Eóin Tennyson
Upper Bann · Alliance Party · Northern Ireland
“Those who have come forward only now, saying that they are not surprised or that they always suspected that something was wrong, simply to use this as part of a grudge match and settle old scores, should hang their heads in shame, as should those who have attempted to use this matter for party political point-scoring in the Chamber today.…”
“Jeffrey Donaldson and Jeffrey Donaldson alone is responsible for his heinous abuse. We know that abusers lurk in the shadows and that this could have befallen any organisation, community or political party. The allegations that came to light in the 'Spotlight' documentary, however, go beyond the actions of one individual.”
“Scandal after scandal has shown that those who push puritanical, sanctimonious and hostile rhetoric towards the LGBTQ+ community are guilty of nauseating hypocrisy. All Members, including those in the DUP, should reflect on that, on the harm caused, apologise to the LGBTQ+ community and change course.”
“We owe it to them to ensure that, never again, will an institution be prioritised over the protection of victims and to make policy change to ensure that faith-based counselling is regulated, safeguarding procedures are followed and, importantly, that reforms are made to our RSE system so that, never again, will a child or young person no…”
“On a point of order, Mr Speaker. This is an unconventional intervention, but we are in unprecedented times. I ask for your assurance that you will engage fully with any investigations or inquiries that come about as a result of matters that were raised over the weekend.”
“The response from statutory agencies is consistently inadequate. Despite it being an offence under article 87 of the Roads (Northern Ireland) Order 1993, we see no enforcement action whatever from the Department for Infrastructure. I call on the Infrastructure Minister to set out what she will do to start to tackle the issue.”
The complete record
Every one of 888 lines we hold for Eóin Tennyson, in date order, each linked to its source. Free to read, in full, without an account. Page 1 of 18.
“I beg to introduce the Conversion Practices (Criminalisation) Bill [NIA 45/22-27], which is a Bill to criminalise conversion practices.”
“Minister, rating relief is, of course, related to revaluation. I ask for an update on that process.”
“On a point of order, Mr Speaker. This is an unconventional intervention, but we are in unprecedented times. I ask for your assurance that you will engage fully with any investigations or inquiries that come about as a result of matters that were raised over the weekend. Will you provide clarity on why, it appears, no internal party action was taken under your tenure? Although the matters were not criminal, it is clear from your remarks that they were deeply inappropriate.”
“We owe it to them to ensure that, never again, will an institution be prioritised over the protection of victims and to make policy change to ensure that faith-based counselling is regulated, safeguarding procedures are followed and, importantly, that reforms are made to our RSE system so that, never again, will a child or young person not have the words or not know where to turn when they are a victim of abuse. That is the least that we owe the victims at the centre of this case.”
“Scandal after scandal has shown that those who push puritanical, sanctimonious and hostile rhetoric towards the LGBTQ+ community are guilty of nauseating hypocrisy. All Members, including those in the DUP, should reflect on that, on the harm caused, apologise to the LGBTQ+ community and change course. <BR /> <BR />This must be a turning point not just for the parties in the Chamber but for society. It is clear that the two victims at the centre of the original case were grossly failed, and it is through their bravery that these issues were brought into the light.”
“Those who have come forward only now, saying that they are not surprised or that they always suspected that something was wrong, simply to use this as part of a grudge match and settle old scores, should hang their heads in shame, as should those who have attempted to use this matter for party political point-scoring in the Chamber today. <BR /> <BR />We must not conflate salacious elements of Jeffrey Donaldson's private life with the fact that he was a paedophile and a predator. That trope has been tried and tested, and has done untold harm to members of our LGBTQ+ community. I do not care whether Jeffrey Donaldson visited a gay sauna or projectile vomited over the Mayor of Beijing. What I do care about is the gross hypocrisy that those issues have exposed.”
“Jeffrey Donaldson and Jeffrey Donaldson alone is responsible for his heinous abuse. We know that abusers lurk in the shadows and that this could have befallen any organisation, community or political party. The allegations that came to light in the 'Spotlight' documentary, however, go beyond the actions of one individual. It is now clear that senior members of the DUP were aware of other potential victims of exploitation and abuse, and that rather than bring those allegations to the attention of the authorities, they appeared to use them for party political purposes. That raises profound questions, including for the Speaker of the Assembly, that go to the heart of public confidence in these institutions and political parties.”
“Thank you, Minister, for that answer. In April, the Assembly passed a motion calling for an urgent review of special educational needs coordinator (SENCO) workload specifically, yet, in response to a question for written answer from my colleague Nick Mathison, you said that the Department was not committed to any formal review process. How can you reassure SENCOs that you are committed to tackling the challenges that we face other than by such a formal process?”
“Every year, we get complaints about the divisions that are stoked and the fear that is created in communities. It is long past time that all parties in the Chamber showed the leadership that is required and put in place a system of enforcement for when flags are flown on street furniture.”
“The response from statutory agencies is consistently inadequate. Despite it being an offence under article 87 of the Roads (Northern Ireland) Order 1993, we see no enforcement action whatever from the Department for Infrastructure. I call on the Infrastructure Minister to set out what she will do to start to tackle the issue. It is also the case that we spent £800,000 on the Commission on Flags, Identity, Culture and Tradition (FICT) report, which set out a way forward to deal with the issues, but, of course, that report languishes on the desks of the First Minister and the deputy First Minister, with no action forthcoming. <BR /> <BR />Year in, year out, every MLA gets reports from families who feel intimidated when a flag goes up outside their house.”
“One of the perennial failures of the Assembly has been our inability to grapple with the issue of flags displayed on street furniture. In the past week alone, I have seen paramilitary flags erected outside a school in Banbridge, while residents of Drumnagoon, which is a mixed and shared community of new developments in Craigavon, have woken up to find their neighbourhood festooned with flags, against the wishes of local residents. I respect and acknowledge everyone's right to express their identity and their culture, but surely we can all agree that displaying criminal gangs' flags in our community is not culture, nor is masked men — nameless individuals — erecting flags overnight for an unspecified period with no consultation with local residents.”
“We are not going to be heard, so why should we listen to you?”
“I thank the Member for giving way. He talked about "a little knowledge". Last week, he sat alongside his deputy leader and did not even know what amendments he was voting on in the Justice Bill debate, yet he comes into the Chamber today and professes his knowledge. I ask the Member this: what grubby deal did you do with the DUP and your own party members? Is Alan Chambers now on the Ulster Unionist ticket? Is the DUP promising a unity candidate in Lagan Valley? What grubby deal did you do on the petition of concern, Mr Burrows?”
“I thank the Member for being so generous with his time, but this is an important point. Does the Member believe for a second that organised crime gangs and the criminals who exploit young people care about the consequences for the young people from the criminal justice system? Does he also acknowledge that the evidence suggests that not criminalising young people reduces reoffending? Social services and others can intervene and put those young people who are at risk into secure care and make other interventions.”
“Minister, surely you acknowledge that the number of people who presented to the Housing Executive is the mere tip of the iceberg and that many families, whilst not technically homeless, were fearful of remaining in their own homes? Surely you acknowledge that the community and voluntary sector stepped into that space. What steps will you take to ensure that those public services are better coordinated should this recur? I am sure that we all hope that it does not.”
“<BR /> <BR />In Northern Ireland, we know all too well what happens when entire communities are scapegoated for the actions of individuals as part as tit-for-tat violence, but we also know that this place has never been defined by our darkest days. We are defined by the neighbours who opened their doors this week; by the volunteers who showed up; by the communities that stood together and by the thousands who took to the streets of Belfast on Saturday to stand against racism. That is who we are — a tolerant, inclusive, diverse and resilient society — and we will not allow a vocal minority to drown out the very best of us.”
“However, what we saw last week was not a debate, a conversation or an exchange of ideas on the way forward. <BR /> <BR />We never seem to get honesty about the complexities or challenges associated with these issues or well-thought-out proposals on solutions. Instead, we get inflammatory rhetoric and provocateurs in the Chamber whipping up hate and division. It is especially dangerous when we hear Members talk about "alien cultures" or "invasions". Those statements imply that there are people in our community who are somehow less legitimate, less rooted and less deserving of safety than anyone else. Language such as that does not calm tensions; it inflames them. Leadership means lowering the temperature, not fanning the flames.”
“I say this clearly to the members of our black and ethnic minority community who have had to listen to chants of, "Go home" from racist thugs this week: you are home; you are right where you belong; your contribution is valued; and you are one of us. <BR /> <BR />Some have suggested that the violence was the result of people seeking to legitimately express genuine concerns about immigration. However, AI posts urging men to wear masks, dress in dark clothing and prepare to be arrested tell a very different story. They were never protests; they were hate marches. This was racism pure and simple, no ifs and no buts, and we must not fall into a trap of seeking to rationalise or legitimise it after the fact. People in our community are, of course, entitled to their views on immigration, and the system is not perfect.”
“Last week, a frenzied knife attack left a man fighting for his life and our entire community reeling. I know that I speak for every Member when I say that my thoughts are with Stephen Ogilvie and his family. Despite that family's call for calm, however, their anguish has been exploited and weaponised by far-right and white supremacist elements locally and online. What followed was an outrage: a series of race-based pogroms; masked men marauding the streets kicking in doors, burning down homes and forcing children from their beds and into police Land Rovers; cancelled hospital appointments, closed schools and shuttered businesses; and families too afraid to walk the streets or lie in their own beds at night.”
“This is a time for responsible leadership. It is essential that all of us in the Chamber stand united to ensure that violence and hate will not be allowed to divide our communities. I appeal for calm, for responsible leadership and for the police to be given the space that they need to ensure that justice can take its course. I sincerely hope that the individual who is responsible will face the full weight of the law.”
“I condemn the vile and horrific incident that took place on the streets of north Belfast last night — streets where people should feel safe and families should feel secure. That incident has undoubtedly and understandably caused huge distress and anxiety amongst our community. <BR /> <BR />My immediate thoughts are with the victim and his family, and I sincerely hope that he will make a swift and full recovery. My thoughts are also with the brave and courageous members of the public who stepped forward to intervene and with the first responders to the incident. It is vital that all of us in the Chamber support the PSNI in its investigation and give it the time and space that it needs to ensure that due process can take its course and the facts can be established and set out in full.”
“Thank you, Minister, for the statement. It is definitely a positive development. You have already outlined some of the benefits of the spending in tranche 1. Are we likely to see any financial savings, and when are we likely to see those as a result of that investment?”
“I thank the Member for giving way. I agree that there should be robust cooperation between the Irish Government and the UK Government, but will the Member explain how throwing out the joint framework — the first agreement between the two Governments in over a decade — would achieve that?”
“I thank the Member for giving way. I agree with much of what he has said so far, but does he recognise that there is a commitment from the Irish Government in the joint framework to investigate all unresolved Troubles incidents? It is so important that we hold them to that framework.”
“That should be our priority, not this nonsense.”
“<BR /> <BR />The amendment before us does not sufficiently address the issues in the motion, because one of the low points in the past number of years, as we have debated these issues, was the interstate case that was brought by the Irish Government against the UK Government. They have the right to do that. I understand why that case was brought, but it will be a mark of progress if, through the joint framework, that case can be taken off the table rather than, as the Ulster Unionist Party has suggested in its amendment, us throwing another grenade on to the table and have a tit for tat of interstate cases between the UK and Ireland. We need both Governments on the same page and focused not on politicking, whataboutery and poking old wounds but on delivering the answers that many families have been campaigning for for half a century.”
“That victim and that family deserve the same justice and accountability as if their loved one was murdered by any other perpetrator in our society. It is about equality before the law. I think particularly of the families affected by the Ballymurphy massacre and Bloody Sunday, where there was wrongdoing by members of the armed forces. We need to be honest about that. <BR /> <BR />We are now in the last-chance saloon on legacy. The suggestion in the motion that we throw the joint framework out the window would not deliver truth and justice. It would scupper the last chance that these families have, and that is absolutely disgraceful and not something that I can support. However, I will support working through Westminster to amend and strengthen the current legacy Bill, because I accept that it is not perfect and needs to be improved.”
“<BR /> <BR />More than 300,000 members of the armed forces were deployed to Northern Ireland during Operation Banner. Fewer than two dozen have faced judicial proceedings. The vast majority served honourably and within the law, so they should have nothing to fear from a comprehensive legacy process. They do not need immunity or special protection, and suggesting otherwise plays right into the hands of those who wish to say that there is a whiff of cover-up and to rewrite history. Again, Members should reflect on that. <BR /> <BR />We have to be honest: not every member of the security services acted within the law. Where the law was broken, where someone was murdered and where a victim was created, it does not matter whether the perpetrator was in uniform or not.”
“I agree that both Governments have been found wanting. It is important that we hold both Governments to account. Some victims have called for the Irish Government to go further. However, the motion does not acknowledge any of the progress or cooperation with successive inquiries and inquests over recent years. It also ignores the fact that there have been four extraditions from the Republic on terrorist-related offences in the past year alone. We have to deal in facts when we are holding both Governments to account. One-sided and selective approaches to legacy do not work and do not move the debate forward, yet this motion again peddles a false narrative of witch-hunts and vexatious investigations — claims that collapse under even the most basic scrutiny and are contradicted by every shred of evidence that we have.”
“To characterise this campaign as simply a crusade from Dublin is a calculated and callous insult against all of those victims and survivors who have campaigned with such dignity for a human rights-compliant and comprehensive legacy process. I ask the sponsors of the motion to reflect on that.”
“That is a body that was created through heinous legislation by the previous Conservative Government. It was rejected by not only the Irish Government but every party in the Chamber, the majority of victims and survivors and, indeed, the current UK Government, who acknowledged that it was not fit for purpose. That legislation was not about reconciliation. It was a free pass for loyalist and republican paramilitaries, retrospectively legalising their activities through what, in effect, was an amnesty scheme. It is therefore right that the UK and Irish Governments have agreed a joint framework seeking to significantly reform that process.”
“Mr Beattie said that we would all look at this issue through different prisms. There is only one prism that any Member should be viewing this issue through: the prism of victims and survivors. One of the most profound failures in our politics has been the failure to deliver a comprehensive legacy process for victims and survivors, but what is much more shameful than that is the never-ending willingness of politicians to weaponise the pain and trauma of those victims in a bid to score political points and engage in whataboutery in the Chamber. It is nothing short of disgraceful. The victims who will be watching the debate deserve so much better than that, and they have deserved better for the past three decades whilst waiting for answers. <BR /> <BR />The motion references the ICRIR.”
“Minister, just a matter of months ago, your party colleague stood alongside me and campaigners from Ladies with Letters on the steps of Stormont calling for a full statutory public inquiry. Your party also voted in November in favour of a statutory public inquiry. Do you accept that it was wrong to raise hopes and expectations, and will you apologise to the women for that?”
“I thank the leader of the Opposition for giving way. Just to clarify, nowhere in my or Paula Bradshaw's remarks did we say that this was divisive or tribal. We said that the motion comes with a predetermined outcome, and the conversation that we want to be part of is putting some meat on the bones and testing what the proposition would be before coming to a position.”
“I thank the Member for giving way. We were cast as irrelevant in the debate: will the Member agree that many of the people who vote Alliance will be decisive in the outcome of any future referendum and that maybe Mr McCrossan should not be so complacent and should show our voters some respect?”
“We have more in common than what divides us, and, while the constitutional debate will continue, it is in all our interests to focus on making politics work here at the Assembly: to ensure that the institutions represent the society that we are, rather than the divisions that we inherited; that they can deliver good government for everyone and represent everyone equally, regardless of background and constitutional aspiration; and that, together, we continue to strive to build a more reconciled, integrated and shared society. <BR /> <BR />That is my vision for this place. I want to build a united community, regardless of whether the people whom I represent choose to have it in the United Kingdom or a united Ireland. That is what our amendment offers, and I commend it to the House.”
“My party is always happy to engage in that discourse when it is debating points of detail and, sometimes, challenging those points of detail too. The beauty of the agreement is that that conversation can happen in parallel whilst, in the meantime, we in the Chamber get on with the issues plaguing our constituents' lives: record waiting lists, lack of an agreed Budget, a cost-of-living squeeze and the need for public service reform and investment.”
“The agreement sets out the process for managing the debate, recognising the legitimacy of whatever choice is freely expressed by the people whom we represent, whether it be to maintain the Union or join a sovereign united Ireland. That principle has been the bedrock of peace and stability on this island over the course of my lifetime, and our amendment reaffirms that principle in full, recognising that both aspirations are credible and legitimate and that it is for the people to decide. That is the position that Members of the Assembly should adopt, rather than trying to manufacture a border poll in the Chamber in a bid to win back some relevance and political support. <BR /> <BR />The constitutional debate will always be part of our discourse.”
“No, I am not, and I actively campaign against the Green Party in Northern Ireland. On a serious point, we have seen worrying lurches both to the left and right with a number of candidates being subsequently suspended from their party for either racist or antisemitic remarks, which are absolutely appalling and should be condemned by us all. We should all be concerned by the rise of populism, be it of the left wing or the right. I am absolutely, categorically clear about that. <BR /> <BR />More fundamentally, the constitutional future of this place is not for the DUP, Sinn Féin, the SDLP, the Ulster Unionists or the Alliance Party to decide. The Good Friday Agreement is clear that it is a matter for the people of Northern Ireland to decide.”
“He cares not a bit about working people anywhere in the UK and certainly not about Northern Ireland, given that he has threatened to rip up key cornerstones of the Good Friday Agreement. It beggars belief that unionist politicians in the Chamber continue to fanboy over a man who sold them a pup once before and is trying to flog them another. However, we should not overstate the rise of Farage, because the vast majority of people in Great Britain earlier this month rejected Nigel Farage. They voted against him. The problem is that the first-past-the-post system does not reflect that reality, turning a minority of votes into a disproportionate level of political noise.”
“Again, there are important lessons in that debate, which is why moving to a debate on the actual points of detail rather than an abstract debate is important. Thirdly, it underlined that Nigel Farage is a charlatan who has no solutions, no answers and no interest in the consequences for the people of Northern Ireland. <BR /> <BR />The motion rightly acknowledges the concerns about the rise of right-wing populism, and those are concerns that I share. Nigel Farage and Reform UK trade in a brand of politics that exploits grievance and pits the weak against the vulnerable, the vulnerable against the marginalised and the marginalised against the more marginalised. He told us that Brexit would make people richer, and it did. It made the DUP £435,000 richer and Nigel Farage himself £5 million richer, whilst our constituents suffer.”
“<BR /> <BR />While Brexit has, undoubtedly, been a disaster for Northern Ireland, we can draw salutary lessons for this debate about the constitutional question. First, nothing is inevitable. For years, people said that Brexit would never happen — that people would never vote against their own economic interests — and yet it did. Therefore, no one in the Chamber should assume that constitutional change or the constitutional status quo are certainties or guarantees. Secondly, it exposed the folly of running headlong into a referendum without a plan. While that might be a fine strategy to win a referendum, as for every Leave vote there was a different version of Brexit, it was no way to create cohesion around the future that we had post referendum.”
“Rather than respond to one poll with a motion in the House, we should look at the polling trends over time, and those have consistently indicated a plurality, albeit not a majority, in favour of maintaining the Union, with a significant portion of voters undecided on the issue. There is also clear evidence that that polling has moved significantly as a result of Brexit. The polling shows that a clear majority of people in Northern Ireland believe that Brexit was a bad idea. That has been backed up by recent polls by Queen's University and LucidTalk showing that a majority of people in Northern Ireland would vote to rejoin the European Union if a referendum were held today, and our amendment acknowledges that.”
“We want to see that debate move into the space of discussion and challenge on those key points of detail rather than perennial abstract arguments that appear to go round in circles. Are we talking about a unitary or federal state? Who would pay the pension liabilities? Would our constituents have to pay to see a GP? What would be the impact be on those disproportionately employed in the public sector in this part of the island? Those are questions that we are happy to discuss but that the motion fails fundamentally to address. <BR /> <BR />The motion references a single poll by the European Movement Ireland, the participants in which voted 66% Remain. That is not representative and is far higher than the actual result in 2016.”
“That said, we recognise that fluid, live and open debates are happening across these islands about the future of the UK and Ireland, and factors such as Brexit, the rise of Farage, right-wing populism and English nationalism have given increased energy to them. We have always been clear that we are happy to take part in constructive, evidence-based debates on the constitutional question without prejudice to the outcome of that debate. There are many push-and-pull factors at play and many detailed points that need to be worked through regarding the political structures and institutions, our public finances and the impact on the economy, trade and public services, alongside key questions of identity and how minority identities would be protected in any different arrangement.”
“What unites our members and supporters is support for the principle of consent in the Good Friday Agreement: it is for the people of Northern Ireland and not parties in the Chamber to decide the constitutional future; and that there must be a shared desire to make our society work, building a shared future regardless of either constitutional status quo or change, and to build a united community, whether that be within the United Kingdom or within a united Ireland.”
“Thank you, Principal Deputy Speaker. I rise to move the amendment standing in the name of the Alliance Party. At the outset, I reaffirm that Alliance is proudly a cross-community party that does not define itself around the constitutional question. We are proud to represent people from a broad range of backgrounds and who have a broad range of perspectives and aspirations on the constitutional question, including those who are unionist, those who are nationalist, those who are open-minded about the future and those who simply do not prioritise the question.”
“We need to move away from the cycle of patch-ups and towards a credible Budget, a fair funding settlement, real transformation and, importantly, political structures that will support that change.”
“It was cack-handed and inaccurate and did nothing to engage seriously with the structural issues facing our society and economy. It is not credible to say that public-sector workers should bear the brunt of the crisis. If we removed pay parity, which was one of the Government's proposals, we would see an exodus of public-sector workers over the border to work in the Republic of Ireland. <BR /> <BR />We need to see stabilisation funding, with a view to longer-term funding, from Treasury. The Executive need to take responsibility for issues such as the transformation of public services. It is regrettable that, last week, the DUP and Sinn Féin voted against amendments that would have brought greater transparency and accountability to our politics to ensure that they are delivering.”
“However, the funding formula that was set out at Hillsborough Castle failed to deliver the long-term baseline funding and the fair settlement that public services and the people whom we represent deserve. <BR /> <BR />We also fall into the trap of thinking that the only way out of the crisis is through revenue-raising. I have been open about thinking that progressive revenue-raising that ensures that the wealthiest in our society pay their fair share is a good thing. However, the idea that people in Northern Ireland, who deal with lower median wages and huge challenges with poverty, including fuel poverty, and inequality, should plug gaps created by Treasury is nonsense. The Treasury's open-book exercise, which was published in recent weeks, was an insult to the people of Northern Ireland. It was complete rubbish.”