Phillip Brett
North Belfast · Democratic Unionist Party · Northern Ireland
“Paula has been a diligent Chair who has championed the interests of victims and survivors. I personally thank her for her work on the Bill. I pay tribute to Committee members, who also dedicated their time to the Bill, and to our Committee staff.”
“At the outset, I pay tribute to the Member for Fermanagh and South Tyrone for her heartfelt and valuable contribution. As you rightly said, Mr Deputy Speaker, her family will be very proud of the contribution that she has just made. <BR /> <BR />Today marks a truly significant moment.”
“<BR /> <BR />I am therefore delighted to report to the House that a U-turn has been secured. This year, the Twelfth has been promoted through Discover Northern Ireland's social media channels.”
“<BR /> <BR />The Bill will establish a statutory public inquiry alongside a redress scheme, both of which are important. Their establishment recognises that there is a responsibility not only to uncover truth but to acknowledge the profound harm that was caused.”
“I warmly welcome the progress that has been achieved in the promotion of the Twelfth of July and our wider Orange and Ulster-Scots traditions by Tourism Northern Ireland.”
“<BR /> <BR />Today's debate is not about rewriting history but about confronting history honestly. It is about recognising that vulnerable women and children were failed by institutions, by society and by the state.”
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“I appreciate the Member's being generous with his time. You have articulated the reason why the Alliance Party opposes the motion — because it states that we deplore the negotiations between the Irish Government and UK Government — but, if you read on, you will see that there is a particular reason for that, which is the failure of the UK Government to get a proper process and reciprocal arrangement from the Irish Republic. It is not, therefore, an outright condemnation of the negotiations. With all due respect, Mr Tennyson, the reasons that you have articulated for opposing the motion are wafer-thin.”
“<BR /> <BR />I agree with the former Sinn Féin MP for Mid Ulster Francie Molloy, who broke Sinn Féin ranks to say that it should not have backed Catherine Connolly. The decision is a clear recognition that Sinn Féin is not fit to lead the Irish Republic. On that, Members on these Benches agree with Sinn Féin.”
“Now, instead of standing on its own two feet, it hides behind the independent candidate, Catherine Connolly, who has already managed to make a mockery of her campaign. We were told that she would be a champion for Irish unity, yet, when newspapers looked at her record on Irish unity, they found that she had not made one single comment on the issue in the past 25 years. However, her anti-Israel, anti-NATO, anti-American and pro-Hamas views might have more to do with the fact that Sinn Féin has run behind her. That pattern runs through Sinn Féin's politics. The party shouts the loudest, but, when asked to lead either in Dublin or here, it blames others for failure to deliver what it wants.”
“It spent months complaining, saying that the people of Northern Ireland should be able to vote in that election and, indeed, wasted time in the Assembly calling for that, yet, when it had it had the opportunity to run a candidate in the election, it ran away. <BR /> <BR />Instead of taking responsibility, Sinn Féin has a habit of demanding that others do its work. It insists that Dublin must produce a strategy to deliver Irish unity. It insist that civil servants must write the plan, and, when nothing happens, it blames everyone but itself. The decision not to run should come as no surprise. Despite claims from Sinn Féin that Mary Lou McDonald was the Taoiseach-in-waiting, the people of the Republic of Ireland sent the party a clear message.”
“On 24 October, the people of the Irish Republic will select their new president. That provides an opportunity for parties to set out their vision and seek the trust of the electorate. Where is Sinn Féin in that election? After months of speculation, of shadow-boxing and of telling the people of Ireland that its announcement would be a game changer, Sinn Féin has bottled it. Once again, Sinn Féin is on the run: no vision, no courage and no leadership. The same party endlessly talks about holding a referendum, first by 2016, then by 2030 and then within its members' lifetime, but, when it had the opportunity to stand for the highest office in the Irish Republic, it ran away. It vanished.”
“Does the Minister agree that her subregional economic plan is not worth the paper that it is written on?”
“Minister, your subregional economic plan was launched almost a year ago, and the local economic partnerships were meant to be at the heart of it. Some £45 million was allocated to them, but not a penny has been spent to date. Regional balance has got worse on your watch, Minister, and we have had a resignation from the board of Invest Northern Ireland.”
“I thank the Minister for her usual courtesy in providing me with an advance copy of her statement. Minister, I think that all Members are united in wanting to achieve a closure that represents value for the taxpayer and respects the participants who entered the scheme in good faith. With that in mind, once your consultation has concluded, will you confirm that the proposals will come to the Executive for cross-party agreement?”
“Let me say this with absolute clarity: the DUP will never support arrangements that bury the truth, elevate terrorists above their victims or condemn the victims of terrorism to the shadows. We will stand firmly with the innocent victims. Be it London, Dublin or anywhere else, this party will continue to call out the rank hypocrisy of those who do down the victims of our past.”
“Its record is one of equating victims with victim makers, of announcing one-sided public inquiries and of bending to republican demands, yet some would happily hand over the future of Northern Ireland to that Government.”
“When others turned their back on them, my party stood up for innocent victims and ensured that there would be a victims' pension for those harmed by terrorists during the Troubles. <BR /> <BR />Once again, however, victims are being betrayed. We see a new so-called legacy deal with the Irish Government. That is another political stitch-up that has been designed not to deliver truth but to rewrite history. For years, Dublin has failed to cooperate with Omagh bombing investigations and refused to come clean about its collusion with the Provisional IRA. That is a national disgrace. Now, instead of the Labour Party standing up to Dublin and standing with victims, it has outsourced legacy to the Irish Republic. Let me be clear: the Labour Party has no interest in victims.”
“The weekend brought yet another dark day for truth and justice in Northern Ireland. For decades, innocent victims have, time and time again, been promised fairness, only to be denied justice. The Belfast Agreement was sold as a new beginning, but, from the outset, justice was corrupted. Victims watched as the gates to prisons were thrown open and saw their pain ignored. Republicans on the run were handed secret letters of comfort from Tony Blair, while the families of their victims were left in torment. <BR /> <BR />We have seen the shameful spectacle of victim makers being celebrated and eulogised, with our "First Minister for all" telling us that there was no alternative to IRA violence. That is not justice but a betrayal of justice.”
“<BR /> <BR />On Wednesday evening, I had the privilege of being at the Belfast synagogue, where hundreds of people joined together to raise funds to rebuild the kibbutzim that were bombed and shot at, and where people were raped and taken into captivity. I heard a message from one victim who lost her husband and children on that day. They know that the people of Belfast and Northern Ireland stand with them and not with the terrorists of Hamas. <BR /> <BR />The decision that the Prime Minister has taken will not advance the cause of finding peace, but will further embolden the terrorists of Hamas to continue to try to destroy the state of Israel. Let me be very clear: my party stands with Israel and its right to defend itself. We will not allow those who continue to justify terrorism to succeed.”
“The move by Keir Starmer to recognise the Palestinian state does more damage to a lasting solution in the Middle East than he could ever dream of. His decision was not about finding a lasting solution in the Middle East but about placating the loony left-wing members of his party. It was about that age-old Labour Party tradition of rewarding terrorism and those who engage in violence. Let us be very clear: we have heard remarks in the Chamber about the greatness of recognising the Palestinian state, but no remarks from those very people about the horrendous acts of terrorism by Hamas on 7 October. The truth is that those Members do not want the state of Israel to exist. They do not want our Jewish community across the world to feel respected. My party will never placate or reward terrorists.”
“<BR /> <BR />I look forward to those parties in the Executive that have stepped forward here today to say that they support the Minister in meeting those housing targets following through on that by ensuring that, when a budget allocation is made, the Minister is given the funding that he needs, because he has shown that, when he gets his funding, he can deliver.”
“That is why our Minister has taken action on the allocations policy and, rightly, removed intimidation points, which have been abused right across North Belfast, with problem tenants moving from one part to another. That is why our Minister is championing the reclassification of the Northern Ireland Housing Executive so that it can build houses once again to ensure that land that has lain derelict in my constituency of North Belfast can be used to house those who need it and that houses are allocated on the basis of need.”
“I will always say that housing should be allocated on the basis of need. Unfortunately, the two members of your party who represent the area, Mr Kelly and Ms Ní Chuilín, did not make comment, but a councillor from a different district was wheeled out to make those comments. <BR /> <BR />I will return to the remarks that I was making about why we selected the Communities portfolio. It was because we recognise the vital importance of ensuring that there is affordable and accessible housing for all members of our community. That is why our Communities Minister has taken action by publishing a housing supply strategy, when other Ministers failed to do so.”
“<BR /> <BR />My party recognises the difficulties that our housing system faces, and that is why my party stepped forward and selected the portfolio of —”
“As the debate has gone on, we have, unfortunately, strayed back into the difficult position where anyone who dares raise any issues about immigration is automatically labelled as an extremist or a member of the far right. Let me be very clear: anyone who engages in any form of violence or any form of attack on a minority is absolutely disgraceful. However, if anyone whom I represent comes to me with concerns about a UK-wide immigration policy and wants to protect the borders of their country, I will not allow them to be labelled as a racist or a member of the far right. They have democratic legitimacy to raise their concerns with their elected representatives. It is our duty and moral obligation to articulate those in a democratic setting, and that is what I will continue to do.”
“There were no self-appointed do-gooders going to the media, making up stories about loyalist paramilitaries, to try to electrify one particular community. Therefore, we do ourselves a disservice when we selectively call out sectarianism or racism. We need to be clear in the House that sectarianism in all its forms needs to be called out, not just when it suits our political agenda.”
“Despite facing the worst brunt of the Troubles, they have a remarkable resilience about how they want to make North Belfast a better place for everyone. <BR /> <BR />I wish that the condemnation by Members of sectarian attacks had some consistency. In my constituency, the Felden development of over 100 homes was an Executive flagship project under Together: Building a United Community. As soon as that development started, no Protestants were allowed. Irish tricolours were erected, and the name of the housing officer who was allocating those houses was sprayed on a wall. Unfortunately, there was no cross-party condemnation of those attacks. No cross-party, multi-agency meetings were called under the glare of the media.”
“I welcome the opportunity to speak in the debate. I associate myself with the remarks made by the proposer of the motion. Ms Armstrong eloquently articulated the views and concerns of Members right across the House that sectarianism, racism, Islamophobia and — I add this as a North Belfast representative — antisemitism have no place in our society. However, we do ourselves and the House a disservice when Members make scripted remarks and are selective in the condemnation of sectarian or racist attacks. My constituency has been mentioned in a number of contributions by Members, and factually inaccurate information has been put out. I make it very clear that the people of North Belfast, of all traditions and none, are not a sectarian people. They are not a racist people.”
“Of course, there is no reference to the FICT study on the removal of illegal monuments, because other parties are happy to support the terrorist shrines across this country, which have a negative impact on community relations. Other Members mentioned the Féile an Phobail organisation but made no comment about its work on bonfires celebrating the IRA or about celebrating the Bayardo bombers and the 50th anniversary of those murders. <BR /> <BR />My party will take no lectures whatever on te legitimate expression of culture and identity from any political party represented in the Chamber. The SDLP, Sinn Féin and the Alliance Party want to use every opportunity in the Chamber to do down unionism. My party will not stand by quietly and allow that to happen.”
“Their actions were struck down by the High Court. Those were their actions, not their words. <BR /> <BR />In Antrim and Newtownabbey Borough Council, where we support bonfires that do not have flags or emblems, those parties, along with the Alliance Party, vote every year to remove the funding. Look at actions, not words. In South Belfast, we had great interest in the working-class community of the Village. Of course, there had been no commentary for years from those elected representatives about the lack of social housing in that constituency, which my party has fought for. However, when it comes to bonfires, they all appear, because they want to denigrate the unionist community. <BR /> <BR />The motion tries to nitpick parts of the FICT report in order to denigrate the unionist community.”
“If the Member had listened to the first 45 seconds of my remarks, she would know that I made it clear that attacks on any person are reprehensible. I have always stood against attacks on democracy. Unfortunately, others in the Chamber do not have the same record; indeed, they campaigned for terrorists to be released from prison. <BR /> <BR />I turn back to the motion. Actions speak louder than words. We can have all the warm and woolly comments from the Alliance Party, Sinn Féin or the SDLP saying that they support the legitimate expression of culture, but let us look at their actions. In my constituency of North Belfast, Sinn Féin and the SDLP together acted illegally to have the Adam Street bonfire in Tiger's Bay removed because they did not want that small unionist community to be able to celebrate its culture and identity.”
“The cat was let out of the bag by the Opposition spokesperson: they do not want to see bonfires taking place — full stop. <BR /> <BR />There is a clear message from these Benches, and, if we are the only party to say it, we will do so happily. There will always be bonfires in Northern Ireland, and my party will continue to support them. <BR /> <BR />Does Ms Armstrong want to intervene, or is she just pulling a face at my comments?”
“<BR /> <BR />There is no mention in the motion of the hundreds of bonfires that take place across Northern Ireland and pass off without incident. There is not one mention of the hundreds of people who engage in positive outlets throughout the year to ensure that our young people can be involved in that proud and historic practice. In my constituency of North Belfast, the transformation of bonfires in recent years has been commendable. We have young people who are being led by those who want to see a positive outlet for their future. In Rathcoole, we have the amazing RATH Community Group that shows our young people that we celebrate our culture and do not demean that of others. Work takes place throughout the length and breadth of North Belfast, but there is no reference to that in the motion.”
“Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker. As someone who proudly attends 11 July celebrations, I can confidently and clearly say, as my party has consistently said, that the burning of flags, election posters or other offensive material is wrong, it always has been wrong, and it will never have my party's support. My community and I are proud enough of our traditions that we do not need to denigrate anyone else's to raise ours up. However, I fear that the motion is a blanket attempt to class all community celebrations across Northern Ireland as sectarian hate fests that the Members who tabled it want to eradicate. They want to eradicate and erode the proud unionist and loyalist traditions across Northern Ireland.”
“Minister, we know that there are 200 people in North Belfast who have been convicted of sex crimes, but the right to disclose puts the burden on those who want to protect their local community. Why do you not believe that we should go further and ensure that that right is promoted across society? What work have you done as Justice Minister to encourage people's understanding of the fact that they have the right to apply for that information?”
“As the statement makes clear, athletes inspire us all. With that, it would be remiss of me not to take the opportunity to congratulate my constituent Kyle, who made his professional debut at Windsor Park at the weekend and won. I invite you, Minister, to his second professional fight at Mossley Mill in November. <BR /> <BR />Minister, will the fund include clubs that focus on those with disabilities to ensure that they receive the support and funding that they need? I recently had you out at Antrim and Newtownabbey Disability Football Club, which is the only all-ability football team in our borough. Will that team be able to apply to the fund?”
“He is walking out. He does not want to hear it.”
“This party will take no lectures on discrimination from parties that forced the withdrawal of the British Army from a jobs fair in the north-west because they did not want a Brit about the place. Minister, how many additional clubs could have been included had other parties not held up this project for so long? In my constituency of North Belfast, Crusaders Football Club is rightly disappointed by the outcome. Will you commit to meeting Crusaders with me and my colleague Brian Kingston in order to ensure that the club gets the funding that it deserves?”
“Gerry Adams was secretly recorded telling the unionist community what he meant by "equality": he wanted to break unionists. Sinn Féin will not break unionists, and he will not break this party.”
“<BR /> <BR />Of course, we have seen the same supremacist attitude to language adopted by Sinn Féin, the SDLP and the Alliance Party at Belfast City Council, where they have set aside democratic norms. Despite a majority of residents not wanting Irish-language street signs, they are installed in order to whip up fear and intimidate unionists. Sinn Féin is helped by the SDLP and the Alliance Party in doing that. It has become a pattern: every time, they try to make a cultural issue out of it. There was no mention of the fact that Sinn Féin-run Departments exclude Ulster Scots from their letterheads, yet Sinn Féin goes after our Minister for having only one language on his. Once again, I say that Sinn Féin wants dominance, not partnership. <BR /> <BR />We know what Sinn Féin members mean when they say, "Equality".”
“The previous Infrastructure Minister — now Finance Minister — happily signed off on the Grand Central station project without additional signage, but Sinn Féin has now attempted to politicise this as a johnny-come-lately. Let me be clear: it is not about inclusion. Sinn Féin wants to raise the Irish language above every other minority language in Northern Ireland. Not content with Irish being included with all other minority languages, Sinn Féin believes that its culture and identity should be raised above everyone else's. It is about supremacy, not partnership. Sinn Féin is willing to squander £150,000 of public funding on that project; money that should be used to fix roads and for other infrastructure projects across Northern Ireland.”
“Following on from that, I welcome last week's comments from the High Court judge, which pushed back against Sinn Féin's attempts to continue to push cultural dominance in Northern Ireland. As the High Court judge made clear, the Infrastructure Minister's attempt to impose additional Irish-language signs at Grand Central station has made the Executive into a laughing stock. Should we be surprised? My party made clear from the start that the Infrastructure Minister's attempts were unlawful. That was called out by the deputy First Minister and, indeed, in actions by the Communities Minister. Since then, we have seen an attempt to whip up faux outrage.”
“However, I also say that the Kirk family will take great solace in that disgraceful act, as they know that those people do that because they hate him. We can look at the words that Charlie spoke. He knew that people hated him because he was willing to challenge them, willing to stand up to them and willing to take on vested interests. <BR /> <BR />It falls to all of us who value democracy to continue to speak up for that right, which is the right to challenge and to represent those whom we hold dear. This party will continue to be on the side of the silent majority and will stand with the Kirk family.”
“On behalf of the people of North Belfast, which is a community that is used to the damage of political violence, I add my sympathy and that of those whom I represent to the Kirk family. Charlie Kirk's murder was motivated by hatred: hatred of his ability; and hatred of his willingness to challenge the status quo and of his willingness to stand up for traditional values. It falls to all of us who are public representatives who value democracy to call out that attack, which was an attack not just on one man or a set of ideals but on a process that we should all hold dear: freedom, tolerance and respect. <BR /> <BR />To those across the United Kingdom and in the United States who are engaging in the ghoulish and obscene behaviour of celebrating this death, I say, "Shame".”
“One of the clearest actions that the Department that the First Minister co-leads has taken to tackle hate and sectarianism has been the Urban Villages programme, which has been a huge success in Ardoyne and Ballysillan. There is clear political and community support for extending the scheme to other parts of North Belfast. I ask the First Minister to outline what work she has done with the deputy First Minister to launch another phase of the Urban Villages scheme.”
“The Minister rightly articulated the importance of the aerospace and defence sector to the Northern Ireland economy, which is already worth £2·2 billion. The strategic defence review, which I recently submitted a question for written answer to you about, has the opportunity to provide thousands of jobs and billions of pounds' worth of investment. The Minister gave only a one-line response to me. Will she outline today what proactive work she has done to secure investment from that strategic defence review for companies across Northern Ireland?”
“I anticipate, however, that we will conclude our deliberations well in advance of then. I will save further comments for later legislative stages. I thank the Minister for moving the motion on the Bill's Second Stage today.”
“<BR /> <BR />The Department assured the Committee that those measures will improve the efficiency of the insolvency process, limit bureaucracy and thus discourage pointless time-wasting strategies. I anticipate that Committee members will set out their views on the principles of the Bill during the debate. Should they not speak, however, I can tell the House that the commentary at Committee was supportive of the Bill. Its passage is a matter for the House, but, that having been said, if the Bill passes its Second Stage today, the Committee's call for evidence will also commence today. Although that is not ideal, the Committee is keen to ensure that the Bill becomes law as soon as possible. The Committee agreed that, subject to the Bill's passage today, it will seek a Committee Stage extension to just before Christmas.”
“The Bill will make it clear that there are no assets that can be distributed to unsecured creditors. <BR /> <BR />The Bill will also ensure that the notice of intention to appoint an administrator need only be sent to prescribed persons, if there are such persons who are entitled to appoint an administrator/receiver or who hold a qualifying floating charge. The Bill removes the fast-tracking of voluntary arrangements for bankruptcies, as those provisions have been little or sparingly used in England and Wales. The Bill also allows for insolvent businesses to continue to access essential services and to prevent a supplier from insisting on payment.”
“The Bill allows for administrators to ensure a fairer share of the benefits go to creditors, to take action that benefits creditors and to allow benefit payments to liquidators. The Bill allows for the sensible use of agreement by correspondence by administrators and for creditors to have the right to opt out of such communications. <BR /> <BR />The Bill allows for liquidators to be released where winding-up orders are rescinded; for the appointment of administrators to be extended with consent; for the official receiver immediately to become the trustee of a bankruptcy in order to allow them to sell assets to benefit the creditors; and for the removal of instances in which winding-up petitions can be used to prevent the appointment of an administrator.”
“The Department has advised us of a single exception, which relates to the provision of information to the Enforcement of Judgments Office. The Committee was assured that departmental counterparts in England and Wales view that as a gap in their provision that will likely be addressed in the future. If the Bill is passed, Northern Ireland's legislative provisions will therefore be ahead of those in the rest of the United Kingdom. The Department also assured the Committee that everything in the Bill had been consulted on. Furthermore, officials confirmed that everything that came out of the recent consultation had found its way into the Bill. <BR /> <BR />The Bill allows for administrators to take High Court action against directors where they have been fraudulently trading and to assign a right of action to third parties.”
“I do not propose to repeat the detailed references to all the clauses, but 21 measures are involved, and I will summarise them shortly. <BR /> <BR />Insolvency arrangements are a necessary and important part of business. Clear and understandable procedures are essential in order to give business owners, investors and creditors confidence and thus provide an environment in which the economy can grow and a level of certainty can be provided for businesspeople. The Committee was advised that changes to insolvency agreements have been made in England and Wales in recent years. Almost every single one of the measures in the Bill is already in place in other parts of the United Kingdom. The Bill will therefore largely bring us into line with accepted practice in the rest of the UK.”
“Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker. At the outset, I want to say that this is the first time that I have served under your chairmanship since the untimely passing of your father, so if I can just record my sympathies and those of my party. I had the pleasure of knowing your dad, and he was a gentleman like you, Mr Deputy Speaker. You have been in all our thoughts in recent days. <BR /> <BR />This is the first Bill from the Department for the Economy in this mandate. The Minister has chosen a very small one, at 121 clauses and four schedules. The Department consulted on the proposed changes to insolvency law and briefed the Committee on them on a number of occasions. As the Minister has just said, the Bill is rather lengthy.”
“We have seen regeneration projects such as Crumlin Road Gaol, which has been truly wonderful, but you then look across the street and see Crumlin Road Courthouse, a listed and wonderful building in the heart of our city that, due to legislation, has been allowed to fall into absolute disrepair. <BR /> <BR />The Bill touches on many of the things that all Members want to see: it protects our built heritage, ensures community safety and puts regeneration back at the heart of our working-class communities. The Minister has my full support, for whatever that is worth, in progressing the Bill, and I look forward to his answering some of the issues that I have raised today.”
“We do not want to have notices that will last for months and months with people simply using delaying tactics. <BR /> <BR />Overall, the Bill is welcome. It will allow safety to be returned to many parts of our constituency where derelict sites or land are used for antisocial behaviour. Regeneration that has been led by government can continue to take place, and those who have land-banked their sites for many years will now have to face the repercussions of doing so. It will also protect our built heritage. Across North Belfast, we have some amazing built heritage.”
“In addition, clause 10 does not mention land; it mentions only buildings. Can the Minister articulate whether that covers land and buildings? <BR /> <BR />On cost recovery, the Bill articulates that councils "may" recover costs. I wonder why that is not "should" recover costs. We obviously appreciate that there may be some aspects that cannot be recovered due to not being able to trace ownership or due to people not having the means, but we could use the word "should" rather than "may". Maybe the Minister could sum up on that. <BR /> <BR />Regarding time for compliance with notices that have been served on property or landowners, could the Minister articulate what time pressures will be available to people to put in action what they need to do?”