Paul McLennan
Scottish National Party · Scotland
“To ask the Scottish Government what measures it is taking forward in partnership with East Lothian Council, Taylor Wimpey and Hargreaves, to deliver and expand the housing development at Blindwells, which has been classified as a strategic housing site. (S7O- 00129)”
“Scotland has decarbonised its electricity supply faster than almost any other country in Europe has done. More than 90 per cent of our electricity now comes from renewable sources—a transformation that is powered by the wind, waves and tides that shape our East Lothian shores every day.”
“We are at a moment that will define the future that we leave to our children and grandchildren. The science is clear, the evidence is all around us and the window for action is narrowing. Today, red weather warnings for extreme heat have been issued in the south-east of England.”
“Therefore, does he regret his party’s decision to close down nuclear energy in Scotland, which has been a huge contributor to the Scottish economy? Paul McLennan: I will touch on that. I mentioned the need for investment in the green jobs and infrastructure that grow our economy.”
“Paul McLennan: I go back to my point that the broader debate is about ensuring that those who are successful pay their fair share towards the foundations that make that success possible.”
“As the efficient and fair function of Scotland’s justice system is a priority for all in this chamber, does the cabinet secretary agree with me on the importance of the Scottish Sentencing Council and the courts working independently to ensure that objective?”
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“That issue sits behind every other point that is raised. The 2015 act cannot deliver on its promise without a strong, sustainable, well-supported interpreting and translation workforce. The committee heard about long waits, overstretched interpreters and the pressure that is placed on BSL tutors and trainers. We need a workforce pipeline that reflects the scale of the act’s ambition. That includes training capacity, career progression, fair pay and national co-ordination. We simply cannot base a rights-based system on precarious labour, and deaf BSL users must be at the centre, shaping what good access looks like. The committee’s job is not to point fingers; it is to ensure that the 2015 act does what this Parliament intended.”
“If someone cannot access a GP appointment, understand justice processes, communicate with their child’s school or engage with social security systems, their rights are compromised. There must not be a postcode lottery of BSL access. Some national health service boards have made real advances, particularly on digital access and interpreter pathways, but others are struggling with inconsistency and workforce pressures. That tells me that the system needs clearer expectations and firmer direction. Deaf communities should not have to navigate the gaps that we know exist. We also heard concerns about education, especially in relation to BSL in early years and school settings. If we are serious about equality of opportunity, we must treat early access to language and communication as non-negotiable. The third theme is the BSL workforce.”
“Where they do not, we see drift. I support the committee’s position that future BSL plans must include clear performance indicators—I asked the Deputy First Minister about that issue at committee this week—and that compliance must not be a tick-box exercise. We all have a part to play in ensuring that compliance is embedded. We need mechanisms that will ensure that, if Parliament sets a legal obligation, it will be met. That means early intervention when bodies are falling behind and greater transparency for BSL users on what progress is—and is not—being made. The second theme that I will talk about is access to essential public services. The evidence that we heard from deaf individuals makes the stakes very clear.”
“We have good practice in pockets—for example, public bodies that take their duties seriously, embed BSL into planning and work directly with deaf communities—but we also have areas where progress has been slow, reactive or reliant on one or two committed individuals. Rights cannot depend on the enthusiasm of a few. They need structure, accountability and resource. I want to highlight three themes that came through strongly in the committee’s inquiry, and the first is leadership and accountability. Public bodies have legal duties under the 2015 act, but leadership determines whether those duties become realities. Too often, BSL is treated as an add-on and delivered through communications teams instead of being rooted in strategic planning. Where senior leaders take responsibility, we see measurable progress.”
“The 2015 act is about language rights, not optional extras, and the rights that it establishes must be lived in practice and not left sitting on paper. We heard powerful evidence from deaf organisations and BSL users, and their message was consistent. When the 2015 act works, it transforms access, confidence and participation. When it does not work, it is because systems have not shifted fast enough, leadership has not been clear enough, or delivery has been too uneven across public bodies. One of the challenges is ensuring access across all the different parts of Scotland. That inconsistency is at the heart of the challenge.”
“I am pleased to speak in the debate as a member of the Equalities, Human Rights and Civil Justice Committee, and I thank the committee clerks and other members. I was not a member of the committee when it took evidence in its inquiry. However, I was at its meeting on 10 December, which was a reminder of not only why the British Sign Language (Scotland) Act 2015 remains one of the Parliament’s most important pieces of equalities legislation, but why the implementation process must continue to be sharpened. I also thank Karen Adam for her work on the committee, and for—as has been mentioned—her work on the issue over a number of years and her passion for that work. I start with the fundamentals: BSL is not just a communication tool—it is a language of Scotland, it is recognised in law, and it is part of our national cultural identity.”
“I am confident that we can achieve that—there is currently a strong pipeline of projects not only in BESS but in other areas of storage. Communities should share directly in the benefits of energy projects, including those relating to storage. Around £30 million was offered in community benefits last year across different energy projects. We are refreshing the national guidance on that—the good practice principles—to ensure sustainable and meaningful outcomes from Scotland’s energy transition. The Deputy Presiding Officer: That concludes portfolio question time. Before we move to the next item of business, there will be a brief pause to allow front-bench teams to change. Grangemouth (Just Transition)”
“To maximise the benefit of Scotland’s renewable energy resources and reach net zero, it is vital that we invest in storage capacity. Will the cabinet secretary say more about the role that storage systems play in our renewables mix and about how the Scottish Government is working to make sure that our local communities see the benefit of local infrastructure? Gillian Martin: Paul McLennan is right that storage plays an important role in managing the variability and intermittency of renewable energy sources, balancing the grid, enhancing security of supply and ensuring that we can store energy instead of paying operators to turn off the generation. There is currently just over a gigawatt of operational storage in Scotland, mainly from pumped-storage hydroelectricity. To achieve our net zero targets, we will need more.”
“There is almost a blame game going on, with the health board saying that GPs are responsible for local provision, and we need to clear that up. A key issue is how we prioritise investment in developing local provision, and there needs to be a multidisciplinary approach that includes clinicians and GPs. There is much more that I could say, but I conclude by thanking Daniel Johnson for securing the debate. The issue will continue to be debated, and I look forward to hearing from the minister on the RCP’s report in particular. 13:03”
“For example, it talks about the need for a governance framework and a competency-building framework at all levels of service provision. Daniel Johnson touched on the delivery of the RCP’s four-tiered pathway proposal. The first tier involves a national public health approach, which is all about developing a public health campaign to promote awareness and understanding of neurodevelopmental conditions, with an emphasis on self-management. The second tier is the availability of national self-help resources, which will involve creating a centralised platform to provide comprehensive self-help. The third is about establishing specialist third sector commissioning for NDCs. That provision must be localised; indeed, we have discussed the importance of that with NHS Lothian.”
“As part of the national autism implementation plan, a feasibility study on pathways was undertaken in 2021; the fact is that we are still talking about pathways, and there is still a need for such pathways to replace single-condition approaches. That is an important point. Those pathways must be accessible across the 14 health boards. Daniel Johnson also talked about the need to deliver local stepped care pathway models. I interact with Stronger Together for Autism and Neurodivergence, which is very active in East Lothian, and that is one of its key aims. Such models include third sector and community services, such as access to self-help, peer support and a range of other services prior to—and, of course, after—diagnosis. The RCP makes a number of other key recommendations that must be progressed.”
“More important is the need for standardisation of the referral, treatment and support pathways, and I hope that the minister will pick up on that issue—I have already had a quick chat with him about it. Without a nationally agreed pathway, it is difficult to see how we can move forward. The pressure will only grow in the coming months and years as people become more aware of neurodevelopmental conditions. Constituents regularly approach me on the subject, because, even within East Lothian, GPs take very different approaches. As for what we should do in the future, which is the key issue addressed in the RCP report, there are some lessons that we should take on board.”
“The issue of standardisation is really important, given that different GPs take different approaches. Daniel Johnson mentioned the number of people who are impacted—NDCs impact roughly 10 to 15 per cent of the population. It is good that people are beginning to talk about the subject, because I think that such conditions are probably significantly underdiagnosed. Between 2019 and 2021, the number of referrals increased between 500 and 800 per cent across health boards. That increase is being driven by several factors, one of which is that society is more aware of such conditions. In addition, there are unmet historical needs, as well as population growth. There is no denying the impact of Covid, either. As the RCP has said, this debate is not necessarily about finance, although I will touch on that subject in a moment.”
“I thank Daniel Johnson for securing the debate. Daniel and I have had a couple of chats about this issue over the past couple of months, and we are all aware of the issue through our constituents. It is multilayered and multi-agency, and it impacts on children and families in health and education settings. As many others will have done, I met the RCP in Scotland just last week to discuss its report. A few issues have come through. A key issue is the impact of neurodevelopmental conditions on many aspects of people’s lives; indeed, they have major emotional, social and health impacts. Daniel Johnson’s point about access to diagnosis and medication is incredibly important. As we have discussed, there is also an issue in relation to GPs in health boards such as NHS Lothian.”
“I expect and encourage the football authorities to take their responsibilities seriously and reject alcohol sponsorship in favour of industries that do less harm in our country. I thank Keith Brown for lodging the motion. We all know the passion that football inspires, and, like Keith Brown, I am a long-suffering Hibs fan. Let us enjoy the build-up to the world cup. As they say: no Scotland, no party. 18:26”
“We all know that the members of our magnificent Scotland team are huge role models for our children and young people, and they will no doubt inspire our next generation of football players. Along with that, however, come responsibilities, one of which is the responsibility to stop exploiting children on behalf of the alcohol industry. Big alcohol brands, familiar and not so familiar, will be queuing at the door of Scotland’s football authorities to sponsor the team and to get their brands in front of the customers of today and tomorrow. That type of marketing is designed to boost sales by attracting new consumers and targeting heavy drinkers, but it also results in young people starting to consume alcohol at an earlier age and increases the chances of binge drinking.”
“Thankfully, a deal was agreed before the Denmark game, which meant that those who were not fortunate enough to have tickets could enjoy—and endure—every minute of the qualifying campaign on BBC Scotland, and a generation of Scotland fans were able to witness something that they had never witnessed before in their lifetime. However, in the aftermath of that game, one thing that was overlooked was that the deal with the BBC to broadcast the qualifying matches ran only until the end of that campaign, and it is likely that future qualifying campaigns will again be available only on subscription services. I believe that the home nations’ international matches and women’s competitive matches should be available for all to watch and should be included in Ofcom’s list of category A sporting events, which must be shown on free-to-air television.”
“We need further investment in those academies, so that players can play for our clubs at a younger age. We need further investment in the women’s and girls’ clubs and academies. The success of the investment in academies by the French Football Federation and the English Football Association demonstrates that. On the back of the financial benefits of the world cup, we need to invest in our youth game and our women’s game, and we will reap the benefits of doing so. Many of us have campaigned for Scotland matches to be shown on terrestrial television.”
“The whole country goes crazy; scenes from pubs and homes are shown from all over Scotland. My flights and accommodation are booked. The ticket scramble now awaits. What does qualifying for the world cup mean to football more generally in Scotland? It means a few things. It must leave a legacy for our youth game, with investment in the grass roots and, of course, the elite youth set-up—I say that as someone who had the pleasure to coach at that level with Hibernian for 11 years. I note that the Scottish Football Association recently announced that it will not continue its performance schools, which produced players such as Billy Gilmour. There is also talk of reducing support to Club Academy Scotland’s youth academies, which would be a retrograde step.”
“On Tuesday 18 November, I arrived at Hampden park for the opening of the gates at 6.15. I walked in with a few other early birds and stood thinking what the stadium would be like at 9.45. Four minutes in, after the Scott McTominay wonder goal, the dream was on. Then, Denmark scores and the old fears return. Shankland scores again. Hopes rise. Denmark scores again. Six minutes of injury time goes up and even now I feel good about our chances. The ball falls to Kieran Tierney. What a strike, what a feeling! Eight minutes into six minutes of injury time, and the nerves are shot. Kenny McLean wins the ball and shoots. What an incredible feeling as the ball hits the back of the net—“Freed from Desire” blasts out and it sinks in: Scotland have qualified. The passion and love for football is unrivalled.”
“To ask the First Minister whether he will provide an update on the Scottish Government’s latest engagement with the United Kingdom Government regarding any impact on poverty levels in Scotland of the freeze to local housing allowance. (S6F- 04511)”
“The role of Sands is incredibly important—there is funding through the Scottish Government, and Sands is leading on that in particular. The Marie Curie briefing for members talked about the right to bereavement support. As Elena Whitham said, that support is supposed to be in place, but we still have quite a bit of work to do on that. I thank Elena Whitham once again for bringing the debate to the chamber and I look forward to hearing what other members have to say. 17:36”
“On that point, I have a meeting coming up with Sands, too, and I have also had the pleasure of engaging with the Held In Our Hearts charity, which works with families who have lost young children, had late miscarriages and so on. As Brian Whittle mentioned, that is a really important issue. The charity works with four or five local authorities, but there is an issue in trying to extend that across the whole of Scotland. The likes of Held In Our Hearts and Sands play an incredible role. I have family members who went through such an experience, so I am glad that Brian Whittle raised that important issue. I am happy to work with him on any such issues that he raises in the future. Brian Whittle: I thank the member very much for his intervention.”
“One said: “I don’t want your sympathy. I want you to stop the next man from doing what he did to me.” Another said: “I don’t want to be brave anymore. I want the world to stop making me have to be.” If we mean any of the fine words that have been spoken today, we must honour survivors with action—fierce, unapologetically feminist action. We must take action that dismantles, rather than politely nudges, the systems that harm women and gender-diverse people, and action that liberates. Ending violence is not about managing risk; it is about transforming society. It is liberation. 16:34”
“We lack comprehensive, sex- disaggregated data. Primary prevention work is siloed and underfunded. Local practitioners want to do more but are constrained by structural barriers. UK policies, including universal credit and the no recourse to public funds policy, force women into dependency, poverty and homelessness, all of which are fertile ground for abuse. I ask the Scottish Government to commit today to launching a national campaign on the root causes of violence against women and girls, with a focus on challenging patriarchy and harmful gender norms; establishing a women’s equality fund to support women with no recourse to public funds and those in other marginalised groups; and undertaking a radical refresh of the equally safe strategy, with specific actions to address online violence. Survivors have told us what they need.”
“Women’s liberation is not an aspiration; it is a transformation—and men must take responsibility for their part in making it real. When politicians post voting records or share such posts in ways that deliberately single out women MSPs, they are not informing the public, as some on the opposite benches might think. They are feeding a misogynistic ecosystem that already places women under constant threat. When colleagues indulge in dog-whistle rhetoric that casts trans women as dangers or migrants as threats to “our” women and children, they are participating in the very structures that produce violence. We must decide who we stand with: survivors, or those who profit from their suffering. We also need a radical shift in policy making. We are falling short of our Istanbul convention obligations.”
“It would mean economic independence: secure incomes, accessible housing, universal services and social security that empowers rather than traps. It would mean that care work is valued; migrant women are protected; disabled women are centred; trans women are safe; and sex workers’ rights and safety are respected. Liberation looks like power shared, with Parliaments, councils, boardrooms and newsrooms reflecting the people they serve. Crucially, liberation requires men to do the work: to unlearn patriarchal entitlement; to challenge misogyny in their friendships and workplaces; to refuse the comfort of silence; and to participate in building communities that are rooted in equality, care, accountability and justice.”
“When this Parliament fails to challenge those lies—when we allow myths to spread about women’s equality having gone too far, fearmongering about trans people or the demonisation of sex workers—we embolden those who would roll back decades of feminist progress. We must stop that slide. Women do not need protection; we need liberation. What does liberation look like, and what can the men in this place do to support that? Liberation for women in Scotland would mean a society in which every woman and every gender- diverse person can move through the world without fear. It would mean a society in which our homes, our streets, our workplaces, our online spaces and our political institutions are not shaped by the threat of male violence.”
“What I got was a waiting list.” “Men online know nothing will happen to them. They’ve learned the world will protect them, not me.” Those testimonies should terrify us, because they show that misogyny is not only growing but being legitimised. The far right has weaponised women’s safety with chilling effectiveness. They blame migrants for violence, while statistics show the opposite. They claim to defend children, while spreading conspiracy theories that isolate and endanger them. They platform men who promote coercive control as traditional masculinity. Worst of all, the narratives of the far right seep into mainstream discourse.”
“We know that the root cause of violence is gender inequality, not bad decisions by individual men, misunderstandings or culture clashes. Gender inequality—shaped by patriarchy, reinforced by toxic masculinity and exploited by extremists—drives violence in every part of our society. We do not need to look far for powerful testimonies, some of which I will share. “Every time politicians argue about ‘women’s safety’ while cutting the services that actually keep us alive, I feel like we’re being used as props.” “When MSPs share posts about me voting for trans rights, the threats start again. It feels coordinated.” “As a trans woman, I’m told every day that people like me are the danger. But I’m the one who can’t walk home safely. I’m the one who gets spat at. I’m the one who gets followed.” “What I needed was support.”
“16:28 Maggie Chapman: Like other members who have spoken this afternoon, I recognise the phenomenal endeavours of all the organisations and individuals who work every day to prevent violence against women and girls, support survivors, raise awareness, embed trauma- informed responses to those who seek assistance, and do so much more. I am sincerely grateful to all of them. I also remember Christina McKelvie, who fought fiercely for gender equality in the Parliament and beyond. I will speak candidly: this Parliament must reckon with its own complicity in the climate that allows violence against women and girls to continue. That is not because we all intend to cause harm, but because silence, half measures, and political games have consequences.”
“That strategy is backed by £20 million of funding and was developed in collaboration with the Convention of Scottish Local Authorities. The delivering equally safe fund is providing money each year to support one-to-one projects. When I was a minister, I remember speaking to Kaukab Stewart about that, and I was aware of her passion about this issue. As part of the housing emergency action plan, the Scottish Government is investing £1 million in the national fund to leave. The discussions that I had with Scottish Women’s Aid at the time were incredibly important. We all have a role to play in this issue, and men especially. We all need to do more.”
“Gender inequality is the real cause of this issue. In its briefing, Engender made a point about the collection of “sex-disaggregated data on violence against women”, which is important. It also spoke about commissioning “a large-scale survey of women across Scotland on violence against women and girls” and considering asking relevant questions in the Scottish health survey and the Scottish household survey. I would be glad if the minister would pick up on that particular point when summing up. Violence against women continues to occur at endemic levels in Scotland. That is preventable. We must address the root cause, which is gender inequality, and integrate primary prevention into all areas of public policy. I know how passionate the minister and cabinet secretary are about this issue and the Government’s equally safe strategy.”
“Research by Zero Tolerance shows that misogynistic extremism is spreading among young people online—we have heard various examples of that in the debate. Let us get down to what this issue is all about, which is the gender inequality that we all take for granted. Women still have less access to power. In 2023, women held only a third of positions of power in Scotland—across the public sector, political institutions and the media—despite accounting for 51 per cent of the population. That is wrong. When it comes to money and resources, women still experience higher rates of poverty, rely more on social security and are less likely to own their home. That is wrong. A third of secondary school boys believe that girls wearing revealing clothing are “asking for trouble”, while one in six do not view girls as their equals. That is wrong.”
“The number of sexual crimes that have been recorded by the police is at the second-highest level since 1971. Between 2017 and 2021, Police Scotland recorded 701 honour- based abuse-related concerns, which is an average of 140 per annum. As men, we come into the Parliament—I have heard men talking about this in debates before— and we just take living our lives for granted. Nearly three quarters of women in the UK have experienced some form of harassment in a public space. That is my daughter, my wife, my niece— that is scary. It is incredible. As men, we take it for granted, but we cannot allow it to happen—we just cannot. More than one in six women in Scotland have experienced online violence, while more than a third have witnessed it.”
“Some of the nuanced details are also really important. Females aged between 31 and 35 had the highest rate per 10,000 population for being victims, and males aged 31 to 35 had the highest rate for being suspected perpetrators, so there are lessons to be learned from that. Some 65 per cent of incidents involved people who had previously been recorded, so there is repeat abuse going on. We touched on issues of housing and key agencies in that regard. Nine out of 10 incidents occur in a home. In Scotland, 47 per cent of female homicide victims were killed by a partner or ex-partner—that was talked about earlier. Like other members, I got a briefing from Engender. Among the key figures that it talked about included there being 2,897 crimes of rape and attempted rape, which is an increase of 15 per cent from 2023-24.”
“Tess White: I am sorry—it is an intervention. Is it not an Opposition’s right and duty to hold the Government to account and point out failures? To say what the MSP has just said about politicising the debate is actually aggressive in itself. The Deputy Presiding Officer: I can give you the time back, Mr McLennan. Paul McLennan: I do not agree with that. There is a political element in every debate that we have, but these debates, over the four years that I have been here, are normally consensual, and this one has been too politicised for me. I will move back to the key points that I want to mention. In 2023-24, almost half of domestic abuse incidents that were recorded by Police Scotland were between current partners. Let us not forget that. Almost half of incidents were between ex-partners.”
“A clear majority of victims are female, and the vast majority of perpetrators are male. Since 2018-19, Police Scotland has recorded 60,000 incidents of domestic abuse every year. That is 1,150 per week, 164 a day and seven every hour. In the time that we have been speaking in this debate, 20 women will have suffered domestic abuse. That is not acceptable. We all know that domestic abuse is largely a hidden crime that goes unreported to the police. Scottish Women’s Aid believes the figures to be much higher, as not all incidents are reported to the police, which the report acknowledges. Tess White: Will the member take a point of order? Paul McLennan: Yes, if it is brief. Tess White: Thank you for taking my point of order. The Deputy Presiding Officer: Ms White, is this an intervention or a point of order?”
“I am glad to speak in this debate. Normally, these debates are consensual, and I am a bit concerned about how this one has been politicised by Tory speakers—I really am. There is absolutely no doubt that toxic masculinity is on the increase. We all see it and we all know that it is damaging our communities, schools, workplaces and everyday life. More than four years ago, during the 16 days of activism, we all stood here in a new session of Parliament and pledged to do more. In the time that we have left in this session, we all need to do so. This time next year, Parliament will again debate this subject and it must also pledge to do more. This year, the focus is on online safety, and I will touch on that later. A few speakers have talked about the number of incidents of domestic abuse in 2023-24, which was 63,867. That is a scary figure.”
“The fact that roughly half of trans and non- binary people in Scotland find themselves in those situations after such a significant piece of work to improve services is unacceptable. I look forward to hearing the minister’s response to the debate. 19:02”
“The commitment in the Scottish Government’s strategic action framework that trans and non- binary people were most hopeful about was the commitment to pilot new services that try to deliver gender identity healthcare in more modern ways, with less reliance on specialist centres. This should be the key focus of Scottish Government funding and support. Trans people and non-binary people in East Lothian deserve access to healthcare and they are currently in a situation where many die before they receive it. This means that they are going without the healthcare that they need to live happy and healthy lives. Many are having to put themselves under significant financial strain to access private healthcare, or having to self-medicate without medical oversight.”
“The Scottish Government must also look to provide funding and support for these new services in different health boards—I look forward to hearing what the minister says on that particular point—and it must do so on the basis that these services trial new models of care in line with the new standards that have been developed and learning from successful pilots in England. Scottish Trans has raised the issue of funding. The Scottish Government should ensure that the transgender knowledge and skills framework has the maximum impact possible by increasing the number of staff working in gender identity healthcare.”
“my hormones or referrals to other services.” Partially as a result of this segregation of trans healthcare and partially due to systemic and societal stigma and discrimination, trans folk and LGBTQI people face worse healthcare outcomes within the NHS overall. What needs to happen? Another important point is that other health boards must begin to take responsibility for their trans and non-binary patients. We talk about postcode lotteries in some types of NHS care, but it is an important issue when it comes to gender-affirming care. Only a couple of health boards provide such services, so the current model of having a small number of services covering large areas of Scotland simply is not working. Other health boards must begin to provide gender-affirming care to their patients.”
“People will unfortunately die from suicide on these waiting lists, and the importance of gender-affirming care can’t be understated.” We should be looking to move towards an informed-consent model of trans healthcare—as was approved at last year’s Scottish National Party conference—that trusts trans people in their assertion of who they are, and which does not rely on a medicalised approach. My constituent said: “Currently, we have to prove that we have gender dysphoria, which not every trans person has, in order to access treatments like hormone replacement therapy or surgeries. Additionally, trans healthcare should be more integrated into general healthcare.” That is a really important point. My constituent went on to say: “My current GP, while kind, has no idea what he is doing when it comes to ...”
“I thank Patrick Harvie for bringing the debate to the chamber. I also thank Scottish Trans for its briefing. I have met with constituents on this matter, as I am sure that other members have. Waiting times, in particular at the Sandyford in Glasgow, are far too long. Things are slightly better in Edinburgh, relatively speaking, as the waiting list is around two and a half years. However, that is still an unacceptable length of time for people to be waiting for life-saving treatment and care—and when I say “life-saving”, I mean “life-saving”. A constituent has stated to me that “This waiting time is often after gatekeeping by GPs”, which is an issue that Patrick Harvie mentioned. My constituent went on to say: “as an example, my GP first refused and I only got referred after I saw another GP two months later.”
“Scotland is the top destination in the UK for foreign direct investment outside London for the 10th year in a row and, last year, Scotland secured nearly one in six of inward investment projects in the UK. I ask members to support the amendment in Ivan McKee’s name.”
“Douglas Alexander turned around and said that, at that time, he—the Secretary of State for Scotland—had no influence over the Treasury on that point. That is obvious. The renewables sector is key in Scotland, including in East Lothian. Scottish Renewables has called on the UK Government to increase the ambition for offshore wind in allocation round 7. That is incredibly important. Claire Mack said: “It is critical that the UK Government’s upcoming auction rounds enable Scotland’s offshore wind pipeline to move into construction so that their full value can be realised for consumers and communities.” It is a fantastic growth opportunity. The Scottish Government has a strong record on economic growth. Since 2007, GDP per capita in Scotland has grown by 10.3 per cent, compared with 6.1 per cent at the UK level.”
“A new analysis by the House of Commons library has estimated that Brexit is costing HM Treasury up to £90 billion a year in lost tax revenue. There is still not a word from Labour or Tory colleagues about that. Brexit has hit GDP per head in Britain by between £2,700 and £3,700 per year. The SNP is clear in our amendment. We call on “all parties to support efforts to rejoin the European Union and the European Single Market, recognising that Brexit has been the primary and most damaging impact on the economy”. In my constituency, the biggest drag on growth has been the UK Government’s tax changes for family farms. Douglas Alexander and I recently met NFU Scotland in East Lothian. The NFUS told him that the inheritance tax changes were preventing investment from coming into the sector.”
“That represents £1 of every £10 that is spent by the Treasury, adding to budget pressures. The Office for Budget Responsibility has downgraded its forecast for UK growth in each year to 2030-31, as part of a review that was undertaken before the budget. It is clear that the lack of investment under Tory Administrations undermined the UK’s potential economic expansion. Just last month, Rachel Reeves said that the Office for Budget Responsibility would be “pretty frank” that Brexit had had “a bigger impact on our economy than even was projected”. I have not heard a word from either the Tories or Labour colleagues about that. A new study by the US National Bureau of Economic Research has found that the economic damage since the 2016 vote resulted in a cut to the UK’s GDP of between 6 to 8 per cent.”
“The national debt was £1.1 trillion in 2010 and rose to £2.15 trillion prior to Covid—that is the price of Tory mismanagement. Inflation is at the highest rate in the G7. Just today, the Scotch Whisky Association said that the budget would “needlessly cost jobs” in Scotland. Liz Smith: Will the member take an intervention? Paul McLennan: I have only four minutes. I am sorry. At the same time, the Bank of England is selling gilts that were held under the quantitative easing scheme. More overseas owners have stepped into that market, accounting for about a third of it. The OBR has warned that that could make the UK more vulnerable, and gilt prices have fluctuated today. Against that backdrop, Britain’s annual debt interest spending has reached £100 billion.”