Diana Armstrong
Fermanagh and South Tyrone · Ulster Unionist Party · Northern Ireland
“Minister, thank you for your comments on the passing of Tom Frawley, which were befitting of a man of his stature. I, too, send my sympathy to his family.”
“Much is said about working towards regional balance in our economy. What assessment has been made of the geographical spread of PEACE PLUS funding? Can you provide assurances that rural communities are not being left behind in favour of urban centres, which have much more capacity to apply for that funding?”
“I mark a truly remarkable milestone in my home town of Enniskillen: the 350th anniversary of Enniskillen Presbyterian Church, one of the oldest Presbyterian communities in Ireland, with roots stretching back to the 1640s and the arrival of the Scottish settlers in Fermanagh during the plantation of Ulster.”
“The uproar that followed shook the General Assembly for a generation. The congregation was reproved, petitioned and visited by commission after commission, but they refused to move. It took until 1896 for the matter to be settled, and, now, music is accepted in all churches.”
“Nessie's warmth, shown towards a young teacher who had arrived knowing nobody, made all the difference. That is what community means. It is a story of continuity for generations of families, whose generosity and faith have shaped the church that we see today. It has always been my church.”
“It is a reminder that the roots of global stories can often be traced right back to a small community in Fermanagh. <BR /> <BR />Three hundred-and-fifty years is a long time, but what endures is not bricks and mortar: it is the warmth, the welcome and the service to others that has defined that congregation across the centuries.”
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“That is why the criteria for inclusion in the Legacy Commission cannot simply be lifted from another category, with a few words altered. These crimes require explicit and separate recognition. To subsume them under broader headings would once again render these victims invisible. <BR /> <BR />The motion is not about scoring points at all. It is about principle, ensuring that those who suffered sexual abuse and child abuse during the Troubles are no longer overlooked, forgotten or treated as an afterthought in our legacy processes. If we truly wish to build a society based on justice and respect, we must start by recognising every victim, and ensuring that the victims of Troubles-related sexual violence are also entitled to a legacy investigation process and that these crimes are included in the Northern Ireland Troubles Bill.”
“Sexual violence is not an unfortunate by-product of conflict: it is a deliberate act that destroys dignity, strips away innocence and leaves scars that last a lifetime. <BR /> <BR />Around the world, we have seen how sexual abuse is used as a weapon of terror, deployed to instil fear, exert coercive control and shatter communities from within. Northern Ireland was not immune from that horror, yet too often those who suffered such crimes during the Troubles have been overlooked, marginalised or simply left out of the conversation. The lasting psychological impact of sexual abuse does not end with the individual: it radiates outwards, affecting families, relationships and entire support networks. A part of a person is irreparably damaged, physically and psychologically, and the trauma experienced can endure for decades.”
“Thank you very much, Mr Deputy Speaker. I commend my colleague Doug Beattie for bringing the motion to the Chamber. I will echo many of the sentiments that have been expressed by Members from across the Assembly. It has been a hard listen at times. We acknowledge the pain and suffering that has gone unrecorded, and which really needs to be addressed through what the motion seeks to do. There are some issues that should not divide us along party lines, and this must be one of them. Even those who believe that there was no alternative to violence — I firmly maintain that there was and always will be — must surely accept that crimes of a sexual nature are profoundly insidious and utterly evil: there can be equivocation on that point.”
“People rely on their cars for work, education, healthcare and daily life, and they are entitled to expect roads in rural areas to be safe and fit for purpose. <BR /> <BR />Mr Dunne mentioned poor-quality road repairs, and we also need reassurance that repairs will be inspected and signed off. There is one pothole that I drive past that, since being repaired, is like a humpback bridge. While I welcome the £7·85 million funding to address road surfaces, the Department for Infrastructure must bring forward a clear, balanced and workable strategy. The current reactive approach is not delivering for rural communities. We need prioritisation based on long-term durability, not short-term patch work. Rural ratepayers and taxpayers deserve the same standard of infrastructure and safety as those in our towns and cities.”
“<BR /> <BR />There must be a thorough assessment of persistent problem areas on our road network, especially when potholes re-emerge repeatedly. We require a long-term strategic approach that invests in the proper resurfacing and strengthening of rural roads so that they can withstand the volume and weight of traffic that they now carry. Traffic levels have increased, agricultural machinery is heavier and rural routes are often used as through roads. The infrastructure must reflect that reality. For many in rural communities, there is no viable alternative to private transport. Public transport is not readily accessible, and, in parts of the west of the Province, there has been little meaningful expansion in recent years.”
“They are not minor surface blemishes; they are deep, persistent and, in some cases, unavoidable due to the width of the carriageway. Constituents have described swerving to avoid damage only to risk meeting oncoming traffic on what is an already tight stretch of road. The damage being caused to vehicles is deeply concerning. A constituent contacted our office to report seeing several cars pulled in with hazard lights on after sustaining damaged wheels and tyres on that stretch of road. What is particularly frustrating for residents is that it is not a new problem and is not exclusive to the Cavan Road. Temporary patching is carried out, but the same defects appear year after year, and that suggests a structural weakness in the road surface.”
“The A32 Cornamuck upgrade scheme, which is a blue-light road, has been paused. The Enniskillen A4 southern bypass scheme has also been paused. The recently resurfaced Lough Shore Road outside Enniskillen — that resurfacing cost £414,000 — has now seen the collapse of the same road. That reinforces what Mr Harvey said about poor materials and how we need to make sure that, once road resurfacing is done, it remains in place. Those rural roads all need urgent attention. <BR /> <BR />I will turn to potholes. There is one particular stretch of road in Fermanagh and South Tyrone that I wish to draw attention to: the Cavan Road, which links the hamlet of Bush to Killyman in Dungannon. My office has received numerous reports of extensive potholes and recurring surface defects along that route.”
“I thank the Minister for being in the Chamber. I support the motion. It highlights the serious and worsening issue of potholes — an issue that disproportionately affects those living in rural areas like mine. While road maintenance is a concern across Northern Ireland, the impact is most acute on rural roads. Those roads already contend with poor visibility, limited or no street lighting and inadequate markings. As we have heard today, potholes pose substantial risks to cyclists and, indeed, anyone using our rural road network. <BR /> <BR />Today, I wish to call out the imbalance in investment in rural roads. For instance, from 2022 until the present, £3·8 million has been spent on resurfacing a road that stretches 2 miles in Belfast, compared with £1·6 million spent on the A4 from Enniskillen to Ballygawley.”
“The Ulster Unionist Party has consistently supported targeted intervention in times of crisis coupled with a responsible return to normal market operation once conditions stabilise. The amendments reflect that principle, and I am pleased to support them.”
“<BR /> <BR />The UK Government acted through the Energy Prices Act 2022 to provide temporary and targeted intervention when households and businesses faced unprecedented pressures. That intervention was necessary and proportionate, and it served its purpose. However, in order for Northern Ireland to function effectively within the wider United Kingdom framework, legislative loose ends must be tied up and potential loopholes addressed: the regulations do exactly that. <BR /> <BR />As we conclude the emergency schemes, we must turn our attention to long-term energy resilience. That means strengthening grid infrastructure, accelerating the development of renewables, supporting business competitiveness and ensuring that households are better insulated from future global shocks.”
“I, too, welcome the regulations amending the energy bill relief scheme and the energy bills discount scheme in Northern Ireland. The regulations bring Northern Ireland into alignment with Great Britain, which is precisely where we should be. Consistency across the United Kingdom in the operation and conclusion of the schemes is important for clarity, stability and confidence in our energy markets. The measures ensure that the support schemes are brought to a close properly, responsibly and fairly. They were never intended to be permanent fixtures in our energy system; they were emergency stabilisers that were introduced at a time of exceptional volatility in global energy markets.”
“On a point of order, Mr Speaker. I want to place on record my disgust at the comments made yesterday by the Alliance Member for Lagan Valley, Mr Honeyford, during the UK-EU customs union debate. Mr Honeyford referred to me as the "little sister" of the DUP. The comment was distasteful, dismissive and deeply misogynistic. I am no one's little sister; I am my own woman, and I will not be lectured by that person in that manner. I ask you to review Mr Honeyford's comments and make a ruling.”
“I am going to finish. Thank you. <BR /> <BR />It is a complex constitutional and economic issue, and the motion fails to grapple with any of that complexity. It continues to champion the fiction of dual market access — access that would, to widespread disbelief, disappear almost overnight, were a customs union ever to be fully realised. Therefore, why refer to it? The Ulster Unionist Party will always oppose the imposition of any border that divides our country, whether it originates in Brussels, Dublin or London. We cannot support a motion that refuses to face reality.”
“We are told that the Windsor framework provides practical and necessary protections to mitigate some of the worst consequences of Brexit, yet it comes from the very party that refuses to acknowledge the genuine, ongoing damage caused by that framework. It entrenches regulatory divergence from Great Britain, imposes layers of bureaucracy, disrupts supply chains and places long-term economic constraints on the people of Northern Ireland. Our industries are suffering; our economy is under strain; and we cannot afford further drift or self-congratulation.”
“Thank you for your intervention. We have had a diversion of trade through the South because of the difficulties in trading with GB, and I will come to that. <BR /> <BR />We have an economy caught between two regulatory systems that is paying the price for the misjudgements and short-sightedness of others. The claims that our prosperity hinges on dual market access or that we would collapse without it lack evidence and self-awareness. Officials who have appeared before the Economy Committee, again as mentioned by Mr Brooks, include representatives from Invest NI and the Department for the Economy who have repeatedly confirmed that there is no meaningful evidence of job creation or foreign direct investment attributable to so-called dual market access. <BR /> <BR />The irony of today's motion is striking.”
“When we all know that dual market access, as Mr Brooks said, is in practice a myth. What we have is an economy—.”
“<BR /> <BR />From the UUP's perspective, the long-term solution must be a bespoke customs arrangement that removes checks, borders and restores economic union within our country. However, the motion is not that solution; it is grandstanding dressed up in hypocrisy. You cannot present a motion to the House and declare that it:”
“There can be few in the Chamber who would deny that we have seen at first hand the disastrous and deplorable effects that the Irish Sea border has inflicted on our economy. We have witnessed reduced choice on the shelves of our shops, increased bureaucratic burdens on those attempting to move goods from Great Britain to Northern Ireland and significant harm to our agri-food sector. In the aftermath of Brexit, the people of Northern Ireland were given many carefully crafted assurances from Westminster about our secure and equal place in the United Kingdom, assurances that some Members of the Chamber championed with great enthusiasm, yet, as time has shown, they were assurances only and not guarantees.”
“Minister, I welcome the major progress that you have made, over recent months, on reducing waiting lists for endoscopies. What additional investment has been made to secure the additional capacity?”
“I thank the Minister for her statement today. Minister, you have acknowledged that Tourism Ireland's aim is to promote economic growth, greater regional spread and sustainability. Do you accept that tourism businesses in Fermanagh and the wider Hidden Heartlands already operate at a competitive disadvantage in every season due to the lower hospitality rate in the other jurisdiction and the added burden of the travel authorisation that is in place?”
“Thank you for your statement, Minister. Other Members have mentioned that your statement referred to strong activity levels by InterTradeIreland and the approval of its business plan and corporate plan for 2026. The statement provided little detail, however, on the outcomes for the Northern Ireland economy. What direct economic returns has Northern Ireland received from those programmes to date? How, as other Members have referred to, is success being measured practically? What action will the Executive take if those cross-border initiatives fail to deliver tangible benefits for businesses in Northern Ireland?”
“Therefore, I ask the Minister of Finance whether he, along with his colleague the Minister for the Economy, who is here today, have fully considered the long-term economic, social and regional consequences of the decision and what steps they now intend to take to reassure my constituents that the sustainability of their local economy, their connectivity and their future development prospects remain a genuine priority for the Executive.”
“It raises a legitimate and uncomfortable question: would such a decision have been taken so readily had that scheme been located in a predominantly urban area, or are rural communities once again expected to accept second-best infrastructure and diminished opportunity? That perception, whether intended or not, risks deepening mistrust and disengagement with central decision-making. <BR /> <BR />Infrastructure investment is not just about roads and bridges; it signals where growth is expected to occur and where people are encouraged to live, work and invest. Removing support for a project of that scale sends precisely the wrong message to communities in Enniskillen and across Fermanagh who already face challenges relating to distance, connectivity and access to services.”
“<BR /> <BR />The practical consequences of the decision are profound. The A4 already experiences chronic congestion, with frequent delays affecting commuters, hauliers, emergency services and local supply chains. Tourism, which is a vital part of Fermanagh's economy, is also impacted, as unreliable access deters visitors and investors alike. The bypass was designed to relieve those pressures and unlock further development. By withdrawing the funding, the Executive are not simply delaying a road project; they are stalling economic momentum and eroding confidence among those who were encouraged to believe that regional balance was more than just a slogan.”
“I rise to place firmly on the record the deep frustration, disappointment and growing sense of unfairness felt by many of my constituents following the announcement on Friday of the withdrawal of £6·6 million from the A4 southern bypass project. The bypass was not an optional or speculative proposal; it was cornerstone project in the Mid South West growth deal, developed precisely to address long-standing deficits in infrastructure, connectivity and investment in the west of Northern Ireland. The growth deal was sold to local communities, councils and businesses as a genuine opportunity to rebalance our economy, stimulate sustainable growth and ensure that regions outside our main urban centres were not left behind once again. The removal of that funding now seriously undermines that premise.”
“The Minister has given some idea of who that might include. <BR /> <BR />The motion is about feasibility and exploring the potential benefits and practicalities of delivery. I am confident that stakeholders will agree that Northern Ireland's sporting history deserves lasting recognition and preservation for future generations to enjoy and to be inspired by.”
“She said that we should explore the museum's feasibility but also be conscious of the need to support grassroots sports. Justin McNulty gave us a wish list of all the artefacts that could be included, which was very interesting, and he mentioned his huge pride in sport on this island. Pádraig Delargy mentioned the economic and social value of tourism and said that, if properly done, a sports museum could have a huge, lasting legacy. He also mentioned the history of sport and inclusion for Paralympians, Olympians and others. Harry Harvey mentioned motor sport, including, again, scrambling bikes. All those were really good contributions to the debate, mindful that the motion's focus is to "explore", at this stage, and to develop a working group to bring together "key sporting stakeholders".”
“Titanic Belfast, which my colleague mentioned; the Giant's Causeway, the Dark Hedges and the 'Game of Thrones' studio tour: all attractions that whet the appetite of the tourists who come here. Our sporting heroes carry just as much international recognition. If done properly, a sports museum could become a major tourist asset, complementing the existing cultural and heritage offer. <BR /> <BR />I turn now to some of the Members' contributions. Colm Gildernew mentioned that sport is to the fore in bringing people together. Maurice Bradley mentioned that sport fosters discipline. He outlined the history of Harry Gregg, a joiner, who became one of Northern Ireland's best goalkeepers. Sian Mulholland gave us a run-through of North Antrim's local legends — thank you for that — and talked about the call for the working group making sense.”
“<BR /> <BR />Those individuals have all, rightly, been celebrated, and their stories continue to be told. However, too often, the achievements of our athletes are remembered only through media clips, old newspaper articles or small displays. A sports museum would give those stories and other artefacts a permanent home — a place in which we can all take pride and that properly preserves our sporting history. Importantly, a sports museum would also serve as a source of inspiration for young people. Encouraging young people into sport improves physical health, mental well-being, community cohesion and civic pride. <BR /> <BR />As others mentioned, there is a strong economic case for a sports museum. Northern Ireland has world-renowned attractions.”
“As other Members recognised, icons such as Barry McGuigan, Lady Mary Peters and George Best remain household names, alongside those who continue to represent Northern Ireland with distinction on the global stage. The washing machine belonging to career grand slam winner Rory McIlroy could, perhaps, be in the museum. We could pay tribute to world champion boxer Carl Frampton; six times superbike world champion, Jonathan Rae; and so on. Various Members have paid tribute to sporting icons in their areas, and, from a Fermanagh point of view, it is opportune to pay tribute to motor rally legend Bertie Fisher, as the 25th anniversary of his death came in January just past. Bertie's legacy has certainly been carried on through the establishment of the Fisher Foundation.”
“Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker. I thank the Minister for his comments. He has done quite a bit of my work in winding up by recapping on things that Members said. It has been a cordial exchange and conversation, so I thank everybody who contributed to the debate. I am pleased to rise in support of the motion and to build on the strong case that has been made in the Chamber as to why we should celebrate Northern Ireland's rich sporting heritage and why the establishment of a sports museum here would be a fitting and lasting tribute to our sporting heroes, past and present. <BR /> <BR />Northern Ireland may be small in size, but our sporting impact is anything but small. Across generations, we have produced athletes who have inspired people not just at home but across the world.”
“I welcome the Minister's coming to the Chamber this afternoon. Minister, as you said, your Department had access to the draft valuation figures from LPS and the economic projections in advance. On that basis, was it not a presumption to proceed without addressing the foreseeable impact on the hospitality sector, pausing the process only after significant public and sectoral backlash?”
“Minister, I welcome the initiative. Like others, I hope that it will reduce road deaths and injury. Can you assure the House that, should the initiative be demonstrably successful in reducing accidents and deaths on our roads, you will actively work with the motor insurance industry to reduce the high motor insurance costs for young people?”
“The question references derelict properties: what discussions has the Minister had one step further along, when dereliction becomes dilapidation? What engagement has the Minister had with the AERA Minister on the Dilapidation Bill, which affects retail and commercial properties in towns and villages?”
“I thank the Minister for his statement. I had the pleasure of joining him recently on a visit to the South West Acute Hospital (SWAH), where he again had the opportunity to see at first hand the significant level of work that is under way there to tackle Northern Ireland's waiting lists. Will the Minister continue to engage with his Southern counterpart to explore future opportunities for greater North/South cooperation in order to sustain the hospital as a site with a solid future ahead of it?”
“<BR /> <BR />This is not about shutting down debate but maintaining clear institutional boundaries and good governance. It is also about protecting the principle that public money should not be used to promote one side of a deeply contested constitutional question. That is the basis of my concern, and that is why I believe that the matter deserves serious scrutiny.”
“References to preparing, planning or otherwise advancing a particular constitutional outcome raise serious questions about whether the council is still meeting its duty of neutrality. <BR /> <BR />As an MLA and a ratepayer in the district, and having listened to constituents, I am absolutely entitled to challenge what I regard as a clear example of local government overreach. The promotion or facilitation of a constitutional agenda, funded by ratepayers, falls well outside what many people would reasonably consider to be the remit of a district council. Councils exist to deliver services, manage local infrastructure and improve the everyday lives of the communities that they serve, not to involve themselves in constitutional engineering.”
“Those are not neutral terms, nor are they balanced formulations. They do not describe an impartial assessment of competing constitutional futures; they describe active preparation for a specific outcome. There is no evidence that council officers have, at any point, cautioned the working group about the shift in language or direction, or that they have taken steps to ensure that the council remains within the bounds of political impartiality. If such evidence exists, I would, of course, be willing to consider it, but none has been presented to date. <BR /> <BR />Local government has a clear responsibility to serve all ratepayers, regardless of constitutional aspiration. It must also avoid the reality and the perception of political advocacy on matters of this kind.”
“Finally, it refers to arrangements that are being made:”
“The real issue is not with how the group was created but what it is doing and how far it has drifted from any neutral or exploratory role. In a council report to its policy and resources committee, dated 20 January 2026, reference is made to the council proceeding:”
“I place on record my serious concerns regarding the decision by Fermanagh and Omagh District Council to establish what it calls an Irish unity working group. Let me begin by acknowledging the basic facts: yes, the decision was taken in accordance with the council's standing orders and, yes, the stated purpose of the group is:”
“We should strengthen our place in the United Kingdom internal market, deepen practical cooperation with our neighbours and base our decisions on rigorous analysis and not on selective reading of trade statistics. For those reasons, while we welcome the opportunity to debate economic trends on this island, the Ulster Unionist Party cannot support a motion that misinterprets the evidence, overstates the significance of short-term trade shifts and uses economic language in order to advance a constitutional agenda. I urge Members to reject the motion and to commit instead to having an economic strategy that is grounded in realism, partnership and the best interests of all the people of Northern Ireland.”
“<BR /> <BR />Before anyone rushes to demand new tax-raising and borrowing powers, we need to demonstrate that we can use our existing powers effectively, transparently and sustainably. Devolving further fiscal powers without the necessary capacity, safeguards or economic base would not be bold; it would be reckless. Let us be honest: some of the calls for additional fiscal powers are not about improving public services; they are about creating the optics of divergence from the rest of the United Kingdom. That is not a responsible basis for economic policy. <BR /> <BR />Northern Ireland's economic future will be secured not by constitutional theatrics but by focusing on productivity, skills, investment and stability.”
“<BR /> <BR />I also want to address the proposal that is implicit in some contributions to the debate, which is that the answer to every economic challenge is to devolve more fiscal powers to the Finance Minister. Let me be clear: the Ulster Unionist Party supports responsible devolution, but responsibility requires realism. Northern Ireland already struggles to manage the fiscal levers that we have. We face structural pressures in health, education and infrastructure. We rely on significant financial support from the UK Treasury: support that allows us to maintain public services at a level that would be extremely difficult to replicate under any alternative arrangement.”
“Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland operate under fundamentally different economic systems, different tax regimes, different welfare models, different labour markets and very different levels of public expenditure. Esmond Birnie has been clear that those structural differences matter far more than short-term trade fluctuations. Let us not forget that the Republic's headline GDP figures are heavily distorted by multinational profit shifting. Building sweeping political arguments on those figures is not serious economic analysis. Yes, we should cooperate North and South where that benefits people — on health, infrastructure and tourism — but cooperation is not the same as convergence. It certainly is not the same as a constitutional inevitability. The data simply does not support the claims that are being made in the motion.”
“Thank you for your intervention. Trade is growing east-west, but trade North/South has grown because of Brexit and because businesses had to make a decision to find their supply chains to that market east-west through a different diversion. <BR /> <BR />Returning to the topic, it is not evidence of an emerging all-island economic model; it is evidence of businesses adapting to disruption. Even with that increase, the scale of North/South trade remains modest. Our trade with Great Britain is still several times larger. Our UK internal market remains the backbone of our economy, our supply chains and our consumer base. That is not a political slogan; it is an economic reality and a fact. <BR /> <BR />We also need to be honest about the differences between the two jurisdictions on this island.”
“Sinn Féin's motion asks us to recognise all-island economic trends as if they point inevitably towards a particular political destination, but, when we look at the actual data, particularly the work of Ulster University economist Esmond Birnie, the picture is far more complex and far less convenient than the narrative being presented today. Let us start with the fundamentals. North/South trade has grown in recent years. That is a fact, and it is welcome, but Dr Birnie's analysis shows that the growth is driven largely by trade diversion and a rerouting of supply chains in response to post-Brexit frictions.”
“I begin by saying something that should unite every Member in the Chamber: Northern Ireland's prosperity matters more than any party's constitutional aspirations. Economic policy must be grounded in evidence, not in wishful thinking. On that basis, the motion falls short. The Ulster Unionist Party will not get too exercised about the ESRI report as a panacea for change. It is the first in a series to examine economic developments and linkages between the two economies. At its introduction, its stated aim was to:”
“The Finance Minister promised a rates review. What we have instead is a revaluation that is driving fear, uncertainty and anger across the private sector and voluntary sector alike. It is a tax on jobs, a tax on success and a tax on opportunity. Is that Sinn Féin policy? Northern Ireland is already a high-cost place to do business, and the revaluation risks making us completely uncompetitive compared with both Great Britain and the Republic of Ireland. I call on the Minister to urgently introduce a freeze on rates for 2026 and to finally deliver meaningful reform of a system that is clearly no longer fit for purpose. If the revaluation proceeds as planned, it will not stimulate the economy but actively damage it. The Ulster Unionist Party will always be a friend to business, to workers and to ratepayers.”
“That data bears no resemblance to the reality that businesses face today. Since then, profits have collapsed due to soaring wage costs and staff shortages, the national living wage, increased employers' National Insurance and the relentless rise in energy, food, insurance and supplier costs. Yet Land and Property Services continues to value businesses as if rising prices mean rising prosperity. In reality, margins are being wiped out. The system now effectively taxes turnover instead of profit and is doing so at the worst possible time. It is not just businesses. Halls and community facilities are seeing sharp increases, threatening the very organisations that hold many of our towns and villages together.”