Emma Roddick
Scottish National Party · Scotland
“Knowing all that I know about the high rate of comorbidity of ADHD and hypermobility, it did not come as a surprise when I was told in January this year that my mental health diagnosis, which came with a great deal of difficulty, stigma and, as it turns out, the wrong treatment over years and years, was misdiagnosed neurodivergence.”
“It might be that no one beyond the person’s GP is needed to manage the post-diagnosis situation. All that might be needed is guided self-management and the awareness of what their diagnosis is, which will give them the necessary confidence to ask for adjustments at school or the workplace.”
“A child with ADHD who can be managed with some changes to their school day should just have those changes made. Not dealing with those people creates urgent cases that never needed to become urgent.”
“I can now access the right people and I can read about my condition, not a label. What I cannot do is get help from the NHS. I have been advised to go private, which is something I hate seeing in a letter that is headed “NHS”.”
“I congratulate and thank Helen McDade for securing this important debate. I am glad to see that there are cross-party contributions this evening.”
“When someone feels like they do not fit in and they do not know why, they can start to resent the world and their peers, who think that the person is difficult and unfriendly instead of just quiet and busy thinking about 12 things at once.”
The complete record
Every one of 407 lines we hold for Emma Roddick, in date order, each linked to its source. Free to read, in full, without an account. Page 7 of 9.
“Many who claim those benefits are out of work, but, knowing a lot of those people myself, I am aware that that is more a reflection of employment practices and societal norms than it is of those people and their own attitudes towards work. Whether or not people can do full-time hours; whether they experience brain fog, chronic pain or fatigue; or whether they are unable—or struggle— to do things that others find easy, such as reading, sitting, standing, writing or speaking, they generally want to feel fulfilled in their lives. Even the most well-off pensioners I know usually volunteer or take on part-time work, and find things that they can do to be productive.”
“It ensures that people who have their whole life ahead of them, a life that could be productive and happy if they had the right support, are instead going to live in poverty and misery, if they manage to live at all. I again remind people that the adult disability payment, the personal independence payment and universal credit are not necessarily out-of- work benefits. Disability benefits are a recognition of the extra cost that is faced by successful claimants, who often cannot function without the things that they use the money to purchase. Universal credit is often needed by people who are not making enough money despite being in work, even if they are taking on multiple roles.”
“Suggestions such as narrowing eligibility for PIP and discriminating against certain groups of people were highlighted as surely going too far for the Tories, including by many in the Labour Party, who frequently made comments that were extremely similar to those that I am making this afternoon. That it is a Labour Government taking forward these reforms is devastating to everybody who voted for Labour last year, thinking that they were voting for positive change. The SNP has been working hard for years with targeted benefits and programmes to lift children out of poverty, but UK Labour is dragging them into it. The proposal to remove incapacity benefits from anyone under 22 is not only ignorant and ageist, but cruel.”
“As a disabled person, I find it devastating to witness the Labour Government’s recent actions, which ruthlessly and unforgivably punish disabled people and pensioners for the Government’s own failures to balance the books and deliver on its manifesto promises. Not only is that economically futile—after all, we will never get more disabled people into work by taking away the money that buys their care and their mobility aids and gets them anywhere close to being on a level footing with their able-bodied, neurotypical peers—it is brutally unethical. During the previous Conservative Government, people using disabled spaces online discussed papers that had been made public and which considered extensive options to reduce the money being spent on benefits.”
“To ask the Scottish Government how it is engaging with Highlands and Islands communities on the future of land reform policy. (S6O-04513)”
“Electricity market reforms and wider energy policy interventions must have the aims of reducing costs for Scottish consumers and businesses, ensuring that communities feel the benefit of the energy transition, protecting investment in our renewables industry and supporting decarbonisation. We are determined to address the higher levels of fuel poverty that are found in rural communities such as the one that I live in, and we have already taken action to ensure that our energy efficiency schemes seek to achieve that end by spending more per head on installations in those areas where we know that costs are higher.”
“A third of residents in the Highlands experience fuel poverty, similar percentages do so in the Argyll and Bute, Orkney and Shetland council areas, and as many as 40 per cent of people do so in Na h-Eileanan an Iar. Does the cabinet secretary agree that it is outrageous that communities in energy-rich parts of Scotland, which are the linchpin of our renewables capabilities, have such high levels of fuel poverty and that Scotland does not have the full powers to remedy the situation? Alasdair Allan: The Scottish Government is certainly conscious that the current wholesale electricity market is not fit for the delivery of our net zero ambitions or, as the member highlights, for tackling fuel poverty.”
“That includes funding and support programmes to address gender-based violence and sexual harassment in our schools, such as the Equally Safe at School programme that was developed by Rape Crisis Scotland and Zero Tolerance. In addition, last year, I published “Preventing and Responding to Gender Based Violence: A Whole School Framework”.”
“I agree with the cabinet secretary that violence towards women is a wider societal issue that will be resolved only if men and boys change their behaviour. Will she outline what work the Scottish Government is doing to address gender- based violence in schools? Jenny Gilruth: I am clear that violence is neither inevitable nor acceptable, which is why our equally safe strategy prioritises prevention. That preventative approach tackles and challenges attitudes that underpin violence against women and girls. The equally safe delivery plan also includes a range of actions to build a robust and joined-up approach to delivery in education settings, including in schools.”
“It is tough not to feel demoralised in the face of continued harshness towards those who are fleeing war and persecution and seeking sanctuary in the UK and Scotland. However, my sincere hope is that we soon get the opportunity to do better in Scotland, and I look forward to hearing the minister’s response to the debate. 18:20”
“I find a lot of the recommendations in the report very interesting, and they are worth further debate, in particular with regard to clarifying the definition of “public funds” in NRPF. However, part of me wonders whether that is a rock that we want to lift, in case some of the current support that is available turns out to be unwanted by the Home Office. The report points out that the approach of the Home Office in the past has been to add Scottish funds to the list of public funds without first carrying out any engagement with the Scottish Government, as happened with the Scottish welfare fund. The “Ending Destitution Together” strategy is the correct approach, with the Scottish Government working with COSLA and our incredible third sector to support people in any way possible.”
“That included painting over murals in detention centres, using dehumanising language and storing people on barges as if they were, indeed, less than human. It is gutting, therefore, that the Labour Government now seems intent on giving an appearance of being at least as tough on immigration. Labour candidates now share graphics on social media promising to shut down asylum hotels. A Government that should be abolishing the hostile environment is, instead, promoting it. A policy to reduce immigration to no end is incoherent. It will not serve Labour’s other purported aims, not least the aim of driving economic growth. In Scotland, we require more migration to support that growth.”
“If the UK Government does not like us in Scotland providing free bus travel to people seeking asylum, the UK Government can stop it from happening. The cruelty of the no recourse to public funds system is highlighted in the way that it prevents the Scottish Government from using its own budget to help people who live in Scotland. If we think about that, it is incredible, but that is the state of play. Such a scheme has no place in a civilised society, and I agree with Maggie Chapman that it should be abolished. During the Tories’ time in power, I was constantly devastated and disgusted by the efforts of that Government’s ministers to make life as miserable as they possibly could for people seeking asylum, including children.”
“I thank Maggie Chapman for highlighting the report and bringing the debate to the chamber. Destitution deserves our attention and our efforts to address it in any way that we can. One of the most frustrating parts of devolution is that we know destitution exists in Scotland but that we are actively prevented from stopping it. I do not believe that the people who voted me into the Parliament want destitution to exist—I am certain that they believe that it is our duty to prevent it. I am less convinced, however, that they know about the way that we are hamstrung by Westminster. I agree with Richard Leonard that we should do all that we can. However, I point out that what we can do for people in this situation could be changed with one order from the UK Government.”
“Those communities have shown incredible resilience in the face of decades of inequality, and sometimes they are successful in purchasing and making better use of their land—but not often enough. Land reform should be about recognising, rewarding and empowering that resilience. 16:54”
“Some of that should be easy wins, such as lowering the land size threshold to 500 hectares for land management plans and registrations of interest, as the Net Zero, Energy and Transport Committee has recommended. As the committee also recommended, there must be a clear public interest test in the bill, and the role of the public interest in decision making around lotting must be explicit. As many have mentioned, fines of £5,000 are not enough to disincentivise breaching the requirements of a land management plan, especially when some are arguing that creating the plan will cost more than that. A land reform bill next parliamentary session seems as inevitable as ever, but let us do what we can with the last year that we have of this session to put power into the hands of communities in the Highlands and Islands and across Scotland.”
“That is not because that is easy to do in my region or because the central belt cannot or should not make use of community empowerment—it can and should. However, it is necessary for the future of Highlands and Islands communities; if we want people to stay and be productive in those areas, the righting of wrongs and the rebalancing of power are needed. I welcome any steps forward in relation to land reform, but we should be doing as much as we can with the opportunities that we have. People keep voting for the SNP, as a party that says that it is going to do great things on community land ownership, so we should do those things wherever possible. Although I completely back the general principles of the bill, as I would have any of the previous land reform bills, I hope that it is stronger by the time that we are debating it at stage 3.”
“We can also learn from places such as Eigg about the potential of the relationship between community ownership and depopulation. Often, when people speak about their decisions to leave the Highlands and Islands, they refer—even if not in explicit language—to a feeling of disempowerment, to an inability to impact how the land around them is used and to an awareness that decisions about that are out of their hands and instead available to the highest bidder to make. Eigg went from being home to about 60 people in the 1990s to being home to more than 100, 27 years later. The community knows what it needs better than anyone else, and that shows. The Highlands and Islands hold many similar examples of community buyouts and their success; 97 per cent of community-owned land is situated there.”
“I agree with Community Land Scotland and others that the contiguous requirement for hitting significance thresholds should be removed. We are not short of examples of community land ownership proving a success. The cabinet secretary mentioned Eigg, which was purchased by islanders in 1997, just before I was born, after years of suffering at the hands of absentee landlords. It continues to go from strength to strength. It is worth noting that it was another community buyout in the Highlands—by the North Assynt crofters—that drove the people of Eigg forward in their plans. It was not easy, and the story is worth looking into for many reasons. The push from communities and the support that they required from the public sector contain lessons for us today.”
“As many have pointed out, 421 landowners own 50 per cent of private rural land, and that is in the context of 57 per cent of Scotland’s rural land being privately owned. That is wrong; it is not serving communities, culture or the climate. We need more diverse land ownership. Andy Wightman points out that many of the landowners who are responsible for that figure will not be caught by provisions in the bill, because their portfolio is not contiguous. Currently, that can be the case if somebody owns multiple holdings that are slightly under the limit across Scotland, or if what is, in essence, one holding is split up by a railway line. It is not any better for somebody to own lots of little bits of land across the country than one big holding.”
“I am sure that, ever since, she, like me, has continued to get Google alerts and to read in the local newspaper about further instances of that. The reaction to the BrewDogs of this world coming in and buying up bits of the Highlands to kill trees on while parading that fact around as if it is something to be proud of has frequently—I am pleased to say—been one of derision, dismay and disgust. However, there remains a pervasive attitude that the Highlands are a wilderness that is available for the richest urbanites to purchase and do with as they please, because whatever cause they want the land to serve will obviously be better than whatever the highlanders want to do with it. Land ownership in Scotland has been far too concentrated for far too long, and the situation is getting worse, not better.”
“I welcome the opportunity to debate the bill. I am glad to hear members of most parties pushing for the bill to be as strong as it possibly can be for communities across Scotland. As I am a highlander, land reform is a policy area that I feel a great deal of emotion about. Our land is emotive, and it has too often been misunderstood, misused and misappropriated. The impact of the clearances is still very much visible and tangible in so many of the communities that I represent, not just because there are no homes where there could be, or thriving communities where there should be, but because awful, Cumberlandesque attitudes towards our communities and the land that we live and work on are still frequently displayed. Back in 2021, I spoke in a members’ business debate secured by Rhoda Grant on the emergence of green lairds.”
“There are quite a number of encouraging examples of progress, and we will continue to support Gaelic and promote its educational, cultural, economic and community value. Long-term Economic Inactivity (Fife) 5.”
“It is vital that we support Scotland’s indigenous languages and promote Gaelic language and culture through continued education and investment. Will the Deputy First Minister say more about the Scottish Government’s work to support growth of the language and promote its cultural, economic and community value across Scotland? The Deputy Presiding Officer: It would be helpful if you mentioned Glasgow Shettleston. Emma Roddick: Including in Glasgow. Kate Forbes: We can all agree on the wonders of the Glasgow Shettleston constituency and its long-standing representative. Gaelic is Scotland’s language and, if Scotland cannot protect one of its indigenous languages, nobody else will, so I have always appreciated the cross-party support for Gaelic.”
“It is also because, regardless of whether we believe in a more or less well- regulated economy, a fairer one or a freer one, a large single market can help to achieve either objective. I cannot possibly support an amendment that bemoans arbitrary trade barriers from a political party that imposed and raised those arbitrary trade barriers by taking us out of the European Union and ripping up young people’s freedoms in the process. The global trade system, as it stands, remains far too tied to the inheritance of colonial injustices. If we seek to change that and to build a fairer global trade system and a fairer world, we will have to recognise that the change that is required is deep and that it will not be done with one cup of coffee. The Deputy Presiding Officer: Neil Bibby has a similarly generous six minutes. 16:33”
“Patrick Harvie: No, it is not a start. The fair trade movement started in the 1940s. If we are going to persuade ourselves that buying a cup of coffee a year is a start, we will not achieve the kind of change that the fair trade movement provokes us to achieve. If fair trade is merely a choice, unfair trade will remain the default. I will finish with one further comment on the Conservative amendment and by reflecting on why I am unable to support it and would be unable to support the amended motion, if that amendment were to be agreed to. It is not just about the conflation of free trade and fair trade—because those concepts are, at the very least, in tension if not in conflict.”
“There might be a few areas that we could affect, such as school or NHS uniforms, but if we really want to change the role of fair trade in the clothing sector, that is about changing a wider market, and that will not be done with a handful of ethical retailers who choose to put products on the shelves. It will require deep and fundamental change. The idea that fast fashion could ever be compatible with an approach to fair trade is ludicrous. If fair trade remains merely a choice—one of many choices alongside the unfair choices that occupy more shelf space in more outlets—it will never achieve the systemic change that is required. At one point, I think that Alexander Stewart was reduced to defending the idea that buying a single cup of fair trade coffee in a year is a start— Alexander Stewart: It is a start.”
“I have mentioned his speech a couple of times, and I want to praise it. John Mason and I profoundly disagree on certain other values in politics—areas in which he perhaps has more in common with the allegedly pleasant Murdo Fraser. However, he spoke very well in this debate and he very clearly articulated the conflict between free trade and fair trade: the freer that any business is to behave in the way that it wishes, the less fair the outcome is likely to be. John Mason and several other members mentioned the impact on developing countries of the way that clothes are produced. We cannot change that through public procurement.”
“We need to accept that provocation and to respond to it by taking responsibility for addressing the systemic change that is required. Several members have talked about public procurement, and of course there is room to improve there. The £16 billion public procurement budget has been mentioned. Although it is clear that we do not have the research that would enable us to understand what percentage of that is being spent on fairly traded products, I would be very surprised if anyone would counter a bet that that percentage is very low. I suspect that the percentage of private spend by people and businesses that goes to fair trade products is even lower. Several people talked about the scope for fair trade to move into other categories of products. John Mason mentioned that.”
“She gave local examples of art that she saw at the botanics that addressed climate and intersectional injustices, but she also used a powerful phrase when she said that without “fairness for all”—and now I am paraphrasing—we will not achieve what the fair trade movement is intended to achieve. That is the critical point that I hope we all can reflect on. Those local examples are great—they are wonderful and feel good and positive. People feel somewhat empowered by taking such actions in the face of what can often be a frighteningly disempowering world. Local examples provide leadership, but they are not an end result; they are a provocation and a demand for wider change. I come back to the phrase that Colin Smyth used at the beginning of the debate about fair trade challenging the unfairness of conventional trade.”
“Colin Smyth told us about the cakes in—if I am reading my writing properly—Kirkcudbright. I hope that he enjoyed them. I want to mention a couple of speeches in particular. Karen Adam gave a local example of uniforms—if I heard her right, in Peterhead. She also used a phrase that stuck with me: “the deep solidarity at the heart of the fair trade movement”. That was a powerful expression of what, I hope, we all want to see the global trade system move to. This is about more than just a nice optional extra that makes us feel good in the moment of buying something; it is about provocation and a systemic change. Emma Roddick also reflected on that.”
“I will take a minute or two to do that, and then I will come on to the reasons why—I say this with great regret, and I want to emphasise that—it seems that Parliament will not be able to unite on a final amended motion. That is a shame. The positive examples are worth celebrating. A couple of members started with ones from within the Parliament, including John Mason’s history of the improvement of the quality of the coffee. Another local example given was the fair trade shop in Edinburgh. There was a rare mention of Paisley from George Adam. He does not talk about his constituency nearly enough—we have all recognised that—but he finally got round to talking about Paisley. There was praise for the work of universities, including the University of St Andrews and the University of Edinburgh.”
“It is yet another example of how in Scotland, the Scottish National Party Government, although undeniably held back by not having access to the full powers of an independent country, always seeks to act as we would if we were a normal independent nation. We support and work with other countries on shared goals and principles. We play our part in influencing others and showing leadership. We push the boundaries as far as we can, proving that we are more than capable of taking on those full powers and doing even more with them as soon as the people of Scotland back us in that aim. The Deputy Presiding Officer: We now move to closing speeches. 16:25 Patrick Harvie: As I expected, a number of very positive examples from right across the country have been brought up in the debate, which I think are worth celebrating.”
“Fair wages for fair work is a principle that we cannot afford to neglect—either for those in the global south whom we trade with or for farmers across Scotland. Although we might frequently discuss the global south when it comes to fair trade, the impact of accepting exploitation and low pay is felt by us all. Without equality and fairness for all, there is not equality and fairness. For the people of Scotland to enjoy high-quality products, fair work and happy lives, we must be a good global citizen. Our continued efforts on fair trade in Scotland echo our wider campaign to be a neighbourly, co- operative country that has a positive and recognised impact on the rest of the world.”
“My swapping to Palestinian olive oil, which has enriched a few of my go-to dishes, and laundry eggs and ensuring that the coffee and grains that I buy have the Fairtrade mark has required little time and, often, I am spending less than I would on familiar brands. I completely understand that, if someone is suffering cash-flow issues, when every penny counts, it is easy to go for the cheapest and nearest options and not to ask any questions. However, those are all symptoms of the same problem, and the cost of not doing the right thing is greater. If it is okay for what we buy here, in Scotland, to be the product of exploitation, exploitation is okay. If it is okay for the UK to engage in unfair trade deals, it is okay for other countries to subject us to unfair treatment, too.”
“Making use of the businesses across the Highlands and Islands that are already doing their bit has been a learning curve for me, but it was surprising to me how easy and inexpensive it is to make many better consumer choices. When I was struggling with money, I fell into the trap of believing that making better decisions is too expensive and that shopping around required time that I did not have. I thought that people had to be rich in both money and time to change their habits. That is not true. I have saved money and found new products that I enjoy by seeking out fair trade and ethical products.”
“At the reception, I heard business leaders from across Scotland discuss how Government can help them to make the right decision. Most people who seek Fairtrade or B corp certification do so because it is the right thing to do. They do not need a better reason than that, although the satisfaction of their staff and customers, the benefits of having a good reputation and their own happiness and confidence in their impact are all common benefits. However, we must ensure that doing the right thing does not disadvantage those leaders. Our international development work is something to be proud of, but individuals and businesses domestically can also make a huge difference themselves. I ask the Scottish Government to consider whether there is more that we can do to reward the best practice that exists in communities across Scotland.”
“There are businesses across the Highlands and Islands seeking to do the right thing—to be a positive influence on the world, to have a sustainable existence that plays its part in tackling climate change and to exert a force for good when it comes to working practices and social justice. From Prickly Thistle Scotland in the Black Isle to North Uist Distillery in the Western Isles, I am proud that my region continues to be a strong leader in sustainable, socially just businesses that have B corp and Fairtrade certification. The Scottish Environment Protection Agency hosted a reception in Parliament recently, celebrating the recent winners of the Vibes Scottish environment business awards. That included the Highland Weigh in Nairn, which is a zero-waste, ethical coffee shop and a favourite surgery spot of mine.”
“That display of understanding from primary schoolers across the Highlands of the intersectional inequalities that exist and of how climate change impacts some people more than others, was incredibly heartening. I recall learning similar lessons as a child when looking at Fairtrade fortnight on a Scripture Union residential. What we discussed then about the power that individuals have really stuck with me, and I am glad to know that Highlands schools are taking the time to share that knowledge about the part that children can play throughout their lives in ensuring climate justice. March is B corp month. Although Fairtrade and B corp certifications are different, I wanted to mention them both, as they both tie into the spirit of the debate.”
“I am glad to have the opportunity to contribute to the debate. I am proud that Scotland has maintained its fair trade nation status since achieving that in 2013. I know that the topic is incredibly important to many of my constituents, including those who are involved with Fairtrade Inverness, which is a very visible group. That makes sense, given that Inverness achieved Fairtrade city status in 2008 and has maintained it ever since. That Fairtade city status should not be confused with the far more controversial city status that we achieved eight years prior to that. Last week, I had the pleasure of seeing artwork on display at the climate justice schools art exhibition at Inverness botanic gardens, many of which recognised the role and importance of fair trade.”
“Our planning system has a statutory structure that ensures that planning decisions are made following a thorough assessment of the development plan and all material considerations. Where permitted development rights may also be involved—so removing the need for planning applications for specified development—those rights are carefully created to ensure that the potential impacts are properly assessed. To come back to the member’s point, we have undertaken considerable work since the fire. We will continue to do so, and we will continue to work on the recommendations of the inquiry.”
“As I have mentioned, the response to the Grenfell tower inquiry has strengthened building standards, made regulations more effective and delivered safer buildings. In addition, changes to the fire safety standards of buildings have been made by requiring the use of non-combustible cladding, improving escape provision and introducing automatic fire suppression. A new building standards compliance plan approach is being developed under the direction of the building standards futures board and is at the early adopter stage. To answer a point that Richard Leonard, I think, made about support for local authority verifiers to fulfil their role on delivery, building warrant fees are currently being increased through a three-year model.”
“I am glad to hear the minister discuss the need to strengthen building safety standards. I have been concerned by recent reports that the UK Government is looking to cut red tape in order to push developments through the planning system faster. The tragedy at Grenfell and the recent report remind us that the planning system and building standards are our opportunity to get things right before they can go wrong. Does the minister therefore agree that the most important aspect of house building is providing people with a safe and secure place to live? Paul McLennan: In my responses, I have highlighted that, as well as the work that has gone on since the fire. One of the main aims of the Building (Scotland) Act 2003 concerns health and safety in building.”
“Edward Mountain: I apologise that I cannot remember its number, but one recommendation in the REC Committee report was that salmon farms should move further offshore so that there is greater churn in the sea and a chance to keep temperatures lower, so that the farm is less likely to attract some of the pests and jellyfish that are attracted inshore. That does not seem to have happened. Would that be a useful way to reduce mortality on salmon farms?”
“They cannot reasonably predict or prevent climate change, extreme weather, jellyfish or algal blooms, but that does not change the number of dead fish on the farms. The stark difference in average mortality between Shetland farms and Argyll farms and the difference in risk of interactions with wild salmon between those areas suggest that some places are more suited to hosting salmon farms. I hope that progress on marine planning in the future might give greater clarity to the industry and affected communities.”
“It also said: “These figures exclude mortality in the earlier freshwater stage, during which more than 30% of fish often die, before the survivors are put to sea.” Thanks to that, I could not say with confidence that at any stage in the inquiry I had a full understanding of the true scale of deaths in the salmon farming industry. It is all very well to point to the quantity of available data, but I am far more concerned about the quality of the data, because I was frustrated by it. Many people who gave evidence were also frustrated by it, and it is a complaint of many constituents who have reached out because they have been unable to pin down the true impact of nearby farms. We discussed in detail the fact that many drivers of salmon mortality are not within farmers’ control.”
“I want Scotland to be proud of the industry and the product; I want to have confidence in the product and to be able to tell others that it is an ethical purchase. When we look at the issues, the mortality rates of farmed salmon are of great concern to me. It is particularly frustrating that many different types of death do not have to be reported. The Coastal Communities Network highlighted in evidence that the current fish health inspectorate data “exclude all deaths below quite high weekly thresholds of 1.5% or 1% of salmon in each farm (depending on their weight) as well as any smolts that die in their first six weeks at sea”, as so many die when they are first put in salt water.”
“I genuinely enjoyed taking part in the inquiry; it felt like proper scrutiny work. There were really tricky bits of contradictory evidence, and we were asking questions that we did not know the answers to. I changed my mind a few times throughout the process, going back and forth with colleagues from different parties. I say a huge thank you to my committee colleagues, the clerks, SPICe and everyone who came forward with evidence for us. I move on to the less positive bit. I am a huge fan of Scottish salmon—it is delicious, and I love it with scrambled eggs, but I have questioned a lot during the inquiry how much damage my enjoyment of salmon has done. I do not want that to be the case.”
“Through the £2 billion learning estate investment programme, the Scottish Government will provide the Highlands and Islands with substantial funding for nine school infrastructure projects, which includes £21.3 million for the new Nairn academy, which the member has spoken about, and £23.4 million for the Tain campus. Additional Support Needs (Islands) 2.”
“It is so important that the facilities that teachers and pupils teach and learn in are positive and of a high standard, and I know that there is great excitement at the moment about the new Nairn academy building. Can the cabinet secretary give more detail on the investment that is being made in the Highlands and Islands through the learning estate investment programme? Jenny Gilruth: Ms Roddick is absolutely right to raise the importance of the school estate, which I mentioned in my response to Mr Halcro Johnston, as we know that the quality of the school estate can help to make a positive impact on attainment.”