Pam Duncan-Glancy
Independent · Scotland
“I know that because I have been all the people I have described. They live in fear every single day, worrying about what new limit someone else will put on their life and what little power they will have to change it. They live every single day without choice at all.”
“It is the lack of support, and the lack of options, that makes me feel like I cannot go on. Disabled people do not have real choices in life. There will be countless disabled people in our constituencies tonight who have not had the choice to have a shower in weeks.”
“During the pandemic, my husband and I were so scared of other people’s power over our lives— lives that we could see others devaluing daily— that we wrote letters to each other making it clear that we wanted to be resuscitated.”
“From fighting to go to the same nursery as my sister to delaying university for two years because I could not get a care package, and from fighting to be allowed to travel on the same bus as my husband to fighting to get a bathroom adapted so that I could have a shower, absolutely everything that I have has been a fight.”
“The bill will not only put sick and disabled people at a risk that cannot be mitigated in one bill or by one policy, including the risk from coercion, but will serve to reinforce the internalised ableism that we live with every day of our lives, and legitimise the view that a life such as ours—a life of dependence and, often, pain—is not…”
“I, too, thank Liam McArthur for the way in which he has engaged on the bill and with me. Last week, we considered the specifics of what the bill would mean in real life. For 25 hours, we heard personal reflections and experiences as well as some of the difficulties in the detail.”
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“I ask all energy providers to make it an urgent priority between now and 30 June to increase the number of installation appointments and to contact customers who have not switched over. I ask the Scottish Government to request regular updates from energy providers on the progress that they are making to get the number of customers in Scotland who are still using the RTS down to zero by 30 June, and, in particular, to ask how many of those customers are on the priority services register. Financial support must be put in place for residents who incur costs because they need to install a new meter through no fault of their own, and energy suppliers should automatically compensate customers whose meters are not replaced before the deadline and who face increased bills as a result of having to use more expensive heating alternatives.”
“Citizens Advice Scotland reports that some of those who have a new meter installed in the next six weeks will need to rewire or relocate it in order to successfully install it, which could incur other costs. The SFHA shares CAS’s concerns and has highlighted the fact that consumers might face higher energy bills due to changes in the tariffs that are available to them, or as a result of inaccurate information being provided by the supplier. Given the significant number of RTS meters in housing association properties, the switch-off is an understandable and significant concern for the Scottish Federation of Housing Associations, and I am proud to voice that concern on its behalf.”
“I thank the organisations that have taken the time to brief MSPs ahead of today’s debate, including the Scottish Federation of Housing Associations, Ofgem, Smart Energy GB, Age Scotland and Citizens Advice Scotland. Given the scale of the task before energy suppliers, I share the housing federation’s concern that they do not have the capacity to switch over all RTS consumers for whom a smart meter will be appropriate by the 30 June deadline. Those who are still using a radio teleswitch service come 30 June could be negatively affected both financially and in their day-to-day lives. Without the ability to control their heating and hot water, many could be left without both, and others will be left with their heating turned on more than they would choose, incurring a cost that they cannot and should not have to afford.”
“I thank Beatrice Wishart for securing this debate on an issue that affects people across Scotland, from Glasgow to the Shetland isles. Figures from Ofgem show that, as of 18 April 2025, there were still 22,579 radio teleswitch service meters in the Glasgow region and that, in the fortnight leading up to 18 April, just 808 meters had been replaced. With some quick mental maths, we can say that, working at the same rate, it would take just over a year for my constituents who are still using the radio teleswitch service to have new meters installed. That would be too late for the thousands of constituents whose RTS meters will be switched off in just six weeks’ time, which succinctly demonstrates what Age Scotland has called, in its briefing, a “looming crisis”.”
“We are taking a number of actions to support our social work workforce, because we understand that a strong, qualified and experienced workforce will be absolutely fundamental to the delivery of the Children (Care and Justice) (Scotland) Act 2024 and the delivery of the”
“Will the minister finally admit that it is not the system that is failing young people this time but her Government? Natalie Don-Innes: I disagree entirely. This has not been hashed together in the form of some rash decision. Concerns about capacity arose just prior to Christmas 2024. Since then, I have been working on the matter continuously, and officials, COSLA and all the relevant partners have been focused on the matter up to today, and that continues. As I have laid out in my statement, a number of actions are being looked into, considered and worked on to improve the situation. Ms Duncan-Glancy refers to workforce issues.”
“The Scottish National Party Government has failed yet again to implement its own legislation, which was predictable. Indeed, during scrutiny of the Children (Care and Justice) (Scotland) Bill, I warned the minister that “you cannot expect members across the Parliament to vote for a bill that relies so heavily on social work without any reassurance from you that support will be in place ... to meet the demands of the bill”.—[Official Report, Education, Children and Young People Committee, 1 November 2023; c 6.] Thirteen months have passed since the Children (Care and Justice) (Scotland) Act 2024 was passed, and it is clear that that support is not in place. With three statements on capacity in five months, it is also clear that, despite what the minister says, the response is not one of urgency and care; it is more one of panic and chaos.”
“Let me turn to the substantive point that the member asked about in relation to funding for teacher permanence, which is an important issue. The Scottish Government put forward a budget in which we uplifted the value that was provided to our local authorities for teacher numbers to £186.5 million, and we have provided additionality by way of £29 million for additional support needs to support extra teaching posts, because we recognise that there are challenges in that regard. I must observe that the Labour Party abstained on the Scottish Government’s budget.”
“Something that is in the cabinet secretary’s portfolio, which was raised in her absence on 24 April, is teachers being stuck on temporary contracts. In a survey that was carried out, 97 per cent of respondents said that they believe that a lack of permanent jobs in teaching is harming pupils. Why on earth are there so many newly qualified teachers in a cycle of temporary contracts on her watch? That leaves them in limbo and pupils facing a revolving door on staff. Why was campaigning more important than that? Jenny Gilruth: MSPs take decisions on a daily basis about where to be. I note that the member’s party leader was not here earlier in the week for the debate on the Assisted Dying for Terminally Ill Adults (Scotland) Bill. Instead, he chose to be in Hamilton, campaigning.”
“I move amendment S6M-17524.1, to insert at end: “; notes that the Scottish Parliament’s Education, Children and Young People Committee found that the ‘overwhelming view’ of evidence was that ’the principle of the presumption of mainstreaming is laudable and should be supported’ but that the gap between the policy intention and its implementation is ‘intolerable’ and must be addressed; believes that parents and carers of young people with additional support needs (ASN) should not have to fight for everything that their child needs; regrets that, years on from the Morgan Review, there has not been enough progress; believes that teacher workload and the lack of availability of other support services and staff that young people with ASN need have contributed to a system that is overstretched, and calls on the Scottish Ministers to urgently bring forward a comprehensive strategy to increase the ASN and pastoral care workforce, restore access to vital support services, and create a specific ASN parents forum to feed directly into policy.” 15:44”
“That is not inclusion; it is a damning indictment of a Government that has walked away from education for all. What my colleagues on our benches and, I hope, across the chamber believe is that what we need now is action. That starts with a proper workforce plan. We need a detailed strategy that recruits and retains teachers and ASN specialists and pastoral care staff alongside urgent reform of support services, including triage and referral, so that nobody is turned away from CAMHS or speech therapy without a plan in place. The Deputy Presiding Officer: You will need to bring your remarks to a close. Pam Duncan-Glancy: As Angela Morgan said, what we are talking about is no longer “additional”; it is the classroom now, and the Government needs to wake up and address the real problems that young people are facing.”
“Most worryingly, this is a crisis that is not counted or monitored; those young people are now invisible to the Government, because they have been moved from a system that was counted—albeit there were concerns about the way in which it was counted—into a system that is not. Those people have become invisible, and that is having a huge impact on our schools, including on our teachers. There are more than 292,000 children with additional support needs in Scotland—I think that that figure might be from 2002, so it is probably slightly higher now—but there are only around 1,400 ASN teachers, which is one ASN teacher for every 200 children, against the backdrop of a system that is not providing the support that they need outwith school.”
“Further, there are also community-based supports, such as a service in North Lanarkshire that I will visit tomorrow, given that it is mental health awareness week— The Deputy Presiding Officer: I think that Ms Duncan-Glancy has got the gist, minister. Pam Duncan-Glancy: I am afraid to say that the 9,000 people on waiting lists for support in Glasgow will be pretty vocal in explaining that the universal provision is not meeting their needs and that the services that the minister thinks are there to support young people are just not there and are not statutory—that is the issue.”
“Parents feel abandoned by statutory services such as CAMHS when they are told that there is a new diagnostic pathway but are left waiting while nothing appears. I heard what the minister said about CAMHS, and I know that that service is not what all young people need, but if not CAMHS, what? Without a destination, we do not have a pathway but a crisis that leaves parents in distress and children without the support that they need. Maree Todd: I acknowledge that many children and young people require more targeted support from specialist services, but many other children and young people will have their needs met through universal supports at home and in school. The additional support for learning legislation is really clear that a diagnosis is not needed to get support.”
“I also want to be clear that the failure is not around the presumption of mainstreaming, which allows children to learn together with their peers; the failure is on the part of this Government for not building an education system that empowers that. The ability of a child to learn together with their peers matters, and I know that because I lived it. I went to a mainstream school and I did well, but that was not by accident. It took strong staff and strong teachers who had the time and capacity to support me to get the education that I did. That is what every family in Scotland deserves; they should not have to fight for their child’s education to get it. However, right now, that is what they must do.”
“That is why our amendment adds crucial actions that we believe are necessary to support young people to thrive, and to do that alongside their peers, to be included in their schools and to get the support that they need. The current system is not delivering that. As the committee said, the situation is intolerable. The reality is that, on this Government’s watch, the experience of children and young people with additional support needs, their families and the staff who support them is one of exhaustion, exclusion and crisis. The motion calls for a review of the implementation of mainstreaming and a new model of support, because action is needed.”
“All young people, including those with additional support needs, deserve the opportunity to learn and thrive, and our teachers, support staff, parents and pupils must be thanked immensely for all that they do every day, despite the system working against them, to make that so. Therefore, we welcome today’s debate and will support the motion in Miles Briggs’s name. We will also support the Government’s amendment, although I have to say that its focus on warm words and its brevity rather indicate that the Government had little to add by way of action in a space that is so desperate for that. For Scotland’s teachers, support staff, parents and pupils, that will be disappointing.”
“I move amendment S6M-17524.3, to insert at end: “agrees that all children and young people should receive the help that they need to thrive, and thanks Scotland’s hard-working teachers, support staff and the wider education workforce for all that they do every day to support pupils.” The Deputy Presiding Officer: We have almost no time in hand. I can deal only with the time allocation that I have been given and I cannot magic time out of thin air. 15:39”
“Maree Todd: I fully recognise the important role that a diagnosis can play, but we have to recognise that diagnosis alone does not define or determine a child’s support needs. That is why our national neurodevelopmental specification— The Deputy Presiding Officer: Minister, you need to conclude, as you are well over your time. You will also need to move your amendment. Please do so now. Maree Todd: We have clear recommendations that support— The Deputy Presiding Officer: Minister, I ask you to move your amendment and to please resume your seat. Maree Todd: I will conclude.”
“There has been a significant rise in the demand for neurodevelopmental diagnosis in recent years. That has been experienced across the whole of the United Kingdom and by all services. Figures on the number of children who are seeking a diagnosis are not currently reported nationally or published. I acknowledge that work is needed to improve the quality of the data that we have on neurodevelopmental support and services and gain a better understanding of the levels of need and the support that children and young people currently receive. We are working to improve that. The Deputy Presiding Officer: I appreciate that the minister was very generous in accepting interventions, but she will need to conclude as there is no time in hand.”
“That approach is right for everyone—it is right for the people who need specialist neurodevelopmental support and it is right for CAMHS, as it can focus on providing the right help for young people who need the specialist mental health support that the service offers. As part of our continued commitment to ensuring that the right support is available to our young people, the Scottish Government, in partnership with the Convention of Scottish Local Authorities, has undertaken a review of the implementation of the national neurodevelopmental specification, which sets the expectations for services across Scotland. That review provides an opportunity to reflect on learning and progress and it will inform improvements to support health boards and local authorities to deliver the specification.”
“I have spoken to parents who have had to sell things so that they could get a private diagnosis for their child. Once they have a diagnosis, it will unlock support. However, if a diagnosis is not recognised, a GP surgery will not provide care. Parents are being forced to go private, which is a real concern. I do not think that the Scottish Government really understands what that means in the real world. Maree Todd: Our overriding focus is on ensuring that people get the right help and support and that that help and support is available for our young people, particularly in the education system. For many, that is best provided through a neurodevelopmental pathway and not CAMHS. I make no apology for seeking to ensure that our young people are directed to the most appropriate service for their individual needs.”
“I agree with the minister’s point about language, particularly as it is mental health awareness week, but the reality is that, in Glasgow, for example, 9,000 young people have been moved from CAMHS waiting lists and put on to alternative pathways, which eventually lead nowhere. Maree Todd: CAMHS is simply not the correct service for children who are seeking a diagnosis for neurodevelopmental conditions, unless they are seeking support for a co-existing mental health condition. Miles Briggs: Will the minister take an intervention? Maree Todd: I will take one more intervention on that point. Miles Briggs: I have been listening to what the minister has to say. The biggest problem—and parents will say this to all of us—is that young people have to wait for years on each of those pathways.”
“However, fundamentally, for me, it comes down to this: how can it be possible that people can make a free and equal choice to allow a system that oppresses them so much to also potentially assist them to take their own lives? Colleagues, I ask you to look to the disabled people who watch on from the gallery today, and I encourage you to think of them when you vote. And I say this: if in doubt, don’t; if ever there was a bill that that applied to, it is this one. Colleagues, rather than legislate to assist people to die, let us resolve to legislate to assist people to live. 16:58”
“Despite disabled people being part of some of the most regulated systems in this country, I cannot even book a train without the state asking me why I am going to where I am going. Disabled people are still more likely to experience coercion and gender-based violence. Despite multiple safeguards, regulatory bodies and rules on our lives, in the context of overstretched systems, it is impossible to accept that there could ever be certainty that someone has not been pressured into ending their life prematurely. The bill is the start of a slippery slope. Supporters already say that the definition could be broadened. Today, I have only scratched the surface of concerns.”
“Legislating to make that happen brings the real risk that, in moments when we are ground down, we would not only believe that we are better off dead, but that the state could help make that happen. This is not hypothetical. We saw it during the pandemic. People said that people like me should not worry. However, during the pandemic, my husband and I watched as the value of our lives, and lives like ours, were judged. So scared were we that we wrote notes to each other to say, “Please resuscitate me”. It is inconceivable to suggest that the introduction of assisted suicide is about choice at the end, when so many people do not have choice throughout life. The safeguards are not enough. We need only look at the Westminster bill to see how easily safeguards can be discarded when they encounter reality.”
“For me, it was when I was told that my care package could end, or when I had to defer entry to university for two years because the council could not afford to meet my needs, or when I have been fighting everyday ableism and got so tired of it that I have come to believe the low opinions that people have. It is in those moments that it has felt intolerable. It is the internalised everyday ableism and discrimination that make us feel like we cannot go on. The extent of internalised coercion—the risk that we would choose to die, and that the state will help—is real with this bill. It is about the systemic coercion that makes us consider, for just a moment, that we would be better off dead.”
“I have been ill, crying every day, and the pain from my advanced-stage condition, which could result in my early death, has worsened, because I have been worn out from fighting. The moments that have caused me and many disabled people the most pain and suffering have come when we are faced with structures, systems and attitudes that do not support us to participate in society. For example, many of us have had our care packages stripped away, one in four disabled people do not get the palliative care that they need, and we are more likely to live in poverty.”
“However, I say to colleagues that what is intolerable is subjective and, although it is true that many people experience what they would describe as “intolerable” pain and suffering, it is also true that someone’s judgment of what is “intolerable” is affected by the support that is available to alleviate it. We need good palliative care, and we need good support throughout our lives. Neither is a given, as we have heard. As a disabled person, I am lucky. I have been empowered in many ways. However, even from a position of relative power, I experience discrimination and negative attitudes every single day. Some fights have felt intolerable. They have almost broken me.”
“The truth is that we know through lived experience—and I can tell colleagues through lived experience—that the systems that are needed are just not there. People say that this is about choice, and I get that. However, many people, because they are sick, disabled or even living in poverty, have choice or autonomy neither at the end of their life nor throughout it. Indeed, the life expectancy of many is vastly reduced by poverty and inequality. We know, too, that there are those who choose assisted suicide because they feel as though they are a burden on their family or the state, or because they believe that their life is intolerable.”
“As have the many disabled people who are in the gallery or outside, I have had strangers say that they believe that if, like me, they were in pain every day—if, like me, they had to rely on someone to wash them, dress them and take them to the toilet every day—they would rather not be here. Some supporters say that it is not about disabled people. However, by most definitions, someone with “an advanced and progressive disease, illness or condition from which they are unable to recover and that can reasonably be expected to cause their premature death” is a disabled person. Regardless of that, though, what we and terminally ill people share is a reliance on systems of care and support to make our lives tolerable.”
“As the Scottish Parliament’s first permanent wheelchair user, I ask colleagues to vote against the bill today and to stand up for disabled people and others who, like me, are deeply worried about the consequences of legalising assisted suicide. Many members have doubts about the bill, and they are right to have them. If it passes, there is a risk that it will be easier to access help to die than to access help to live, and I cannot support that. We are voting on not simply a principle of choice but a hugely consequential piece of legislation. Yes, it could put disabled people at material risk, but, worryingly, it could also serve to legitimise a view that a life like ours—one of dependence and, often, pain—is not worth living.”
“In the context of the stories that we hear ever more often, ever more loudly and ever more painfully from our constituents, that is surely not an unreasonable ask. We cannot continue to leave this issue in the “too difficult” box. That would be unforgivable. I move, That the Parliament agrees to the general principles of the Assisted Dying for Terminally Ill Adults (Scotland) Bill. 14:40”
“For me assisted dying is, funnily enough, a life line. I could let go of sleepless nights, stressed filled days, and constant anxiety ridden thoughts.” Ani’s words show that there are consequences, too, to not changing the law: the horrendous decisions and bad deaths faced by dying Scots; the trauma for them and those left behind; the higher suicide rates that we see among those with a terminal illness; and people spending their life savings to go to Dignitas earlier than necessary and far from home at the end. However, those are questions for another day and another debate, at stage 3, when the final detail of the bill will be known. For now, I ask members to back the general principles of the bill to allow it go forward for further scrutiny and amendment.”
“She said: “We, the Parliament that represents the wishes, beliefs, hopes and determination of our fellow countrymen and women, are doing something today that Parliaments are meant to do: we are trying to find an honourable, fair and equitable solution to a problem”.—[Official Report, 1 December 2010, c 31042] Fifteen years on, Margo’s words remain pertinent. As I said at the outset, it is the voices of dying Scots and their families that must be at the heart of today’s debate. In bringing my remarks to a close, let me quote Ani, from North Uist, who was diagnosed with MND in 2022. She said: “I am not afraid to die. I want to live, I want my life to continue, but right now I am living with extreme anxiety about suffering. If I had the right to choose what is best for me I could let go of all the anxiety and fear.”
“I echo the committee’s report in welcoming the Scottish Government’s commitment, should the bill pass at stage 1, to open dialogue with the UK Government and keep this Parliament updated. Today, we can take a significant step forward by giving terminally ill adults across Scotland more choice. Yes, it is a brave step, but it is a compassionate one, and it is a step that I believe Scotland is ready to take. As well as international evidence, my bill draws on understanding gained from previous attempts to change the law, led by colleagues including Jeremy Purvis, Patrick Harvie and the late Margo MacDonald. Fifteen years ago, Margo MacDonald stood in this chamber, speaking in the stage 1 debate on her End of Life Assistance (Scotland) Bill.”
“We know, too, that in jurisdictions with assisted dying laws in place, not only have those laws often gone hand in hand with increased investment, but, as the committee heard, there has been improved understanding of and engagement with palliative care. Therefore, we can and must do both, and I pay particular tribute to the work of Miles Briggs in that area. On the question of legislative competence, my view has not changed since the introduction of the bill, when, after careful consideration and advice from legal officers, I signed a statement of competence. That view is shared by the Presiding Officer. Should Parliament back the general principles this evening, I will engage with the Scottish and UK Governments and seek to facilitate discussions to ensure that the will of this Parliament can be delivered.”
“However, as I said to Liam Kerr in response to his intervention, those and other aspects are matters for debate and amendment at stages 2 and 3. To those who argue that we should be focused solely on improving palliative care, I make the point that it is not a case of either/or—we need both. Investing in improved quality of and access to palliative and hospice care, as well as good social care, is imperative. It will be what the vast majority of dying Scots continue to rely on, even after any change in the law. However, we know that there are those who find themselves beyond the reach of palliative care and who are desperate for more choice.”
“However, if we have the opportunity, I will continue to engage with Pam Duncan-Glancy at stages 2 and 3, to address any other concerns. I turn to the definition of terminal illness, which Liam Kerr mentioned in his intervention. The bill requires a person to have an illness, disease or condition that is worsening, will continue to worsen and is at an advanced stage. The illness must be one that a person will not recover from, and which is expected to result in their early death. I do not believe that the definition should include a specific period of life expectancy, and I note that the committee agreed. I remain confident that the definition gives clear effect to the policy intent, which is to cover terminally ill adults in the final stages of their illness.”
“I do not think that that is the case. Polling consistently shows support, not only in the population at large but across the disability community. That is not to say that there is not a very real need to open up that discussion in order to answer the questions that people have. There are those who have a firm view in support and those who have a firm view in opposition, but many simply have questions about the practicalities of how assisted dying might work in practice, such as those that the Cabinet Secretary for Health and Social Care asked. Research by the University of Glasgow’s Professor Ben Colburn into the way in which assisted dying laws work in practice around the world found no evidence that they harm people with disabilities, undermine access to healthcare or promote disrespect of people with disabilities.”
“I appreciate the comments that Liam McArthur has put on the record about the way in which the debate has been conducted, and I thank him for the respect that he has afforded to all views on the issue. When people, including disabled people, are first asked about assisted dying, they consider it on the surface to be about choice. However, then questions start to be answered about what it could include and whether it is about real choice, with some people believing that it is about the withdrawal of care and others believing that it is about palliative care, albeit that the bill is about neither of those but is about assisting someone to take their own life. Does he accept that, when that is explained, the majority of people do not support it? Liam McArthur: I thank Pam Duncan-Glancy for that intervention.”
“I am not sure what point the member is making to me, but I am more than happy to catch her after question time to discuss the matter in further detail. The Deputy Presiding Officer: Around 13 colleagues wish to ask questions, and they have around 14 minutes in which to ask them, so I would welcome brevity in the questions and the responses.”
“I think that that gives the plan a strength that will mean that it should help to support the profession. The member mentioned a motion on workforce planning that was voted for some time ago. I reassure her that work on that is being taken forward. However, as the member will know—I discussed this with her yesterday evening, which does not feel that long ago—some of the issues that I have experienced in that regard relate to the legal responsibilities that rest with local government as an employer, so we need to work with COSLA on that. That work is being progressed as part of the education assurance board, which was a key component of the budget agreement with COSLA, as part of which extra funding was provided for teacher numbers and for ASN provision. That is so important.”
“Why has a workforce plan not been published? How can phase 2 of the strategy work when the workforce that it relies on still lacks the support that it needs? Jenny Gilruth: I thank the member for her interest in the matter. I agree that a systemic approach is needed, rather than sticking plasters, but I am not sure that I agree with the member’s point that teachers are being asked to deliver a strategy. We are talking about a plan to support our classroom teachers, our middle leaders and our leaders in schools. I have not come up with that plan on my own; it is a plan that is jointly owned by COSLA and the teaching trade unions. They have fed into the work and have told Government and local authorities exactly what support their members need.”
“The cabinet secretary said that staff need to feel supported to manage behaviour. I agree, but that support must be systemic, not sticking plasters. Staff are exhausted, stressed and underresourced, and they are being asked to deliver a national behaviour strategy while ASN provision is stretched and wider support services have vanished. In too many cases, dealing with violence in schools has become expected and is simply seen as being part of the job. Last year, Parliament agreed to a motion in my name that called for a national workforce plan to be produced. That motion was agreed to, but the Government has not yet delivered. The action plan is too little, too late. The cabinet secretary has talked about working across parties, but the motion that the Parliament agreed to had cross- party support.”
“The Deputy Presiding Officer: That concludes the debate. 13:34 Meeting suspended. 14:30 On resuming— Portfolio Question Time Social Justice”
“It might be, say, a simple checklist to ensure that local authorities are meeting this aim and taking a best-practice approach across the country. The Deputy Presiding Officer: I can give you the time back, minister. Natalie Don-Innes: I am happy to consider all options. Mr Marra will know that I cannot commit to anything in the chamber, but, as I have said, local government and the Scottish Government are embarking on work to try to find a solution, and I have committed to raising the issue at my next meeting with Councillor Tony Buchanan. Once again, I thank Mr Marra for bringing the debate to the chamber. It is, and will continue to be, an important and challenging issue, but it is one that, with local authorities at the forefront of delivery, we must collectively work to resolve.”
“Natalie Don-Innes: Do I have time, Presiding Officer? The Deputy Presiding Officer: Yes. Michael Marra: I appreciate the minister taking the time to give way. I know that she would like to welcome Nicola Donnelly, my constituent, to the gallery. Unfortunately, Nicola missed my opening speech due to the changeover. I really appreciate the minister’s tone and the proactive approach that she is taking. However, the issue of timing and forward notice is particularly concerning to me. Will she emphasise in her discussions with officials the fact that people have to be able to plan? Will she consider, say, a charter of best practice for local authorities that will allow families to plan, ensure that they have the details that they require and make things easy with regard to funding?”
“Our reporting processes will help to develop a picture of the number and proportion of families accessing childcare and family support services who have children with disabilities or additional support needs. I hope that that response helps to address some of the concerns that have been highlighted. In addition to the investment in learning, my officials are beginning to work with partners across local government to understand the range of approaches being taken to implement their statutory duties. By working through an improvement lens and identifying opportunities to strengthen existing approaches across local authorities, we will move towards a position that ensures that families have the support that they need, regardless of where they reside in Scotland. Michael Marra: Will the member give way?”
“Projects such as Support, Help and Integration in Perthshire have been supporting families of children with profound and multiple learning difficulties for years and, since 2020, our funding has been supporting children and parents to access a reliable and high-quality service round about the school day and in the holidays. Understanding the specific needs of families and children with disabilities or additional support needs through early delivery of services is a key part of the work of the school-age childcare programme. From our learning to date, we know that individual and creative solutions are often needed to ensure that a service is the right fit for a child and their family.”