Michelle Guy
Lagan Valley · Alliance Party · Northern Ireland
“It can be seen from those quotes that the issue impacts on girls in a real and practical way. If they feel too uncomfortable to be in school, it is impacting on their access to education. If they hold back in PE or while playing at break or lunch, what does that say to them about how we value exercise and sport?”
“Essentially, he was saying that we had to draw the line somewhere, and the automatic right of girls to be allowed to wear trousers is where that line has been drawn. <BR /> <BR />Some will play down the issue and say that it is relevant in only a small number of schools.”
“When I explain what the legislation would do, the reaction from people is almost always the same. They ask, "Are you seriously saying that, in 2026, girls can't wear trousers in school?". The answer is that they do not have that right.”
“The Assembly should support the Bill. I again ask the Minister to save us time by simply updating the statutory uniform guidelines. I find the DUP position of enabling the Bill to progress to Committee Stage while its Minister is against it to be quite bizarre.”
“<BR /> <BR />I question why that basic request from girls and young women is being denied or is deemed to be unimportant. Ultimately, it comes down to the fact that some people — mainly men — still want to control what women wear.”
“I take the Member's point. Ultimately, however, the person who could make the change is the Minister, and he has decided not to. Saying that schools have a choice or that they have autonomy does not absolve the Minister from his ultimately having responsibility to be able to make that change.”
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“I thank the SDLP for tabling the motion, which is absolutely worth our time. <BR /> <BR />The pandemic had the effect of focusing policymakers' minds on childcare. Its function as vital economic infrastructure rather than just a domestic issue for mummies and grannies to deal with suddenly became understood. Rapid interventions followed with the objective of getting people back to work, and childcare has remained at the top of the political agenda. Its recent inclusion in the PFG and progress to make costs more affordable have been rightly welcomed. <BR /> <BR />The Department of Education and Early Years should be commended, alongside providers and parents, for delivering the childcare subsidy scheme, which is making a real impact, but, as many will say today, the model is too limited in scope.”
“Thank you for the answer, Minister. I know that you have dealt with Ladies with Letters, and I am sure that they appreciate that update. Will you establish a statutory inquiry into the matter so that the ladies get the accountability and transparency that they deserve?”
“Will the Minister provide an update on discussions with the UK Government on support for dentists who have been impacted on by the recent Budget announcements?”
“OK. Certainly. <BR /> <BR />— on the need to have holistic solutions to this.”
“We want to see funded policy proposals coming forward, and I underline again the need to reform these institutions so that the circumstances that saw withdrawal will not happen again. We cannot go backwards on issues such as poverty because of our political disagreements. <BR /> <BR />I welcome the positive engagement described by the Minister in how we have conducted the debate today, and I agree with him —”
“Andy Allen raised the issue of not having an Executive or an Assembly in place and the difference that that could have made to progressing the issues. I think that there is agreement — it was certainly reflected in the consultation — on a statutory cap on school uniform costs and bringing that within statutory guidance. That is welcomed. Removing branded items from PE kits seems to be something that Members reflected across the Chamber that they want to see. We have also asked for additional support for extra uniform costs for children with special educational needs. <BR /> <BR />In summary, I believe that everybody here is on the same page in terms of supporting actions. We want to see action on holiday hunger. We know that it will improve educational attainment and health outcomes and will reflect a measure of early intervention.”
“We also want to see, as people have noted, the expansion of free school meals and an aspiration to a universal model for that. Gerry Carroll noted the benefits of expanded provision in other areas, such as health. <BR /> <BR />Action is being taken on school uniforms, and we have all welcomed that. The school uniforms consultation was published in 2024, and Cara Hunter noted the urgency of action here and was right to note the multiplier effect on families with more than one child. Cathy Mason highlighted the issue of parents getting into debt paying the cost of sending their child to school and how that is just not acceptable. <BR /> <BR />The new ground that has been broken here on uniforms is to be welcomed, and Pat Sheehan noted the commitment of the previous DUP Minister to bringing this forward.”
“<BR /> <BR />Yesterday, in response to a question that I asked about the childcare strategy, the Minister said that he was about action and not strategies, yet action here is being delayed while we wait for a strategy. We all recognise the major resource constraints on all of our Departments, and I agreed with Timothy Gaston when he remarked that we are not properly funded in Northern Ireland and need to address that. Danny Baker raised the issue of how our community and voluntary sector picks up the slack from some of the government failure. <BR /> <BR />We then looked at some of the actions that have been taken. There has been a change to the eligibility criteria for free school meals and uniform grants, but that was an interim measure and we still wait for the outworking of the full review. We want to see that.”
“<BR /> <BR />A lot of Members highlighted some of the statistics. Mark Durkan mentioned the 71% of parents in Northern Ireland in the Parentkind survey who were concerned about the overall cost of school uniforms. David Brooks noted figures from the Trussell Trust, and Cara Hunter highlighted the fact that 24% of children in Northern Ireland are in poverty. <BR /> <BR />The removal of the holiday hunger scheme was discussed, and the chronology around it was noted. That scheme ended on 31 March, and a long-term plan was not agreed, so the collapse of the Executive meant that that had to be withdrawn. When the Executive were restored, there was a choice to reinstate that funding, but that choice was not made. Other Members have talked about Ministers facing choices, and that was a choice that the Minister opted not to make.”
“Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker. As others have done, I thank UUP colleagues for tabling the motion. It has given us an opportunity, so close to Christmas, to talk about an important issue. My colleague explained why we had tabled our amendment and why we will not support the DUP amendment. I echo the Minister's words about the tone of the debate and acknowledge his willingness to take a bit of challenge on the issues. <BR /> <BR />Members have, rightly, vividly articulated the impact of poverty generally on families and the need for an Executive-level resource strategy to deal with that. We should look to the child poverty strategy for lessons on what not to do. Recent Audit Office/Public Accounts Committee findings have highlighted some of the lessons to learn around accountability, monitoring and partnership working.”
“I have met many stakeholders in the childcare and early years sectors, and the consensus seems to be that the Department has everything that it needs to produce a childcare strategy. What specifically is holding up the publication of an early learning and childcare strategy?”
“Thank you, deputy First Minister. You and I share the constituency of Lagan Valley, where the Maze/Long Kesh site is, and we understand its strategic importance for the area. With the access and influence that being deputy First Minister provides, what are you doing to deliver the potential of the site? It seems as though the politics of the site are taking priority over delivery.”
“The Act required schools to gather information and statistics, but they are not shared with the Department. I call on the Minister to start gathering that information and to publish annual reports on bullying in schools so that we can better target resources and do a better job of trying to eradicate bullying in our schools.”
“I am grateful to the Minister for providing me with information on the impact and implementation of that Act. Around 9,000 people have experienced some training on bullying, about 146 schools are involved in putting together leadership training on bullying, and almost 300 referrals have come through on bullying. Bullying is an issue that we cannot stop talking about and that will always recur. We have to keep our focus on it and look at what else we can do.”
“In Anti-bullying Week, the first thing that I want to do is to speak out to anyone who is experiencing bullying. It is an absolutely shattering thing to go through, and I want to encourage anyone who is experiencing it to reach out to a parent, their school or an organisation like Childline to get the support that they need to get through that experience. I know that words from an MLA who you have probably never heard of will be little consolation if you are going through it, but I felt that it was a better use of my time to speak words like that than to go through lots of statistics about bullying. <BR /> <BR />The House has not been behind in looking at the issue. I want to acknowledge that we have legislation, the Addressing Bullying in Schools Act.”
“We absolutely have different perspectives on some issues, but tackling educational underachievement is an issue that must unite us. <BR /> <BR />We want the programme to succeed. We want to see it transform the lives of children and young people. I therefore hope that the motion passes with our amendment having been made. In short, our asks are for an urgent review of the criteria to ensure that the programme is driven by objective need and for the Minister to update the Education Committee and the Assembly on the actions that he is taking to alleviate concerns about the programme. The RAISE programme has had a rocky start, but we now have an opportunity for a reset, not only to rebuild trust in the programme but to reset how we will work together to make it a success.”
“If, for example, the Minister can show us that the current selection criteria for the RAISE programme have been co-designed with the 'A Fair Start' report expert panel and are independently verified, we would be happy to accept that, but we are still awaiting clarity. Too often when the Minister has faced legitimate challenges about his decision-making and the Department's performance, his reflex action has not been to give a coherent defence of his decision but to make tenuous political attacks on the questioner. Our education system, with the many challenges that it faces, is too important to be used — abused, rather — as a political sledgehammer wielded against electoral rivals. Our people want more from us.”
“The lack of clarity on the selection criteria extends to how the RAISE programme will be implemented and how success will be measured. For example, we have concerns about the use of GCSE data as the key measure of success in areas where early years programmes have been implemented. The duration of the RAISE programme is just two years right now, but longer-term tracking is needed in order to measure the impact of early years interventions. <BR /> <BR />The early stages of the programme's development have been weakened by a lack of transparency and scrutiny. If the Minister was confident in the approach that he oversaw, there was an opportunity for him to brief the Education Committee and the Assembly early and bring us along with the Department's thinking. There is still an opportunity for him to do that.”
“One of the many questions that I still have is why educational attainment plays such a prominent role in the ranking process, especially when the RAISE programme may focus on intervention in early years. For some localities, 'A Fair Start' outlines the need to tell a much broader story of success than that of attainment alone, which has too often been focused on narrow measures such as GCSEs. From looking at equivalent programmes in Wales, Scotland and Ireland, we see that Northern Ireland is an outlier in the targeting methodology adopted by the RAISE programme. Programmes in those other jurisdictions simply used established measures of deprivation to reach the most deprived children. We are not opposed to innovation of approach, but we need to have confidence that alternative approaches are robust and will deliver on objective need.”
“The independent review concluded, however, that it would not recommend that the Department replace free school meals as its primary indicator of socio-economic disadvantage. The Department is clearly attempting to be nuanced and to reflect the complexity of educational attainment, but we need to better understand the scrutiny and modelling that the selection criteria have gone through. More fundamentally, we need to understand whether using that indicator strays from the proposal that the programme should be targeted at communities and families in the most disadvantaged areas. <BR /> <BR />The briefings that the Committee has received to date have left us with more questions than answers.”
“The criteria that the Department used are complicated, and, although we accept that the nature of educational disadvantage is complicated, we need to feel confident that funding is being directed at the children and young people who are impacted on the most by the effects of socio-economic deprivation and who experience the highest levels of educational underachievement. <BR /> <BR />In Northern Ireland, free school meal entitlement is often used as an imperfect proxy for a child's socio-economic status or level of deprivation. 'A Fair Start' highlights the limitations of using free school meals as a measure of disadvantage and goes so far as to recommend commissioning research on the issue.”
“The expert panel envisaged a reducing educational disadvantage (RED) programme that would:”
“<BR /> <BR />Poor communication aside, I am more than happy to highlight the positives and the potential of the RAISE programme, which is a product of the parent, Executive-endorsed 'A Fair Start' report. I believe that the RAISE programme has been faithful to the recommendation to develop a whole-community and place-based focused approach. I have heard first-hand from stakeholders who have participated in initial engagement sessions, and they are excited about the programme's potential to do good. In other aspects, however, the Department appears to have pivoted away from the express rationale of the expert panel.”
“It resulted in schools in my constituency of Lagan Valley — the same constituency as the Minister — being the target of ire and negativity in the media and in public discourse. Those schools were not responsible for their inclusion on the list. They did not receive a penny of funding from the RAISE programme, nor would they necessarily have done so. The Department knows that, because the RAISE programme is not about uplifting school budgets in selected localities; it is expressly about acknowledging that education does not start and end at the school gates. So, publishing a list of schools at all was reckless and misleading, and it called into question the integrity of the whole programme before it had barely started. This is too important an issue to have been so carelessly handled.”
“Evidence indicates that educational inequalities in Northern Ireland are wider than in other parts of the UK and comparable OECD countries. How do we find ourselves debating a motion to scrap a programme that is so badly needed? The answer is simple: the Department produced and published a list of schools that were eligible to benefit from the scheme, and that list excluded schools from some of the most deprived wards in Northern Ireland. For a scheme with a focus on educational underachievement, it is more than reasonable to raise questions and express concerns about how the methodology resulted in that outcome. <BR /> <BR />The Department has since removed that list, but it was unacceptable that the Minister ever endorsed such a reckless communication.”
“Objective need, however, must be the core principle that guides how we target interventions in this space. <BR /> <BR />I also welcome the investment: £20 million is a substantial and hugely welcome investment from the Shared Island Fund in this vital area, which has been underfunded for too long. Taking a whole-community, place-based approach to this issue is welcome, and we support that. I particularly love the two concepts of community that have been articulated in that approach: the geographic place, but also the different groups and people impacting on a child's life. It is holistic and looks beyond school-based provision to parental support and early intervention initiatives. <BR /> <BR />The baseline for educational inequalities in Northern Ireland is depressingly low.”
“Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker. This is a really challenging motion because it asks us to endorse scrapping a £20 million programme that has the objective of reducing educational disadvantage. That is a massive ask, and it is one that, we feel, goes too far. The purpose of our amendment is to agree with concerns that have been raised about the criteria that have been used but to confine any repurposing to that aspect of the programme only. <BR /> <BR />We want to start by talking about the positives of the RAISE programme. Its objective, which is to tackle educational disadvantage, is an ambition that, I know, we all share. Every child deserves the opportunity to thrive and fulfil their potential, and education offers a route out of poverty for children in our most disadvantaged areas.”
“We need a harsh clampdown on shops selling to young people, and I know that that will take funding; the introduction of age-of-sale requirements for non-nicotine vapes, which they already have in Scotland; the potential limiting of where can stock vapes; and, of course, making support available to schools. <BR /> <BR />I thank Sinn Féin for tabling the motion and, as a mother of teenagers, for refocusing my mind on just how important, prevalent and scary this issue is. I hope that our amendment will receive cross-party support.”
“Having teachers, parents, youth workers and healthcare professionals all raising awareness about the risks is good, but we need to accept that those interventions will not necessarily persuade kids, many of whom are trying to fit in or are living out some teenage rebelliousness. <BR /> <BR />As policymakers, however, we have the power to do more. Our amendment calls for the Education and Health Ministers, along with local government, to work together to end youth vaping. We should approach this with the same urgency and seriousness as the Royal College of Paediatrics and Child Health. We need to put a ban on disposable vapes, which is something that my colleague Andrew Muir has committed to doing. We need to see what can be done around heavily restricting advertising, flavours, packaging and shop displays.”
“Even without such studies, a recent statement from the British Toxicology Society detailed a pretty terrifying list of risk factors, such as nicotine addiction, causing damage to developing brains, anxiety, depression, poor concentration, ingestion of heavy metals and the spiking of vapes with substances such as spice. <BR /> <BR />Turning to the wording of the motion, I support its intention and fully acknowledge that schools should be getting further support to stop vaping happening on school grounds, but I worry about the scale of the issue in schools and outside of schools.”
“In fact, there is an evidence base that vaping is now creating new, young smokers — or rather, new, young, cigarette smokers, which is an important distinction in this debate. The reality is that this is a multimillion-pound industry, prevalent in popular culture, that will look to attract new customers wherever it can and protect its own interests. <BR /> <BR />The thing that I really worry about is that we do not know the long-term health implications. I fear that we are sleepwalking into a health crisis. Last year, the Royal College of Paediatrics and Child Health released a stark statement calling for the outright ban of disposable vapes, given their popularity among young people, which it says is fast becoming an epidemic. One extract from that statement is:”
“Enforcement of these laws belongs with local councils, which is why our amendment includes councils as a necessary partner in addressing the issue. Enforcement can play a part, but it is fallible when we consider that young people are getting vapes from older people who are buying them for them. <BR /> <BR />An increasing counterfeit market and buying vapes online are other access points for our young people, who are being enticed by smart marketing, different brands and designs and a huge number of flavours. It is clear that young people are a key demographic, or, arguably, the key demographic being actively targeted by these products. The idea that they exist solely for the purpose of helping smokers to quit is long past credible.”
“Thank you, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker. I support the motion. Our amendment is intended to complement the motion and acknowledge that this is an issue that, like many others, requires cross-body cooperation. Parents, carers, teachers and young people are concerned about the prevalence of vaping among under-18s. Data shows a huge growth in the number of young people who are vaping. The Northern Ireland young persons’ behaviour and attitude survey 2022 states that 21·3% of 11- to-16-year-olds reported using an e-cigarette; that is one in five. It is illegal to sell vapes to anyone under 18 in Northern Ireland. However, the 2024 Underage Vape Sales report notes that, in Northern Ireland, there was:”
“Thank you, Minister, for the statement. Communication will be key across areas where the free-standing midwifery-led units are based. If they transition to community-led midwifery hubs, how will the Minister ensure that the population is brought along with them?”
“Those are "musts", and I hope that that is reflected in the updated version. <BR /> <BR />The Department's review of restraint and seclusion recommends the repeal of article 4(1)(c) of the Education (NI) Order 1998, but we are yet to have the Minister's unambiguous commitment that that will happen. I hope that he will do that and do it soon for the sake of those kids.”
“However, we still await further updates on when the statutory guidance will be in place and on the changes that have been made since the Department received substantial feedback from those with lived experience and from organisations such as the Northern Ireland Human Rights Commission. It is essential that schools and teaching professionals are knowledgeable about and trained in statutory guidance that is crystal clear. That is why I have serious concerns that the draft guidance repeatedly uses "should":”
“I acknowledge that colleagues in my party and across the Chamber have been advocating on the issue for years, as have, most importantly, parents, carers and young people with lived experience. When I spoke to Deirdre recently, she told me about Harry's experience of being repeatedly restrained in school without her knowledge and about the heartbreaking, even harrowing, impact that it had on her son. The impact of restraint and seclusion can be devastating on young people, many of whom are non-verbal and unable to explain what has happened. <BR /> <BR />I acknowledge the work that the Department has done: the 2022 review and the subsequent draft guidance that has been published for consultation.”
“Since joining the Education Committee, I have been trying to meet as many stakeholders as possible, including the parents of children with special educational needs (SEN). I express my admiration for those parents. Many mothers in particular are dismissed as being hysterical, which is an infuriating stereotype, but the women whom I have met have been calm, articulate and expert at advocating for their children. I will focus my statement on the crusade of one such mother: Deirdre Shakespeare, mother of Harry. <BR /> <BR />Deirdre has spearheaded an inspiring and effective campaign for what has become known as "Harry's law" to highlight the use of restraint and seclusion in schools.”
“At the Education Committee last week, I asked when we could expect the Department's response to the independent review, so it is great to see an initial response today. I also welcome it that the Minister will come to the Committee soon. I also noted at the Committee that he had a propensity to launch political tirades when answering Alliance Party questions, and I see that he is continuing that today. <BR /> <BR />Can the Minister confirm that there will be a "SEN first" model for school placements? When will that be in place?”
“As policymakers, we are well aware that expensive childcare has a disproportionate effect on low-income families. While those on universal credit are eligible to claim back a portion of their childcare costs, they can still face unworkable fees. While there are measures to stabilise providers, such as day-care centres, childminders and home childcarers, I want us to go beyond stabilisation to see a step change in how we value those who work in the sector: they are highly skilled people who are essential to our society. I look forward to understanding how Departments will work together to ensure that our childcare workers feel valued, have career progression and training opportunities and are better paid.”
“I want to see the scheme going beyond preschool children and parents who are eligible for tax-free childcare. School-age childcare provides children with space to learn, play and develop alongside their peers before and after school and during holiday periods, providing carers and parents with vital additional time for work and other activities. The subsidy scheme must grow to include those children.”
“I congratulate those involved in getting the NI childcare subsidy scheme live. A few weeks ago, at the all-party group on early education and childcare, we heard from the Early Years organisation, which is responsible for the implementation of the scheme. It worked intensely to get the scheme live and continues to work with childcare providers, parents and carers to make sure that any wee bugs in the system are worked out and that it continuously improves for users. Such dedication to ensuring the success of the scheme deserves huge credit. <BR /> <BR />While the subsidy scheme is hugely welcome, I acknowledge that work is under way to develop a business support scheme. Those interventions must be only the beginning of sustained and expanded support for our childcare and early years sector.”
“Does the Minister acknowledge that he is going against the recommendation of the independent review of education by establishing yet another management authority in Northern Ireland rather than setting up a single management authority?”
“That certainly reflects the experience in Dromara. <BR /> <BR />I know that all representatives for the area share my concern and that of residents that the village is being left in a vulnerable position. I know that they will join me in asking the Minister for Infrastructure to work with NI Water and DFI Rivers, first, to prioritise necessary short-term works to help manage flood risk in the area this winter and, secondly and more importantly, to commit to making the necessary capital investment in Dromara to ensure a long-term, sustainable solution to the problem.”
“It confirmed that there are capacity issues in the system, which is struggling to cope with new connections from housebuilding in the area. <BR /> <BR />The maintenance of the river is also a concern. Assessments and reports show flooding to have been an issue in Dromara as far back as 1997. The flooding risk is known. A commitment to upgrade and tackle those issues definitively has not been forthcoming, however. The idea that incidents can be written off as resulting from one-off or freak weather events is no longer tenable. A BBC article from July this year confirms that evidence shows:”
“I will use my time to articulate on behalf of the residents of Dromara their frustration, anxiety and sense of simply having been forgotten about when it comes to flooding in the village. <BR /> <BR />Last night, I attended a community meeting with Sorcha Eastwood MP that was facilitated by Lisburn and Castlereagh City Council to establish, or rather re-establish, a resilience group to respond and react to any flooding event that may occur this year. That follows dreadful floods last year that saw raw sewage enter homes and businesses in the village. Confidence is low in the community that any meaningful preventative work has been carried out to protect them from a reoccurrence this year. I am grateful to NI Water officials for meeting me and a local business owner on Friday.”
“I thank the Minister for the statement. I want to ask him about the ongoing work on the reform of private tenancies. Can he confirm when he will bring forward the regulations in the Private Tenancies Act?”
“I commend the Minister on the significant step of getting the plan over the line. It will be of great benefit to us all. <BR /> <BR />What actions in the environmental improvement plan will help to protect pollinators, and would the Minister be open to a meeting in my constituency with some beekeepers in Lagan Valley?”
“Those cannot be just words on a page in a strategy.”
“More fundamentally, the independent review of education noted clear examples where the system itself creates unnecessary stress and anxiety that can lead to or exacerbate mental health issues. Specifically, I refer to our SEN crisis and our current approach to assessment. I look forward to the Education Minister bringing forward an extensive departmental response to that review. <BR /> <BR />On page 44 of our mental health strategy is the line:”