Aoife Finnegan
Newry and Armagh · Sinn Féin · Northern Ireland
“I welcome the opportunity to speak on Second Stage of the Fisheries, Aquaculture and Water Environment Bill. Sinn Féin recognises the need to modernise the legislation governing our fisheries and water environment.”
“Those who deliberately pollute our waterways should be held accountable, but enforcement alone will not resolve the underlying causes of poor water quality. If we are serious about restoring our rivers, lakes and waterways, we must continue to invest in waste water infrastructure.”
“Approximately half of respondents to the Department's consultation on the policy proposals expressed the view that the impact assessments accompanying the consultation did not adequately consider the potential impacts of the proposals. That is a significant concern and should not be overlooked.”
“It is one of the reasons for many victims never coming forward and for others withdrawing before their case reaches trial. That should concern every one of us. Clause 26 is therefore a welcome and important step forward.”
“They are asked why they had not reported it sooner; whether they had been drinking; what they were wearing; or whether previous relationships somehow diminish their credibility. No victim should ever feel that they are on trial, yet, for too many survivors, that has been their lived experience.”
“Catalysed by the infamous rugby rape trial, it exposed uncomfortable truths about how victims were treated, and it challenged us to build a justice system that delivers justice without compounding trauma.”
The complete record
Every one of 362 lines we hold for Aoife Finnegan, in date order, each linked to its source. Free to read, in full, without an account. Page 3 of 8.
“Representation will be key, and I was glad to hear the Minister mention that in his remarks. We need to have voices from across society around the table: workers; trade unions; rural communities; young people; and those already experiencing the impacts of climate change. A just transition cannot be designed in isolation. Rather, it must be shaped by those whom it affects most.”
“It must have teeth; it must have influence; and it must be properly resourced to do its job effectively. Otherwise, there is a real risk of it becoming little more than a talking shop, and that is not what is needed at this critical moment.”
“If people feel that they are being penalised rather than supported, we will lose public confidence quickly. Without public buy-in, no climate strategy will succeed. The transition must be one that brings people with us and must certainly not leave them behind. That means investing in people; it means supporting skills and retraining; and it means ensuring that new opportunities, particularly in green industries, are accessible to working people and rural communities. <BR /> <BR />There is real opportunity here, and, done properly, a just transition can mean good, secure jobs. It can mean revitalised local economies, and it can mean a fairer, more resilient society. For that to happen, the commission must have real substance; it cannot be advisory for the sake of it.”
“I welcome the opportunity to speak in support of the regulations. Sinn Féin has consistently called for a just transition commission and rightly so. We also need to be clear that it cannot simply be a well-intentioned idea that sounds good on paper. It must deliver real, tangible change for the people whom we represent. When we talk about a just transition, people rightly ask what that means for them, for their job and for their community. At its core, a just transition must be about fairness and equality so that it can protect workers, families and communities, particularly those in rural areas, who are all too often expected to shoulder the burden of change. Farmers, agri-food workers and those in transition and in haulage are the people who keep our economy moving, and they cannot be left to pay the price for climate action.”
“— from a party that does not want to own the consequences of its decisions.”
“Let us be honest: it is not serious politics; it is blame shifting —”
“What exactly would that achieve? Would doing that lower bills, provide certainty or support workers and farmers? No. All that it would do is create uncertainty and delay progress. It would send a message that we are stepping back instead of stepping up. <BR /> <BR />Finally, on the A5, let us be clear: the delay is not just as a result of a current judicial review; it is because of a long-running crusade of objections. My party colleague Minister Liz Kimmins is focused on winning the appeal and moving forward positively. The reality is this: we do not have to choose between supporting people today and protecting our future. We do not have to choose between economic progress and climate responsibility. We can, and we must, do both. <BR /> <BR />The motion offers no real answers. It shifts the blame, and it avoids responsibility.”
“<BR /> <BR />The motion talks about "conducting a cost-benefit analysis", but it looks at only one side of the equation. What about the cost of doing nothing? What about the cost of flooding, of extreme weather and of damage to homes, land and infrastructure? What about the cost of continued energy insecurity? Those are real costs, and people are already paying for them. <BR /> <BR />We then have the call in the motion:”
“Today, the DUP brings to the House a motion that has the audacity to blame fuel costs on climate legislation. To repeat what my colleague said yesterday, you must think that people are stupid. I assure you that they are not. They see beyond the U-turns, the gaslighting and the inconsistencies. <BR /> <BR />We need to cut through the narrative that is being pushed here today about farmers. Farmers are not the problem or the barrier to progress. They are central to the solution. They manage our land, produce our food, sustain rural communities and are the backbone of everyday life. What they need is support, investment and clarity about the future. What they do not need is to be used as a political shield in an argument that offers them no real answers.”
“Climate action, when done properly, is about making homes warmer, reducing energy bills and protecting communities from the very real impacts of climate change. It is not an abstract issue, as people's lives are already being affected. <BR /> <BR />We have also heard the concern about the cost of living. Again, let us be honest with people: energy price rises were not because of climate action but because of global instability and war. Prices rose as a direct result of international invasions that were orchestrated by the US and Israel. Let us not forget that, a few weeks ago, Members opposite could not wait to jump into a selfie with Trump, yet today, they bring to the House a motion —.”
“Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker. <BR /> <BR />I thank the Member for his intervention; I could not agree more. Today, what we are hearing is faux concern. Again, I ask the DUP this: which is it? I ask that because the motion smacks of the usual U-turns, gaslighting and total hypocrisy from a party that sheds its skin to suit the narrative of the day. That is not leadership. Rather, it is a U-turn, plain and simple. The public deserve better and deserve to be shown a bit of respect. <BR /> <BR />Let us deal with what the motion is trying to do. It is trying to create the impression that climate action is somehow at odds with supporting people and that it is a burden rather than a benefit, but that simply does not stand up to scrutiny.”
“Not at this early stage. That same party's Minister introduced the Climate Change (No. 2) Bill. It hailed it as groundbreaking legislation and voted for it, but now, suddenly, we are told that climate targets are the problem. Which is it? Were the targets right then, or are they right now? The DUP cannot have it both ways. It cannot introduce and vote for legislation and then come into the Chamber and pretend that that legislation is the root cause of every challenge that we face. <BR /> <BR />Let us talk about the so-called concern for farmers. Just a few weeks ago, the DUP opposed a Sinn Féin Bill to deliver payments to the most disadvantaged farmers in areas of natural constraint.”
“Let us be absolutely clear from the outset: the motion is not about solutions or genuinely addressing the pressures that face families, farmers and communities. It is about deflection and shifting blame. What we are hearing from the DUP is nothing short of political gaslighting. This is the party that brought forward the climate legislation. It is the party whose —.”
“Ending violence against women and girls must be a priority for us all. We must be aware, however, of its impact on families and the need to protect children from further harm. Will the Minister outline whether, to that end, she has done any work to explore introducing here the equivalent of Jade's law, which concerns the suspension of parental responsibility for a parent who kills their partner or ex-partner?”
“That is not bureaucracy; it is responsible governance. <BR /> <BR />Tá an Ghaelscolaíocht ag troid le blianta fada ar son an chomhionannais. Tá an Bille seo ag iarraidh na hiarrachtaí sin a shárú. Tá sé in am pleanáil a dhéanamh. Tá sé in am infheistíocht a dhéanamh. Tá sé in am beart a dhéanamh. Impím ar Chomhaltaí tacú leis an Bhille.”
“That is not a marginal issue but a clear mandate. <BR /> <BR />Baineann sé seo le cearta: an ceart chun oideachais, agus an ceart chun rochtain a fháil ar oideachas trí do theanga féin. Mura bhfuil an lucht oibre ann, níl na cearta sin á mbaint amach go hiomlán.”
“Despite that success, however, the workforce needed to sustain the sector is simply not there. We see teacher shortages, limited subject choice and staff under real pressure, and children, particularly those with additional needs, struggle to access support in their native language. That is not sustainable and not acceptable. Some will point to strategies that are in development, but strategies come and go, Ministers change and priorities shift. <BR /> <BR />What the Bill does is different. It places a legal duty on the Department of Education to plan, act and report. It moves us from short-term thinking to long-term accountability. The demand for action is clear. More than 500 consultation responses were received, with overwhelming support for addressing workforce shortages and strengthening Irish-medium education.”
“Tacaím leis an Bhille seo. Is reachtaíocht é atá ciallmhar, riachtanach agus atá i bhfad thar téarma. Tá ceist shimplí i gcroílár an ábhair seo: an ndéanfaimid pleanáil cheart do thodhchaí na Gaelscolaíochta, nó an bhfágfaimid faoin chinniúint í? Tá an Ghaelscolaíocht ag fás ar fud an Tuaiscirt. Ní raibh riamh oiread tuismitheoirí ag roghnú na Gaelscolaíochta dá bpáistí, agus tá pobail á tógáil ón bhun aníos, nó tá bród orthu as ár dteanga. Feicim é i mo thoghcheantar féin. D'fhreastail mo thriúr páistí féin ar Ghaelscoil Phádraig Naofa i gCrois Mhic Lionnáin, atá ar cheann de na Gaelscoileanna rathúla ar fud an Iúir agus Ard Mhacha. Ní hé amháin go bhfuil na scoileanna sin ag cur oideachas roimh ár n-aos óg, is amhlaidh atá siad ag cur leis an chiall atá acu dá bhféiniúlacht agus leis an mhuinín atá acu astu féin.”
“— excuse, because such things are not extras or luxuries but basics of care.”
“<BR /> <BR />It is not about blaming front-line staff, who go above and beyond every day; it is about a system that is not keeping pace with the needs of the people whom it is meant to serve. We know the pressures, and we know that there is underfunding, but that cannot become an —”
“People are pushed to the point at which they feel that they have no option other than to pay privately just to be taken seriously. <BR /> <BR />While we can only imagine what that pain must feel like, for Marianne Tiernan, a woman from south Armagh aged 38, it is not about imagining, because that is her reality. Marianne has chosen to tell her story publicly so that others are not ignored in the same way. GPs have already contacted her to say that they will never again let someone leave without a referral. That tells us about the power of being heard, but people should not have to go public in order to get change. How can we accept a system in which people are forced to fight for their life and, at the same time, to fight to be heard and to fight for support and basic dignity?”
“While you know that this will be the fight of your life, you never imagined that you would also be fighting a system that was supposed to have been designed with you in mind. <BR /> <BR />That is the reality: a lack of counselling at the point of diagnosis, when people need it most; being given days to make life-altering decisions, including about fertility, without the time or support to process them; no access to cold capping; cuts to support for the provision of wigs, leaving people to carry that cost themselves; and basic essentials such as PICC line covers no longer being provided, forcing people to source them to carry out the basic task of washing safely. Perhaps most concerning of all is people not being listened to, their symptoms being dismissed and their concerns being minimised.”
“Imagine this: you are 32 years of age with your whole life ahead of you, and you have a loving family, with two beautiful children, when you suddenly get the blow of a cancer diagnosis. Your mum died of breast cancer when you were 12, and the same word is now said to you. You look at your children, and you see your father's face, scared but trying to be strong. In that moment, you make the decision that you will fight this with every fibre of your body and come through it. There is quiet determination but deep fear. Then, imagine this: after two years of clear scans and believing that you had come through the worst, you are told that your cancer is back. It is stage 4 cancer, with no cure, and care that is, at best, life-prolonging and palliative.”
“Minister, you and the Taoiseach recently referenced the number of US presidents of Irish ancestry, which is something that we are all very happy to promote. What North/South engagement with the rest of the island, including the other three counties of Ulster, is being supported by America250 to explore their historical contribution to America?”
“<BR /> <BR />As we mark the anniversaries, we think of the generation of 1916 and the vision that it held for a free, fair and united Ireland. That work did not end then, and it does not end now, so, today and in the days to come, wear your Easter lily with pride.”
“I rise to mark two important anniversaries: 100 years of the Easter lily and 110 years of Cumann na mBan. The Easter lily has long been worn as a symbol of respect for those who gave their lives in the 1916 rising and in the years that followed in pursuit of Irish freedom. It is a simple symbol but one that speaks to sacrifice, courage and a belief in Ireland's future. <BR /> <BR />We also mark 110 years of Cumann na mBan. Those women stood at the heart of the 1916 rising and the struggle that followed. Cumann na mBan was made up of ordinary Irish women who did extraordinary things for Irish freedom, such as Constance Markievicz, Winifred Carney, Kathleen Lynn and Margaret Skinnider. They did not stand on the sidelines; they led, organised and fought. Their contribution was central, and it must always be recognised.”
“Are we prepared to move this forward so that it can be properly scrutinised and strengthened? For me, the answer to all of those questions is yes.”
“Support like this existed before and exists elsewhere. It is a recognised and established approach. Importantly, there have been no fundamental objections to the principle of supporting farmers in those areas, and that is what today is about. <BR /> <BR />The passing of the Bill at Second Stage will allow it to move forward so that we can work through the detail and make sure that it is deliverable. We know that it is not about settling every issue today; that comes later. If, however, we do not allow the Bill to progress now, that opportunity will be gone. It really comes down to a few simple questions. Do we recognise the role that those farmers play? Do we want to support them to continue to do that? Do we want to protect rural communities and our landscape?”
“Supporting those farmers is not just about individual farm incomes. It strengthens our wider approach to environmental protection and land management, but it is also about the bigger picture. A significant proportion of our beef and sheep production starts in those areas. That is not separate from the rest of agriculture; it feeds into it. What happens in ANCs matters across the sector. We should not fall into the trap of setting one group of farmers against another. The reality is that it is all connected. <BR /> <BR />Some in the House have suggested that the support is not needed, but I do not accept that. Those farmers are starting with a clear disadvantage. Without targeted support, there is a real risk of decline not just for individual farmers but for rural communities, our landscape and the wider food systems. This is nothing new.”
“We have seen that clearly in the role that upland farmers play in managing vegetation and reducing wildfire risks. When I raised that with the Minister two weeks ago, he acknowledged the role and described it as "fantastic", and he was right to do so. Without active management and grazing, land becomes overgrown, unmanaged and more vulnerable. We discussed that matter not long ago in the Chamber, and we have seen the consequences of that.”
“Those farmers are dealing with low productivity, higher input costs and tougher conditions, again all outside their control. It is about fairness and equality. It is about recognising that and backing those farmers properly. <BR /> <BR />The Bill also recognises the positive role that such farmers already play. We talk about the future of farming, sustainability and biodiversity, but a lot of that is already happening in those areas. Those are low-intensity systems, with lower stocking densities, often in protected landscapes, and they are working within environmental constraints. In many ways, we want to see more of that kind of farming. <BR /> <BR />It is important to say clearly that the Bill is not about choosing between farming and the environment; it is about supporting farmers who are already delivering for both.”
“I welcome the Bill. It is a practical step forward to support farmers in our most disadvantaged areas. It is about recognising the reality for farmers in areas with natural constraints and making sure that the support reflects that reality. <BR /> <BR />In my constituency of Newry and Armagh and other constituencies, we see many farmers working land that is more difficult to manage — it is higher, wetter and less productive — and that is not something that they can change. I have seen and heard that many times from local farmers who are disadvantaged by something that is totally out of their control. That is exactly why ANC support is so important and, in truth, why it should never have been taken away in the first place.”
“Tá an Ghaeilge ag fás léi; tá sí faoi bhláth. Ní gá dúinn ach breathnú ar Sheachtain na Gaeilge agus ar na figiúirí sin mar fhianaise ar an bhláth sin. Molaim iarrachtaí gach duine atá ag obair lenár dteanga a chur chun cinn. Is mór againn a n-obair; tá sí thar a bheith luachmhar.”
“Molaim Gaelphobal Ard Mhacha Theas as an obair mhór atá déanta aige le linn Sheachtain na Gaeilge. Bhí imeachtaí ceoil, díospóireachtaí agus comórtais i measc na n-imeachtaí a d’eagraigh sé ar fud an cheantair. Ba mhór an onóir dom páirt a ghlacadh ina fheachtas ar na meáin sóisialta leis na himeachtaí sin agus Seachtain na Gaeilge a chur chun cinn. Spreag rath na n-imeachtaí sin mé níos mó úsáid a bhaint as mo chuid Gaeilge féin, rud a chuireann imní orainne nach bhfuil ach cúpla focal againn, ach, mar a deir an seanfhocal, "Is fearr Gaeilge bhriste ná Béarla cliste". <BR /> <BR />Chuala muid figiúr spreagúil eile an tseachtain seo caite: tá méadú 400% tagtha ar líon na bpáistí atá ag freastal ar an Ghaelscolaíocht le 25 bliain. Sin breis agus 7,000 duine óg atá ag foghlaim trí mheán na Gaeilge.”
“As public representatives, we have a responsibility not just to respond but to lead, in order to ensure that tackling violence against women and girls is not treated as a side issue or used for sound bites but as the urgent, cross-cutting priority that it is. <BR /> <BR />To the families of Amy and Ellie, all that I can say is that my heart absolutely goes out to you. It is devastating that we are in the Chamber again today to discuss women's deaths. To everyone out there who is grieving and to any victim who is suffering, I say that my heart is with you. We have to do better.”
“That means properly resourced services for those experiencing domestic and sexual violence. It means early intervention and education, particularly for young men and boys. It means having a justice system that victims can trust and that protects them, holds perpetrators fully to account and recognises abusive behaviour as it is happening. Anything less is not enough. <BR /> <BR />It means recognising patterns of behaviour and not treating incidents as one-offs. Too often after such tragedies, we hear the same thing: that there were signs and that concerns had been raised. We need to be better at joining the dots.”
“<BR /> <BR />We have strategies, commitments and words, but what women need and deserve is action.”
“I rise today with a heavy heart at yet another tragic loss of women's lives. The deaths of Amy Doherty and Ellie Flanagan have shocked communities across the North. They were women in our community. One was a mother. They were daughters, they were loved and they should still be here. Their loss is a devastating reminder that violence against women and girls is not a distant issue; it is here and it is real, and it is happening far too often. We simply cannot allow such tragedies to become moments of outrage that fade with time. They must be turning points, because the reality is that too many women live in fear in their homes or in their relationships, simply for being women. For many, that fear is not unfounded; it is based on lived experience.”
“<BR /> <BR />Sinn Féin will support the Bill's progress to Committee Stage. We will continue to scrutinise its provisions carefully to ensure that it strengthens our justice system, delivers for victims and sends a clear message that violence, particularly against women and girls, will not be tolerated.”
“Those are not isolated tragedies. They present a deeply troubling pattern of violence against women and girls. That is why it is right that violence against women and girls is recognised as an Executive priority and why sentencing policy must reflect the seriousness of those crimes. <BR /> <BR />The proposals in the Bill to increase starting tariffs for murder cases are therefore welcome, recognising that the most serious crimes must carry consequences that reflect the devastation that is caused to families and communities. Legislation alone, however, will not end the crisis. We must also understand and challenge the attitudes and behaviours that allow violence against women and girls to persist. We must ensure that victims are supported while perpetrators are held fully accountable.”
“Offenders who refuse to disclose the location of a victim's remains prolong the suffering of families, and it is right that the justice system recognises that. As the legislation progresses, we must ensure that it is robust, legally sound and capable of delivering the justice and truth that families deserve. <BR /> <BR />Secondly, I will address the tariff settings for murder cases, particularly in the light of the ongoing crisis around violence against women and girls. Over the past month, we have heard harrowing details in the trials relating to the murders of Natalie McNally and Chloe Mitchell, and, just days ago, we learned of the tragic killing of Ellie Flanagan, a young woman whose life was taken far too soon. Since 2020, some 29 women have been murdered in the North, the majority of whom were killed or attacked in their own homes.”
“<BR /> <BR />Today, I will focus on two particularly important areas in the Bill: Charlotte's law and the proposals around tariff setting for murder cases, especially in the context of violence against women and girls. <BR /> <BR />First, on Charlotte's law, for families whose loved ones have been murdered but whose remains have never been recovered, the suffering is unimaginable. The pain of loss is compounded by the cruelty of not knowing where their loved ones lie. We pay tribute to the families of Charlotte Murray and Lisa Dorrian, who have campaigned with enormous courage and dignity to ensure that the issue cannot be ignored. <BR /> <BR />The Bill represents an important step forward.”
“Sinn Féin welcomes the Criminal Justice (Sentencing etc) Bill and the opportunity to debate it today at its Second Stage. Sentencing policy is something that communities across our society feel very strongly about. Too often, the public see serious offenders receiving sentences that appear to fall short of reflecting the harm caused to victims and families. When that happens, confidence in our justice system is damaged. Therefore, it is important that we examine the proposals in the Bill carefully and ensure that sentencing policy prioritises public protection, justice for victims and accountability for those who commit serious crimes.”
“<BR /> <BR />What the people of South Armagh ask for today is simple: clarity, proper planning and a clear commitment that that extraordinary part of our shared heritage will be protected and reopened without further unnecessary delay.”
“You would understand that it is not only an ancient archaeological site but is steeped in the history of the people who live around it. You would know the story of St Oliver Plunkett, who once sought refuge there, during times of persecution for practising his faith, protected from the Crown by the people of South Armagh. That story is just one of many connected to that mountain. When you stand on the summit of Slieve Gullion, looking out across the landscape, you understand why places like that matter so deeply to local communities. The South Cairn has stood on Slieve Gullion, as I have said, for thousands of years, and it has survived storms, centuries of change and the passage of time. Surely we can ensure that it does not remain closed for any longer than is necessary because of lack of planning or clarity.”
“The situation also raises a wider issue: the protection and maintenance of heritage sites such as the South Cairn. Such sites are not simply local amenities: they are part of our shared history and cultural landscape, and they must be protected accordingly. That is why the Department should consider whether funding should be ring-fenced specifically for the protection and maintenance of key heritage sites. <BR /> <BR />When conservation or safety work is required, monuments of such significance should not be left waiting on uncertain budgets or a delayed process. They should be prioritised. Minister, if you knew anything about the South Cairn — Cailleach Beara's cairn — at the summit of Slieve Gullion, you would understand what a remarkable place it is.”
“We have to ask ourselves, when we look at the Minister's response and compare it with the information provided by the Department locally, how much importance is truly being placed on sites such as Cailleach Beara's cairn and how much significance was attached to answering the question that meant so much to the people of South Armagh and those who travel from across the island and beyond to experience that remarkable place. Let me be clear: local people do not question the importance of safety. Safety must always come first. However, people question the lack of clarity, planning and communication. They want to know what works are required, when they will begin and when access to the cairn will be restored. Those are reasonable questions. <BR /> <BR />The debate gives the Minister an opportunity to provide the answers.”
“However, that response raises further questions. <BR /> <BR />On 26 February, your Department met the Newry, Mourne and Down Ring of Gullion Group. At that meeting, it was indicated that the materials required to complete the works were already available. Indeed, it was suggested that the only significant logistical issue might be transporting those materials to the summit of Slieve Gullion, potentially by helicopter, and that the works could begin in the summer months when weather conditions had improved. If that is the case, there appears to be a clear difference between the information that was shared locally and the answer that was provided to the Assembly. That difference raises an important question.”
“Thousands of people engaged with the issue online. People shared memories of climbing Slieve Gullion as children, bringing their own children there years later and experiencing the winter solstice in the chamber. That response demonstrates something clearly: this is not simply about tourism; it is about heritage and identity. It is about having access to a place that means a great deal to the people of South Armagh and to those who travel far and wide to experience it. <BR /> <BR />In seeking clarity on the closure of the cairn, I wrote to the Minister for Communities asking for detail on the expected timeline for reopening the site, the works required and the funding that had been allocated or identified to complete them. The Minister's response stated:”
“They go there to experience something remarkable: to stand inside a structure built by human hands thousands of years ago to witness the winter solstice light entering the chamber. It is an experience that connects people directly with the deep history of this island, yet today, for the longest time in history, the South Cairn remains closed. That fact alone should give us pause. <BR /> <BR />Following my Member's statement on the issue, the response from the public was extraordinary.”