the crisis. So far, only the household support fund has been put in place, from which the Executive get just £13·7 million. That compares with £44 million in COVID funding last year, which was directed towards the one-off fuel payment to households in receipt of certain benefits. <BR /> <BR />Gas prices are now five times higher than they were last year. Universal credit has since been slashed, furlough has ended and National Insurance contributions will rise from April. Many more households will struggle, not just those in receipt of benefits. <BR /> <BR />Other Governments have taken action in recognition of the energy cost crisis. In Spain and Italy, VAT has been cut.”
“Last week, we heard the latest in a long line of announcements from gas and electricity providers of rising prices, with a further 38% increase in Firmus Energy's Ten Towns area, which follows a 35% increase only two months ago. Those rising prices, along with the rising cost of food, fuel and heating oil, are really starting to bite for many families. The rising prices are also hitting businesses, which see huge increases in their energy costs, along with other costs, that could put jobs at risk. Understandably, there are calls for the Executive to intervene and to support struggling families and businesses. With any resources available, any intervention that can be made should be made. <BR /> <BR />We need to be honest about the scale of the current increases. They are huge and global in nature.”
“I thank the Minister for that response. Minister, do you acknowledge that the majority of agri-food producers support the need for the protocol, do not want to see it scrapped and, instead, want solutions to implement it more easily? Have you advocated for that on their behalf to the British Government?”
“Finally, will there be any additional costs associated with the extension of the scheme?”
“I thank the Minister for his statement, and I welcome the fact that he has today extended the scheme to enable people to spend their Spend Local card for an additional two weeks. That is important. It is also important that the Minister set out explicitly in his statement that the policy goal is for the greatest number of people who are eligible for the scheme to get a card. I put on record my thanks to his officials who have constructively engaged with the Committee to resolve issues over the past number of weeks. <BR /> <BR />A number of constituents have contacted me who had difficulties inputting their details to get their PIN code and some difficulties accessing support via phone and email. Will the Minister look at that to ensure that people can get that support?”
“<BR /> <BR />I do not want to pre-empt the outcome of today's debate, a LeasCheann Comhairle, but I ask that, if the motion is passed, you ask the Speaker to, on behalf of the Assembly, write to the President of the European Parliament and the President of the European Commission to highlight that the Assembly has supported such dialogue.”
“There is, of course, a need to continue to ensure that there is real and meaningful input and oversight, so we as a party will certainly continue to advocate for input that is as comprehensive as possible. <BR /> <BR />However, today's motion is about inter-parliamentary dialogue and the need to improve engagement. It would send a strong signal if the Assembly formally endorsed direct dialogue between the two institutions, the form of which could be developed. On that basis, I urge Members to support the motion.”
“It is proposed that there would be structured dialogue between the co-chairs of the Joint Committee and representatives of business, communities and civic society organisations in the North, and that regular meetings would be set up. Participation of stakeholders at the Specialised Committee is also proposed. The final proposal is the most relevant to today's debate: a stronger link between the Assembly and the EU-UK parliamentary partnership. <BR /> <BR />These proposals would significantly improve the engagement and the degree of input that elected and civic society representatives from here could have through various structures. Obviously, the joint First Ministers already participate in the Joint Committee on behalf of the Executive.”
“That would allow for greater understanding of the EU rules that are made applicable by the protocol, and allow the EU to be better able to understand the impact of certain aspects of the protocol on business and civic society here.”
“The stakeholders mentioned would be from here.”
“and their counterparts in Britain and the North. The Commission states that that would allow:”
“to the North. It is proposed that, in the agreement with the British Government, through the Joint Committee working group, there could be set up:”
“<BR /> <BR />Included in the package from the European Commission are a number of proposals, detailed in the non-paper. To increase transparency, they include a website to detail EU legislation that is applicable here and information on:”
“Go raibh maith agat, a LeasCheann Comhairle. <BR /> <BR />When Maroš Šefcovic visited last month, he undertook a series of engagements with representatives from across civic society. Following that, he invited business representatives to put forward proposals for solutions to issues that have arisen because of Brexit and the subsequent implementation of the protocol. He also indicated that he would welcome dialogue between the Parliament and the Assembly. <BR /> <BR />The proposals were published on Wednesday of last week, and they certainly seem to have taken cognisance of what he heard when he was here. They have been broadly welcomed as a positive step in trying to find solutions and have covered the areas that business representatives highlighted as needing to be addressed. That highlights the benefit of such engagement.”
“Today's motion is similar in calling for direct dialogue between our institutions to effectively enhance engagement and the ability to contribute.”
“The fact is that, under the protocol, certain EU regulations continue to apply because we remain in the single market for goods. That, of course, prevents the hard border and the need for checks on this island. Technical regulation of goods and of agricultural and environmental production and regulation apply, and that will continue into the future. Changes to those regulations that are made by the EU would have to be adopted. While any new areas of regulation will be discussed and added to the protocol through the Joint Committee, there should be input from stakeholders and policymakers here. <BR /> <BR />In April, my colleague Chris MacManus MEP had a resolution passed in the European Parliament that called for direct dialogue between the Parliament and political representatives and other stakeholders in the North.”
“Our proposals include observer status for MEPs from the North; representation on the Committee of the Regions and the European Economic and Social Committee (EESC); allowing Ministers to participate in the Council of Ministers' meetings as part of the Irish delegation; and allowing civil servants from the North to participate in relevant Council working groups. Those measures would significantly strengthen oversight and allow the views of elected representatives and stakeholders from the North to be shared. We have also raised the need for representatives of business and civic society to have the opportunity to input into the Joint Committee's work on the implementation or ongoing workings of the protocol. <BR /> <BR />This is not a debate about the merits of the protocol.”
“Members will likely be aware that we made the case for continued representation in the European Parliament for MEPs from the North and for the Irish Government to allocate their additional MEPs to give continuing representation to citizens from here in the European Parliament's decision-making. Unfortunately, they chose not to do that, and that was an opportunity lost. <BR /> <BR />We have since made representations to the Dublin Government about ensuring that the voices and views of citizens here in the North are heard in the EU's decision-making and legislative processes.”
“I welcome the opportunity to open the debate. The motion simply calls for direct inter-parliamentary dialogue between the Assembly and the European Parliament. Last week, the publication of the proposals by the European Commission included specific proposals on engagement with stakeholders and authorities here. I will come to the specifics of those proposals shortly. <BR /> <BR />Unlike concerns about the European Court of Justice (ECJ), engagement or consultation has been raised with me on numerous occasions by business and other representatives with whom I have had dozens of discussions this year about the protocol and its implementation. It is also an issue that Sinn Féin, as a party, raised consistently throughout the negotiations that led to the withdrawal agreement and the protocol.”
“We concur that it is important that normal creditors' rights are restored but that, obviously, we want to give companies the space to be able to recover. It is important, therefore, that these temporary measures are put in place. We do not want businesses to be pushed over a cliff edge. It is important that we continue to support businesses and to protect workers' livelihoods and jobs. Therefore, on behalf of Sinn Féin, I support the SRs.”
“These are the latest in a number of SRs on corporate governance. As said in previous debates, the pandemic has had a huge impact on businesses and has lasted a lot longer than was initially expected. It was important that mitigations were put in place on a number of levels in order to support businesses, including in relation to governance. <BR /> <BR />Hopefully, we are emerging from the pandemic and the restrictions at this point. The SRs that we are discussing today are indicative of that. Schedule 8 refers to the development of new procedural rules and will be in place until 31 March 2022, while schedule 11, as the Minister outlined, somewhat modifies the measures that have been in place.”
“<BR /> <BR />As the Minister indicated, the second SR, the Corporate Insolvency and Governance Act 2020 (Coronavirus) (Amendment of Schedule 11) Regulations (Northern Ireland) 2021, will replace schedule 11 with a substitute that provides for new tapered restrictions on creditors' rights to petition to have companies wound up on grounds of inability to pay debt to apply for a six-month period from 1 October 2021 to 31 March 2022. The Committee agreed the statutory rule at its meeting on 29 September 2021, subject to the report of the Examiner of Statutory Rules. The rule came into operation on 29 September. The Examiner of Statutory Rules had no issue with the rule, and, on the Committee's behalf, I support the motion to confirm it. <BR /> <BR />I will make some brief remarks as Sinn Féin's economy spokesperson.”
“As Committee Chair, I will speak briefly on the Committee's consideration of the SRs, which I will address individually. <BR /> <BR />As the Minister indicated, the Corporate Insolvency and Governance Act 2020 (Coronavirus) (Amendment of Relevant Period in Schedule 8) (No. 2) Regulations (Northern Ireland) 2021 make temporary provision for company moratoriums to remain in effect until 30 March 2022. The Committee agreed the statutory rule at its meeting on 29 September, subject to the Examiner of Statutory Rules' report. The rule came into operation on 29 September 2021. The Examiner of Statutory Rules had no issue with the rule, and, on the Committee's behalf, I support the motion.”
“Ultimately, the British Government and unionist politicians have to acknowledge that all the consequences that impact on businesses and everyone else are a direct result of the Brexit that they championed. While chaos reigns in Britain, the protocol has insulated us from some of the effects. <BR /> <BR />The unfortunate reality is that, no matter what flexibilities are found, any new arrangements will still be less than what we had pre Brexit, and there will not be solutions to every problem. However, we need a way forward to provide clarity and stability, and all efforts should be focused on genuinely achieving that. Anything else is a shameful dereliction of duty. People here deserve better than to be collateral damage in Tory wrangling.”
“On behalf of Sinn Féin, I welcome the proposals from the European Commission, which show that it has listened to business and political representatives and taken on board the issues and concerns raised and indicate that it is willing to be pragmatic and take action to alleviate them. <BR /> <BR />We now need to see a meaningful and constructive approach from the British Government to ensure that progress can be made in providing the certainty and stability that businesses want and broader society here wants and needs. Unfortunately, the prelude to that announcement and the response from the British Government have not been constructive, with new red lines and barriers put up that, frankly, have led to questions about how serious they are about achieving solutions.”
“Since the beginning of the year, we have been dealing with the reality of post-Brexit trade. With the lateness and thinness of the Trade and Cooperation Agreement (TCA) leading to little time to prepare for the new arrangements, problems, inevitably, have arisen. For some time, many of us have called for solutions that make it easier for businesses to trade, particularly for those that trade mainly between Britain and the North. <BR /> <BR />The proposals that have been brought forward have been broadly acknowledged by business representatives as a significant package that can go some way to resolving the issues, but, of course, they stressed the need for clarity and detail.”
“with stakeholders here. According to the European Commission:”
“It is important that the Assembly has the opportunity to discuss them. The package proposes:”
“Go raibh maith agat, a Cheann Comhairle. Thank you for accepting the Matter of the Day. <BR /> <BR />On Wednesday, the European Commission published what it described as:”
“The Minister will be aware that one of the things impacting on the cost of living is the big increase in energy costs, which are associated mostly, although not solely, with the increase in gas prices. Further price increases are predicted in the near future. Does the Minister agree that we need to see a greater intervention from the British Government through funding that is commensurate with the increases to mitigate the rise in the cost of living for workers, families and businesses?”
“I thank the Member for taking an intervention, and I concur with her comments about the AERA Minister. He gave a number of examples of labour shortages, but he did not take an intervention from me, when I would have made the point that we do not see empty shelves across Europe. We see them in Britain as a direct result of labour shortages because of Brexit. A point was made about workers' terms and conditions. I imagine that we would all concur with thinking they are too poor. We would like to see the Economy Minister meet the New Decade, New Approach obligations on employment and workers' rights. Perhaps he could put a wee bit of pressure on his Executive colleagues.”
“The British Government have already ignored the MAC's recommendations on the North.”
“We also have the opportunity to take advantage of our trading arrangements under the protocol to bring investment and create jobs. Therefore, instead of focusing on ideology, all parties should work to deliver for citizens by creating a stronger economy.”
“The DUP, and others, are responsible for delivering that Brexit and seem to be in denial about what is needed. We need to be honest about the cause of the problems we now face and that, in itself, delivers a solution: allowing EU citizens to come and work here again to help create a more successful and welcoming economy. We also need to focus on developing the skills to meet the needs of all sectors of our economy, including those that now have shortages. However, some of those are not short-term fixes. We need to do both, and one, of course, supports the other.”
“There was no flexibility in the seasonal agricultural workers pilot; there was no flexibility in the shortage occupations list; and there was no action at all to address the issues. Our economy and our very successful agri-food sector in particular are simply collateral damage in the delivery of a right-wing hard Brexit driven by jingoistic sentiments.”
“<BR /> <BR />The British Government also have no intention of doing anything to solve the problems that they have created. The temporary visas for HGV drivers fall far short of the number and nature of interventions required. In a recent response to the Chair of the AERA Committee on the responses of various British Ministers to request actions to alleviate the labour shortages faced here, Minister Poots — I appreciate his being here to respond to the debate — outlined a shocking disregard. I use the word "shocking" somewhat advisedly because nothing really shocks us when it comes to Tory politicians' disregard for the North. The responses showed shocking disregard of the impact of the British Government's post-Brexit immigration policy on our economy.”
“Shortages of workers have created a situation where employers are being forced to offer better pay, and, while that may represent a better outcome for workers in the short term, it does not fix the problem and is simply a short-term fix if it is not accompanied by protections for those workers' terms and conditions. It is a demonstrable fallacy that the Tories, or the DUP, for that matter, suddenly care about workers' rights. That is the most implausible of all the aspects of this sorry tale. We are talking about a party that has rolled back on trade union rights, limited strike action and saw Brexit as an opportunity to dismantle workers' protections. Nothing will convince me that any increase in wages, even if it is statistically the case that wages have increased, is anything other than consequential.”
“While the protocol mitigates some of the impacts of Brexit, one of those that it does not provide for is the loss of freedom of movement and, for us, the loss of the ability to have workers from across the EU come here to work, make their homes and add to the vibrancy of our communities. I, for one, find that sad. <BR /> <BR />If it were not incredulous enough that some would try to paint the labour shortages as nothing to do with Brexit, what is worse are those who suggest that there was a grand design to push up wages. Let us be very clear: if wages have increased in Britain, it is due to the simple economics of supply and demand.”