Elena Whitham
Scottish National Party · Scotland
“More homes Scotland will help to drive forward the Government’s core priorities of eradicating child poverty and growing our economy. To do that, we must focus on building more social homes and maximising investment in Scotland’s housing sector generally. We have a very strong record in Scotland in that regard.”
“Elena Whitham: I refer members to my entry in the register of members’ interests—I am a member of Shelter Scotland’s committee. Given that far too many children live in temporary accommodation, more homes Scotland must be integral to ending homelessness, and its creation is most welcome.”
“To ask the Scottish Government whether addressing affordable housing need and tackling homelessness will be more homes Scotland’s core mission. (S6O- 05714) The Cabinet Secretary for Housing (Màiri McAllan): Increasing the supply of affordable homes is key to addressing housing need and critical to tackling homelessness.”
“I thank my colleague Brian Whittle for securing this excellent debate. I rise to speak about sport being a force for good with a mixture of pride, gratitude and a sense of coming full circle.”
“It has a proud history, a trophy-winning junior team that inspires huge local pride and a vocal but good- natured rivalry with its next-door neighbour, Auchinleck Talbot Football Club.”
“It means recognising that participation looks different at different stages of life, whether that is walking football, which is delivered in partnership with Chest, Heart & Stroke Scotland and supports people to stay active and connected, or inclusive cycling opportunities for those with learning disabilities, which is developed alongside…”
The complete record
Every one of 376 lines we hold for Elena Whitham, in date order, each linked to its source. Free to read, in full, without an account. Page 2 of 8.
“To ask the Scottish Government whether it will provide an update on how its good food nation journey encourages local procurement, promotes local produce and reduces food miles. (S6O-05485)”
“Thankfully, instances of ecocide are, indeed, rare, with estimates that it happens only once in every 10 to 20 years, but the impact on our planet and people means that those instances must be treated as being much graver than a simple regulatory breach. I urge members across the chamber to engage constructively with the bill, to listen to the communities that have long called for stronger protection and to recognise that safeguarding our environment is safeguarding our shared future. We should support the bill at stage 1 and make it workable via early amendments. The Deputy Presiding Officer: I call Bob Doris. 15:15”
“The bill gives further substance to those ambitions by embedding accountability and prevention at the highest level of decision making. It challenges all of us—Government, business and public bodies alike—to act with care, foresight and responsibility. As we have already heard, that will put us in line with other countries around the world that have introduced ecocide laws. The climate and nature crises demand urgent action. They demand courage, clarity and a willingness to rethink the rules that have allowed environmental harm to persist for far too long. Supporting the bill is an opportunity to say that justice in Scotland means social justice and environmental justice together, not one at the expense of the other.”
“By establishing ecocide as a serious apex offence, the bill strengthens the tools that are available to prevent harm before it happens, rather than asking communities to pick up the pieces afterwards. The bill also sends a powerful message about the kind of economy that we want to build. A just transition cannot be built on environmental sacrificial zones or on the assumption that some communities are expendable. The bill supports a future where economic activity is compatible with ecological limits and where innovation, investment and job creation are aligned with long-term wellbeing rather than short-term gain. For Scotland, this issue is also about leadership. We have often said that we want to be at the forefront of progressive environmental policy.”
“We just have to look at the devastating and lasting impact of the collapse of the coal industry in my constituency of Carrick, Cumnock and Doon Valley, which required restoration work costing upwards of £160 million of public money. Not only did we lose the industry, we lost habitats and species. The bill begins to rebalance that equation by placing responsibility where it belongs: on those who make the decisions that cause the severest of harms. Environmental justice is about more than protecting landscapes; it is also about protecting people. Clean air should not be a privilege and safe water should not depend on our postcode. Access to a healthy environment should be a basic right and not a luxury.”
“It shows up in polluted air, degraded land and contaminated water, and in the loss of local livelihoods and green spaces that people rely on for their health, wellbeing and sense of place. That is why the Ecocide (Scotland) Bill matters. It asks us to draw a clear moral and legal line that the large-scale destruction of our natural environment is not just regrettable but unacceptable. Crucially, the bill recognises that environmental destruction is inseparable from social injustice. Communities that experience the worst environmental harms are often those that are already facing economic disadvantage, poor health outcomes and political marginalisation. Whether it is industrial pollution, extractive practices or reckless development, the costs are borne locally while the profits flow elsewhere.”
“I am pleased to speak in support of the bill, because, at its heart, the legislation is about justice: justice for our environment, justice for our communities and justice for future generations, who will inherit the consequences of the choices that we make today. I thank the member in charge, Monica Lennon, for bringing the bill forward, and I thank the Net Zero, Energy and Transport Committee for its scrutiny. Too often, environmental harm is treated as an unfortunate side effect of progress—something to be managed after the damage has already been done. However, for many communities across Scotland, environmental harm is not abstract, and it is certainly not evenly shared.”
“The Scottish Government and the Convention of Scottish Local Authorities are working on an ending destitution together strategy that deals with our work with people who are subject to no recourse to public funds. I was deeply disappointed by the statement in November on asylum reform, which will push more people into destitution and mean that more people have no recourse to public funds. The Scottish Government remains resolute that the UK Government should change its mind on that issue. Budget 2026-27 (Lochgelly) 2.”
“The abuse and intimidation that we continue to witness in Perth and across the UK is deeply concerning and should have no place in our society. We know that ending the no recourse to public funds policy is essential for the long-term integration and wellbeing of asylum seekers. In the light of the increasing hostility within our communities, will the cabinet secretary provide an update on the steps that the Scottish Government is taking to challenge the UK Government on that policy? Shirley-Anne Somerville: No one should be forced into destitution. That includes people who are subject to no recourse to public funds, which is a matter that the UK Government must resolve.”
“Jenny Gilruth: As Elena Whitham mentioned care-experienced young people, I should put on the record my entry in the register of members’ interests, which shows that my wife is a member of the Promise oversight board. It is important that we have a strategic approach to these issues. The member referred to a number of agencies that have responsibilities. Those agencies and partners have representation on the national strategic group, which is the key group that will give advice and guidance to ministers on the next step to inform whether we establish further inquiries. We require the evidence base, via the four independent inspectorates, on whether the threshold has been met. That is the necessary work that I set out to Parliament two weeks ago.”
“In my work prior to becoming a member of the Parliament, I supported far too many young women who were trafficked into prostitution following grooming while in care. Accountability is key to preventing such harm and will shine a bright light where it is needed. Will the cabinet secretary set out the steps that will be taken to ensure that care-experienced young people, many of whom are living with complex and multiple trauma, are not failed by fragmented systems but are listened to and believed? How will we ensure that education, social work and all the partner agencies are effectively co-ordinated and held accountable for keeping care-experienced young people safe in the first place?”
“Seven minutes is nowhere near enough time to explore a subject as complex and as personal as bereavement, but I will close with this. We need clearer messaging about what support already exists. We need a stronger understanding of where the gaps are and a plan to address them. We need to talk openly about death and dying, creating a culture in which death is not a taboo but a shared human reality. If we do that, we will build a country where everyone is supported through loss, encouraged to grow and able to find hope again. The Deputy Presiding Officer: We move to the open debate. 17:30”
“In March this year, I wrote to the Minister for Social Care, Mental Wellbeing and Sport, who confirmed to me that the current curriculum framework includes learning skills and strategies to support children and young people in challenging times, particularly in relation to change and loss. That is welcome, but we need to go further. My neighbouring constituency of Ayr saw Gaby Williamson launch her let’s blether bereavement boxes, following the death of her father. Those boxes contain resources that help children with their grief, and they are available to all primary school pupils in South Ayrshire, which is part of my constituency. That is a fantastic initiative, and I would love to see it replicated everywhere.”
“It can be easier to understand someone’s grief when they lose a person who is very close to them, but grief is much more complex than that. People can grieve for many different kinds of relationships, even for those that were complicated, distant or unresolved. Grief does not follow a timetable. In the immediate aftermath of a death, people are consumed with paperwork, funeral arrangements and visitors. Those distractions can delay the emotional impact, causing grief to surface months later and leaving the grieving person adrift without understanding or support from others. That stigma can make them feel that their emotions are somehow less valid, less legitimate or even a nuisance when everybody else has moved on. We must improve education around death and encourage open, honest conversations about it from a young age.”
“In turn, it forces people back into the workplace when they simply are not ready. Bereavement support charity Sue Ryder estimates that bereavement “costs the UK economy an estimated £23bn a year in lost Gross Value Added (GVA) and costs the UK Treasury an estimated £8bn in reduced tax revenues, increased healthcare costs and income support payments.” We can translate that to the impact on our devolved income generation and social security payments. Clearly, if we support people through their grief, we can support them back into work and support our economy at the same time. However, care and support alone are not enough. If we want meaningful improvement, we must also confront the stigma that still surrounds grief.”
“I would welcome the minister’s confirmation that those policies are now in place and an explanation of what further improvements are in train. Grief can have a devastating impact on our ability to work and to work well. Although I acknowledge that, for some, work can be a welcome distraction, for many of us it feels as though the rest of the world is continuing to turn as our lives are forever changed. In the UK, there is no general statutory right to bereavement leave for employees, except for parents who lose a child aged under 18 or who have had a stillbirth after 24 weeks of pregnancy. For all other situations, employees must rely on their employers’ discretionary compassionate leave policy, take sick leave or use holiday time. That leaves large groups of people with no legal right to paid time off.”
“In 2011, following the publication of the “Shaping bereavement care” report, the Scottish Government issued a framework for action for national health service boards to improve their bereavement care. Fourteen years down the line, each health board should now have a well- developed plan and implementation should be well under way. In 2021, the UK Commission on Bereavement was established to investigate the key issues related to bereavement and to make recommendations on improving support for bereaved people across the UK. Its report suggested that the Scottish Government should adopt a “cross-departmental bereavement strategy that recognises support following bereavement as a human right”, paying particular attention to those with protected characteristics and those facing disadvantage.”
“Although I alternated between sobbing—and I mean viscerally sobbing—and helping, I felt him close by. I therefore want to focus today’s debate on what those in power can do to create a whole-systems approach that fosters a national understanding of grief, supports people through all its stages and enables hope to re-emerge. Earlier this year, I was contacted by L&M Therapeutic Services, whose expert team offers counselling support to my constituents. I am pleased that its representatives were able to make it to the Parliament today to listen to our discussion. They raised with me the lack of easily accessible bereavement support at national and local levels and highlighted the stigma that exists for those who experience grief.”
“I was wholly unprepared for the visceral grief that overtook me in a whole-body reaction at the loss of that giant among men. He was a teller of tales, the bestower of a solid moral compass and a deep believer in social justice. He helped to make me who I am today. I felt as if my arm was cut off— and maybe a leg, too. We immediately left for home, and in a very surreal twist, we were caught up in a major accident on the motorway that saw us serving hot drinks from our camper van and letting folk use the loo as kids played kick-about on the deserted tarmac for hours. At the time, being prevented from getting home was indescribable. However, in retrospect, I now see the value and the serendipity of our camper being right where it needed to be in that moment. I know that my grandpa would have wanted me to be a helper in such a crisis.”
“A bereavement changes us as an individual but, with an ear to listen to us and a shoulder to lean on, we have the opportunity to grow into someone new who is shaped by love, memories and resilience. The pain might always remain, but hope eventually returns. On 11 August 2021, I had just arrived at my mother-in-law’s house in Carlisle, after a weekend out in the camper van with my husband, when my phone rang. I saw that it was my grandpa’s house phone and, when I answered it, I heard the grief in my aunt’s voice as she started to speak. I do not remember this, but apparently I shouted, “No, don’t say it,” as I knew that she was going to tell me that he had died. Even though he was in his 95th year, given how hale and hearty he was, it somehow felt like he would be with us forever.”
“I thank the colleagues from across the chamber who signed my motion, securing today’s important debate. Every person in this room will have experienced loss, and how we react to that loss varies from person to person. We are all individuals, and all responses are valid and should be respected accordingly. Today’s debate is about emphasising the importance of strong, compassionate bereavement support at every level of society—support that guides people through one of the most difficult experiences that any of us will face. This week marks national grief awareness week, which is organised by the wonderfully supportive Good Grief Trust. This year’s theme is “Growing with Grief”, which highlights that, even though the loss of someone marks an end, it can also become the ground from which something new begins.”
“I want trans people across Scotland to know that they have not been forgotten, and I want our Government to be committed—not just in principle but in action—to building a service that meets their needs, supports their wellbeing and does so without indefinite waits or impossible delays. I fear that anything else is a dereliction of duty that should be felt by members across the chamber. 19:15”
“Modern multidisciplinary services, such as those operating in the Lothians and the Highlands, are needed urgently. Both of those areas now have some of the shortest waiting lists across the entire UK, and they should be emulated. Like others, I have had casework in which trans and non-binary individuals who have come to me for support have had to go private and then could not get shared care. A young trans person told me that their family was going without food because they could not otherwise afford their medicines, because they could not get access to a GP.”
“It must be a plan that is genuinely co-designed with clinicians and the trans community, and is matched with the resources and the political will that are required to make it a reality. This discussion cannot be about political point scoring, and it cannot be an extension of the culture wars that we have seen dominate the lives of trans people for the past few years. This is about dignity. It is about ensuring that our values of equality and compassion are reflected not only in our words but in the services that people experience and have timely access to. My trans and non-binary constituents deserve a service that is based in Ayrshire, and I urge the Government to work with health boards to ensure that they play their part, as it is simply inconceivable that the Sandyford clinic continues to serve such a sprawling catchment area.”
“Behind each of those 4,000 names on the waiting list for treatment at the Sandyford clinic is a person—perhaps a young person whose mental wellbeing will deteriorate as they wait, an adult who has finally taken the difficult step to ask for help, or a family trying to support their loved one through uncertainty. Those people deserve compassion, respect and timely access to healthcare, just like everyone else. I hope that the Government is listening, and that the minister hears the frustration—and that she shares it. We must recognise that this is a moment that demands urgency and focus. I join my colleagues in calling for a clear and deliverable plan of action that expands capacity, strengthens local services and ensures that no part of Scotland is left struggling on its own.”
“The strategic action framework that was published in 2021 was meant to bring about earlier intervention, new pathways and reduced waiting times. Although some progress has been made in understanding demand and designing new models, the lived reality for patients tells us that the pace has simply not been good enough. I say that not to cast blame on those who work tirelessly in our NHS, who have been open about the challenges that they face and who are striving to support people under extraordinary pressure every day, but to acknowledge the reality facing our trans community.”
“No one in this chamber should be comfortable with the situation at the Sandyford clinic in Glasgow, which serves nearly half of Scotland’s population geographically, with around 4,000 people on its waiting list and fewer than 50 first appointments a year. That is not the standard of care that any of us would wish to see. It is not what the Scottish Government set out to achieve, and it is not what trans people in Scotland deserve. When organisations such as Scottish Trans say that “the most hopeful estimate is that you would wait 80 years for a first appointment”— remember, that is a hopeful estimate—that must give us all pause for thought. It is a stark reminder that, despite our commitments and ambitions, we have not yet delivered the meaningful improvements that are so clearly needed. Honesty is really important in this area.”
“I speak in support of Patrick Harvie’s motion and to express my deep concern about the waiting times across Scotland’s gender identity services. The figures that were published last month are not just numbers on a page; they reflect the lived experience of people in distress, people who are seeking support and people who feel that they have been left waiting for far too long, with a never-ending wait ahead of them. As someone with experience of a five-year wait for neurological child and adolescent mental health services, I understand acutely how difficult it is to be faced with such an unfathomable wait.”
“If the Government addresses those issues—and I sincerely hope that it will—the bill has the potential to move Scotland meaningfully closer to having a rights-respecting, pluralistic education system in which every child, no matter their belief or background, is truly seen, heard and respected. 15:36”
“I want Scotland to be a place where every young person, whether they come from a faith tradition or have no faith at all, feels equally respected in their school environment, and where their conscience, curiosity and developing sense of identity are nurtured rather than constrained. Although I am therefore willing to support the general principles of the bill, my support comes with a clear expectation that the Government will take seriously the evidence that is offered in the committee’s report. We must strengthen children’s agency, ensure transparency and guard children’s access to justice. We must clearly distinguish religious observance from religious and moral education, so that rights and expectations are clearly understood.”
“It only adds to confusion and it could undermine community cohesion, and none of us wants that to happen. All this takes place against the backdrop of last week’s Supreme Court ruling in Northern Ireland that found that a predominantly confessional approach to religious education, even when accompanied by the right to withdrawal, was incompatible with human rights standards. That ruling is a stark reminder that relying on withdrawal alone is not enough. Education must be objective, critical and pluralistic from the outset. For someone with a humanist world view, the significance of that decision cannot be overstated. It aligns with what many of our stakeholders have been telling us for years, in the context of Scotland, and issues that have been laid bare in the Humanist Society Scotland’s recent report, “Preaching is not Teaching”.”
“Human rights organisations contend that, if those concerns are not addressed, the bill will not fully comply with the UNCRC. It is also worth drawing attention, as Maggie Chapman did, to the polling that was commissioned by the Humanist Society Scotland that shows that 66 per cent of the population support a young person’s right to withdraw independently. Another issue that was raised repeatedly was the lack of clarity that has been created by treating religious observance and religious and moral education as though they are interchangeable. We have heard a lot about that already today. As the Children and Young People’s Commissioner Scotland reminded us, they are different activities with different purposes and, therefore, different rights and implications. Blurring that distinction does not help pupils, parents or teachers.”
“If the bill is passed, the child will have to go all the way to Europe to do that, because they will have to challenge the legislation, and they will need support to do so. However, if there was not that opt-out, once we knew the domestic procedure, such issues could perhaps be dealt with locally and far more civilly, while retaining the relationships that are needed for good schooling. The Deputy Presiding Officer: I can give you the time back, Ms Whitham. Elena Whitham: Thank you, Presiding Officer. I recognise the argument that Martin Whitfield has made. The commission warned that, without safeguards such as requiring public authorities to notify the Scottish ministers when relying on the exemption, we risk creating a lack of transparency and undermining accountability. Those concerns struck me as reasonable and serious.”
“That is a fundamental asymmetry and would create a hierarchy of rights, which would be wholly contrary to the UNCRC’s emphasis on the child being a rights holder, with their own capacity, not merely an extension of parental belief. The committee heard concerns about access to justice. By carving out an exemption to the 2024 act, the bill risks weakening the framework that was expressly designed to help children to challenge rights breaches. Martin Whitfield: In a most articulate way, Elena Whitham has encompassed the challenge that will be created by giving local authorities an exemption to the UNCRC. In relation to enforcing their human rights, a child might not be able to opt themselves out.”
“The Scottish Human Rights Commission, the National Secular Society and the Humanist Society Scotland made the particularly powerful case that the bill does not provide children with the independent right to withdraw from religious observance. Only children whose parents initiate withdrawal are given any voice at all. That falls short of the UN committee’s recommendations. As things stand, under the bill, a child whose parents have opted them out of religious observance is empowered, once they are sufficiently mature, to opt themselves back in. However, a child whose parents do not opt them out has no equivalent right to opt out on their own.”
“The Government’s assessments acknowledge that that strengthens articles 12 and 14 of the UNCRC, on the right to be heard and on freedom of thought, conscience and religion. That is a welcome step forward. The bill attempts to resolve a long-standing tension in the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (Incorporation) (Scotland) Act 2024 by creating a narrow exemption for public authorities when they are caught between conflicting legal duties. I understand why the Government feels that that is necessary. Our schools and public bodies should never be placed in an impossible legal position, so the bill aims to provide clarity. However—this is why my support for the bill remains cautious—the committee heard compelling evidence that the bill, as it stands, will not fully realise the rights that it seeks to protect.”
“When a young person’s wishes differ from those of their parents, schools must seek to understand and respect the child’s perspective. As a child in a Catholic school setting, I was opted out of RO, and I opted my children out of RO. However, I fundamentally believe that my children should have the right to challenge me. Indeed, I hope that I have raised my children to have the capacity to challenge me if, for example, I was to seek to withdraw them from sexual health education. From a humanist standpoint, that matters immensely. The bill’s approach recognises children not merely as passengers in their educational journey but as rights holders—individuals who are capable of forming and expressing their own beliefs.”
“I express my appreciation to the committee for the depth and care that it has shown in its stage 1 scrutiny of the bill, and I thank all stakeholders who gave evidence. Today, I offer my tentative support for the bill. My support is rooted in my long-held humanist values—values that are centred on the rights, dignity and evolving capacities of children and young people—and in my desire to see Scotland continue to embed human rights in everyday practice. The bill seeks to bring our education system closer to the principles of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child. For the first time, schools will be legally required to inform a child if a parent requests their withdrawal from religious observance or religious and moral education. Crucially, that child must be given the chance to express their own views.”
“All communities in Scotland have a personal testimony of how Covid impacted them, and the views of young people are incredibly important as we address the impact of and learn from Covid-19. The member may be aware that both inquiries sought views from young people to inform their work, and we will engage with a wide range of stakeholders and organisations to inform our response to the report, so that it is based on lived experience.”
“While some drank and danced in Downing Street, young people across Scotland were some of the most affected throughout the Covid-19 pandemic. Like many others, my own daughter saw her transition from primary school to secondary school disrupted, with long-term impacts still being felt. Will the Deputy First Minister speak to the importance of the views of young people throughout the inquiry and advise how the Scottish Government will use their experiences to inform its response to the module 2 report and its findings, and how we will prepare for such a threat again? Kate Forbes: Elena Whitham spoke movingly about her own child and the personal impact that the pandemic had on so many of Scotland’s children. There is a module that looks specifically at the impact of young people, particularly through the education system.”
“To ask the Scottish Government whether it will provide an update on the work it has been doing regarding people obtaining in-person GP appointments. (S6O- 05175)”
“The outreach and the follow-on support that are provided are second to none, and they ensure that all incomes are maximised. As we debate how to tackle end-of-life poverty, let us also talk about dignity in care. Let us ensure that every person in Scotland, whether they live in a city, a tenement or a small Ayrshire village, has the right to a warm home, the right to financial security and the right to a peaceful, supported death. A society is judged not by its wealth but by how it treats its most vulnerable. If we can find the compassion to act, to guarantee financial dignity, to expand community palliative care models such as the one that is offered in Dalmellington, and to support families who give so much, we will truly build a Scotland that cares, in every sense of the word. 17:27”
“The centre, which is located in an area that is having to deal with entrenched poverty and which hosts one of Scotland’s deep- end general practitioner practices, allows people to receive the care that they need close to home, supported by staff who know them, who understand the realities of rural life and who work hand in hand with the families, the communities and the community services. That is an innovative alternative model of care that should be replicated everywhere. I was proud to see that the recent Care Inspectorate report recognised the outstanding work that is being done in Dalmellington. It praised the commitment, the warmth and the dignity that are offered to every resident. That report shows what is possible when we invest in care that is local, integrated and rooted in community values.”
“Although we might not have all the levers when it comes to social security, I wonder what the Scottish Government can do within the scope of the powers that it has and how it can apply pressure at UK level and perhaps work together with the UK Government to find a solution to that problem. Alongside financial justice, we must look at how we care for people. For too long, our model has defaulted to hospital admission, when what people truly want, and what research shows us leads to better outcomes, is to be cared for in their own communities, surrounded by familiarity and love. In my constituency, we see that alternative approach working in practice. Dalmellington care centre is a shining example of community-based palliative care; it is a place where compassion and professionalism meet.”
“That is not dignity, it is not compassion and it is not the Scotland that we want to be. The research makes it clear that one in four working-age people with a terminal illness die in end-of-life poverty. Imagine that. After a lifetime of work and of paying into a system, people spend their final days worrying about bills instead of spending time with those they love. It is heartbreaking and unjust. For me, this is a social justice issue as well as a health issue. We must be bold enough to act. Marie Curie has called for people of working age who are living with a terminal illness to receive a guaranteed state-pension-level income, as my colleague Bob Doris pointed out. I fully support that call. No one should have to beg for financial security at the end of their life.”
“More than 6,500 people in Scotland die in poverty each year, and more than 7,700 die in fuel poverty. Those are not just numbers on a page in a report—they are our neighbours, our parents, our friends or perhaps even our children. We know them, and we love them. In rural constituencies such as mine, where we already face economic hardship, higher energy costs and an ageing population, the burden is even heavier. Families speak of loved ones who will put on another jumper and coorie under as many blankets as they can while they ration their heating so that they can afford food; they tell us of children taking on caring responsibilities while their parents skip meals to make ends meet; or, as the research tells us, family members give up work to look after a dying loved one and end up resorting to taking out costly loans just to survive.”
“I thank Paul Sweeney for securing the debate, which is on a topic that is hugely important to us all. As Richard Leonard pointed out, many of us in the chamber today spoke on the topic last year, and I think that many of us who return after next year’s election will talk about it again. In my constituency of Carrick, Cumnock and Doon Valley, I see every day the quiet strength of communities that look after one another, especially when times are hard. However, I also see something that should trouble each and every one of us: people who are terminally ill and people at the very end of their lives spending their last precious months and days in poverty. The preliminary findings from the invaluable research from Marie Curie and Loughborough University paint a devastating picture.”
“It is the first step towards earlier diagnosis, fairer treatment and better outcomes. We must do all that we can to ensure that people recognise the early warning signs, that general practitioners and other clinicians have the tools and training that they need to spot CCA sooner, and that CCA’s effects are met with understanding and support instead of confusion and delay. Finally, as we mark liver cancer awareness month, let us recommit ourselves collectively to shining a light on this rare—although, as we heard from Marie McNair, not as rare as it once was— and often misunderstood disease. We need to back the charities, the scientists and the families who refuse to give up. Let us ensure that no one in Scotland faces CCA in silence or without hope. The Deputy Presiding Officer: I call Dr Sandesh Gulhane, who joins us remotely. 17:22”
“I urge the Scottish Government and NHS boards to continue to prioritise the roll-out of the programme and ensure equitable access for all patients across Scotland, regardless of postcode or circumstance. However, we cannot leave it to science alone. We must work hand in hand with charities, researchers, clinicians and, most important, people with lived experience. Charities such as AMMF, Cancer Research UK and the British Liver Trust play an essential role in not only funding research but breaking down the stigma and the silence that can so often surround liver diseases. Their campaigns throughout liver cancer awareness month bring colour, compassion and community to an issue that can otherwise feel isolating and bleak. As a family, we know how stigma can affect individuals who deal with such cancers. Awareness is not a small thing.”
“For CCA, of which early symptoms are so subtle, our best opportunity lies in science, research, innovation and access to genomic testing. In 2023, NHS Scotland approved a comprehensive genomic testing programme, which is a decision that represents a major step forward in cancer care. If fully implemented, the programme could identify more than four in five of the potentially treatable gene faults in CCA patients. That is not just a statistic; it is hope. It is the hope that personalised medicine—the ability to tailor treatment to the individual genetic make-up of a tumour—can offer people more time, better quality of life and a genuine chance at recovery.”