Davy Russell
Scottish Labour · Scotland
“More than that, I hope that the Scottish and UK Governments will be prepared to work together to come down on retail banking conglomerates like a ton of bricks if banks will not independently curtail their detrimental closures of high street branches.”
“However, it is only in the longer term that we will see the full extent of the economic impact to Larkhall’s high street, which has always punched well above its weight— similar to Rutherglen, to be fair—as an independent hub for retailers.”
“I promise them that the customers they will see are those who are vulnerable in our society. They may be older or have a disability. They might want to send money abroad or they might be desperate to seek a line of credit or forgiveness for being overdrawn, while they are being punished by penalties that they cannot afford to pay.”
“I must thank Clare Haughey for bringing this debate to Parliament, as bank closures have also been a big issue in part of my constituency. I will also mention Councillor Ricky Nelson, who has worked closely with me on the issue. In January, the Bank of Scotland branch in Larkhall closed.”
“They were committed to the closure, apparently in the interests of shareholders, while putting the interests of vulnerable customers at the bottom of the pile.”
“I think that many constituents would find that those billions of pounds would be better spent on the national health service, schools and lowering energy costs, rather than rewarding shareholders and awarding bankers bonuses. The bank’s motto should be “Didn’t care, didn’t listen, won’t care, don’t care”. I have one more thing to say.”
The complete record
Every one of 201 lines we hold for Davy Russell, in date order, each linked to its source. Free to read, in full, without an account. Page 3 of 5.
“Given that, in the recent census, 51 per cent of people declared that they belong to no religion—the figure has been growing over the years—that imbalance seems to be counter to the direction of the country. My view is that, if there is something objectionable about RME—for example, that it too closely resembles religious observance—that should be addressed in isolation. If the intention is for children to be able to unilaterally withdraw from RO as part of their school timetable, the Scottish Government should not pass the buck to teachers in schools; it should lay that out for the Parliament to vote on. For me, there are too many unanswered questions about the bill. The committee is not convinced that it is evidence based, and I do not feel that what is proposed will work for schools, parents or pupils.”
“Anybody who has kids will know that when they change class or change friends, all of a sudden, what they were up for the previous week will not necessarily be what they are up for the next week. The bill would complicate things. If the Scottish Government does not want to have the wishes of children taking primacy, it should show some courage and ask the Parliament to vote on that. On that matter, there is a one-sided approach that gives two opportunities to attend RME and RO, but only one chance to abstain. If parents can say that their child should not attend RO but the child says that they should, should the reverse not also be true?”
“Would stronger guidance on what constitutes a breach between the two areas not be a welcome first step? If there were strong dividing lines, that would still allow children with diverse faith and non-faith backgrounds to learn about the world around them. The other issue is, I think, the strongest reason why more work is needed on the bill before it comes back to the Parliament. It will put added pressure on teachers and schools without providing them with any additional help. Although there is a need for parents to have a say in their children’s education, and to respect the wishes of children, the bill is not the mechanism that can make that happen. We should not ask schools to intervene in that way.”
“I have no objections to part 2 of the bill, other than to reiterate the committee’s reservations about why both parts of the bill are being put through together. However, I have questions about the pairing of religious observance and religious and moral education in the bill. After all, the Equalities, Human Rights and Civil Justice Committee accepted that it should be possible to withdraw from religious observance, but the majority of members were opposed to the idea that children could be withdrawn from RME. Indeed, even some secular organisations agreed with that. The Scottish Government may have its own reasons for lumping RO and RME together; I would welcome hearing some of the reasoning behind that. However, if it is the case that there are too many elements of RO in RME, surely the bill is throwing the baby out with the bath water.”
“To ask the Scottish Government what it is doing to improve working conditions for employees of the Scottish Prison Service. (S6O-05135)”
“My thanks to the Constitution, Europe, External Affairs and Culture Committee for its oversight of the bill at this early stage. More work is needed to provide assurances to market traders, local businesses and fans, especially in communications about the proposed legislation. However, I am quite happy to support the general principles of the bill at stage 1. The Deputy Presiding Officer: The final speaker in the open debate is Mr Kidd, who has around four minutes. 15:44”
“The effect on charities that auction off tickets has been mentioned, and we should take that into consideration. I am keen to hear how the Scottish Government can work with the organisers to ensure that a selection of affordable tickets is made available through schools and local clubs, including those covering a range of disability facilities, so that the tournament can be as inclusive as possible. I remind members of the disappointing actions of a minority of football fans during the 2020 Euro finals—which were held in 2021, because of Covid. I would like to see assurances that that kind of behaviour will not be seen in 2028. I believe that it is for ministers to have that discussion with the organisers, Glasgow City Council and the police.”
“I join the Constitution, Europe, External Affairs and Culture Committee in asking the Scottish Government to consider introducing generic legislation to cover large events, which would save a lot of wasted time if we have another big event soon—co-hosting the women’s world cup in 2035 being an example. It would be better to have tailor- made legislation for large events, rather than just a specific law for football that covers advertising and security provisions. That would mean not having to waste the Parliament’s time for every single event. Although we have not seen proposals for women’s events, we should liaise now with the SFA to ensure that women’s football in Scotland is adequately represented. The proposed limitations on profiting from ticket sales are welcome.”
“I welcome the Scottish Government getting ahead of the game and introducing the bill. I was involved in the previous Commonwealth games in Scotland. We were told in 2008 that they would happen, and the six years until they did just zoomed by—they passed really quickly. The preparation work paid off in the end, however. I am sure that the organisers will appreciate the action that the Government is going to take. Until I took up a political career, I was heavily involved in the current preparations in Glasgow, so I know that the staff involved regard major events there as business as usual, because there are so many happening, be they football, the Commonwealth games or cycling championships. However, the staff must be commended for how they carry out their duties.”
“Also, chamber meeting times could occasionally be altered to make way for committee business, instead of the other way round— although doing that might be less practical. The committee system remains a strength of the Scottish Parliament, and I support the proposals to further strengthen the good work that is being done here. The Deputy Presiding Officer: I call Rona Mackay, who is joining us remotely. 16:01”
“Most of us are here until 10pm, and if there is a committee meeting in the morning, we start at 9am. Although oversight from the chamber through debate is required, cross-party scrutiny should also be taking place in the committees, where it can eliminate some of the minutiae. My view is that the Parliament is doing too much at stage 3 because the committees lack capacity. That sentiment applies doubly when it comes to post-legislative scrutiny, which we do not do enough of. Therefore, I welcome the proposals to increase the capacity of the committee system. The introduction of sub-committees, for example, might help in some instances. Compulsory attendance for public officials and ministers when they are summoned by a committee would definitely help.”
“For members who sit on committees that have a greater legislative scrutiny role, the balance between party politics and the more objective work of the committee is harder to find. That point is reflected in the report. The culture of the Citizen Participation and Public Petitions Committee is that we leave our party hat at the door and pick it back up on the way out. The citizen is first in that instance. I acknowledge that that committee is singled out in the report as being particularly guilty of lacking gender balance, and I agree with the report where it calls for an end to “single-sex committees”. That might not always be possible, but where such change is practical, it should happen. My main criticism of the committee system is that it seems to be overburdened.”
“As the newest member of the Parliament, I am uniquely qualified to share my very limited experiences—I have only ever been on one committee, but I have been nurtured to the highest level by its convener, Jackson Carlaw. I welcome the work that has been done by the Standards, Procedures and Public Appointments Committee. I recognise that one of the stand-out points from the report is that the importance of a committee’s culture surpasses the importance of its structure. I know that from my experience on the Citizen Participation and Public Petitions Committee. I cannot speak for all its members, but I feel strongly that when we are in the committee room, we have a role to play in hearing the public’s voice and in the facilitation of that voice being heard, which is paramount.”
“Despite the fact that 80 per cent of the population live in or adjacent to the central belt, the meagre ration of £8.50 per person per day for food and travel is not going to cut it. Neither is the contribution towards reasonable accommodation for a stay of weeks within the vicinity of the neonatal intensive care unit.”
“That can skew the results towards city centres, and it ignores the difficulty in moving fragile newborns and will result in more of what we have seen in “Disclosure”. It is shocking that the Scottish Government chose to go with three units instead of a minimum of five, which would have at least kept things within the recommendations of the report. We must consider as inevitable the underresourcing of specialist neonatal units, because underresourcing has happened everywhere else in NHS Scotland. It is also inevitable that my constituents and many others will need to be transferred to Aberdeen, because that is where the spare capacity will be. That is a journey of 150 miles and at least three hours for mum and baby, and it is a 300-mile round trip for other family members.”
“It could have included Wishaw, to serve the families in the south-west, along with Ninewells hospital in Dundee, which would have served Fife and Perthshire, with a review after a period in order to evaluate the situation. That would have been a commonsense approach rather than the severe approach of downgrading from nine units to three. That irresponsible and cavalier approach is gambling with babies’ lives. The other problem is the metric that is used to determine where and how many specialist neonatal units are needed, which is to count the number of babies born before 27 weeks. Most babies born prior to 27 weeks come from emergencies and it is often unsafe to move a mum and baby, so they need to remain in whatever hospital they are already at.”
“That advice has been absolutely clear. Those involved were supported by Bliss, which is a UK-wide recognised charity for such matters. It is critically important that we are clear that this measure is about saving the lives of the sickest of babies and those who require the greatest intervention. That is why we are going through this process. The Deputy Presiding Officer: I can give you back the time for the intervention, Mr Russell. Davy Russell: Given that the recommendation in the “Best Start” report calls for between three and five units, it is a disgrace that the Scottish Government has chosen this way forward and opted for three.”
“All of that leads to the planned downgrade of Wishaw general hospital’s award-winning neonatal unit, as part of the reorganisation of nine specialist neonatal and maternity units, which will be replaced by three specialist units in Aberdeen, Edinburgh and Glasgow. I am not belittling the need for a specialist neonatal unit in Aberdeen, as there is a need for something in the north-east and in the Highlands and Islands, but recent data showed that Wishaw’s neonatal unit had the third- highest number of neonatal admissions, ahead of Aberdeen, and the second-highest cumulative number of days that babies spent on a respirator. Neil Gray: I want to provide reassurance to David Russell’s constituents, my constituents and other members’ constituents across the country that the design of the services has been recommended under clinical advice.”
“As we learned from the recent BBC “Disclosure” documentary, maternity and neonatal services in Scotland are lacking sufficient resources to meet the needs of families. I often hear from constituents that, once they are in the care of the NHS, they are blown away by the professionalism, dedication and passion that staff show. However, “Disclosure” highlighted cases in which women could not access the special care that they needed, whether it was women having to give birth in a four-person ward room or the utterly heartbreaking stories of women and babies dying partly because nursing and midwifery staff are not present in sufficient numbers, especially at night and at weekends. I will not be the first person to tell the Scottish Government that, like time and tide, babies wait for no man and do not appear just during working hours.”
“There is a challenge, because some of the theatres that are being used for reconstructive surgery are also being used for the first part of the treatment for people with cancer, ensuring that it gets done first. However, I am cognisant that reconstructive surgery for women with breast cancer is also part of their treatment journey and must be afforded timeously. That is why I am asking boards to consider all that they can do to ensure that it is done as fast as possible.”
“The survey highlights some mismanagement under the Scottish National Party Administration, which is no surprise to any of us. I have a constituent who received a double mastectomy in 2017 and is still awaiting reconstructive surgery in 2025. That is eight years of waiting, with one excuse after another and the Government resetting the clock on several occasions during the process. Does the minister agree that the creative accounting that has been applied to waiting lists is thoroughly letting my constituents down? Neil Gray: That is not what is happening. I want not just to sympathise and empathise, but to make sure that we provide the NHS capacity to allow the member’s constituent to be seen as quickly as possible. I have met other members—notably Dr Gulhane—with constituents who face the same issue.”
“I apologise for being a wee bit late at the start. To ask the Scottish Government what it is doing to support new farmers and crofters in South Lanarkshire. (S6O-05097)”
“We and our local authorities should take the banking that we do away from the banks that are doing this to our local communities. 13:11”
“I whole-heartedly join the calls made in this motion—that banks should be compelled to keep existing branches open and to serve the community that ultimately supported them when they were almost down and out. I also want to expose the fallacy that Link, the banks’ so-called independent assessor for these matters, is independent. Bank of Scotland cards say Link on them. In the discussions that I have had with Link, it has basically said, “I’ll need to get back to the bank.” When we speak to the bank, it says, “We’ll get back to Link.” They are all part of the same gang, and Link is just doing its bidding as instructed. Allowing banks to do as they wish should no longer be tolerated. We should use the powers that we have in the Scottish Parliament.”
“In 2008, we, the public—including all of us here— contributed to the £17 billion bailout. In addition, further loans were guaranteed for billions by the UK Government. There was a decision not to abandon them. However, they have abandoned us. They are abandoning Scotland’s high streets and semi-rural towns, putting shareholders and personal bonuses in front of long-standing customers. It is morally bankrupt. Clearly, the free rein that banks have enjoyed in being governed by the old boy network has gone on for far too long. Their power has been abused, as the banks cannot be counted on to act in the best interest of their customers or of the economy.”
“I sincerely thank Craig Hoy for bringing this matter to the chamber, because I agree 100 per cent with every word that he said. Among other towns across Scotland, Larkhall, in my constituency, will be losing its high street bank, to the detriment of thousands of constituents and hundreds of businesses. In my interactions with the Bank of Scotland and Link, I was disappointed by their lack of compassion and understanding. Even when I proved to them that their assessment was wrong, they just shrugged their shoulders. That loss will have the biggest impact on the most vulnerable in society, especially the elderly, who are most dependent on in-person services. Remember that, when the banks were on their knees, the Bank of Scotland understood perfectly what banks were—a necessity for the people.”
“To ask the Scottish Government what its position is on any potential impact of the recently reported decline in the number of computer studies teachers on employment in the technology and digital sectors. (S6O-05060)”
“However, as usual, we seem to be embedded in a firefighting approach, where our service delivers policies rather than heeding the old adage that prevention is better than cure. If we are not getting the basics of community health right, I am not convinced that my constituents are getting the sustainable health service that they deserve. 17:39”
“We need to move towards a health model that prioritises keeping our population healthy by focusing on prevention, early intervention, timely local assessments and treatment, access to therapies for those with mental health concerns, and early diagnosis of autism and attention deficit hyperactivity disorder, as well as help with educational issues around health, healthy eating and fitness. That all starts with better resourcing for local GP surgeries, not centralised hubs that might look better on paper but which do not work for real people. I would have loved to stand here and speak about the positive initiatives that Scotland should be at the heart of and leading the way on.”
“Across the country, patients are finding it impossible to speak with their general practitioners. Recently, in my constituency, it has become more difficult for patients—mostly senior members of the community—to get routine blood tests or even blood pressure readings, as they are pushed away from their local surgeries to a centralised service. Many elderly people now need to take two buses to get something that they could get round the corner and, particularly in poor weather, that is a ridiculous situation. Where is the thought for the patient? The bureaucrats make uncaring decisions based on what suits them, rather than the patient.”
“My inbox is creaking at the seams with messages from constituents who have been told that they are on a waiting list—12 months for a new hip, two years for cataract surgery and 18 months for a ganglion cyst that is making life torturous for the individual concerned. There is one woman who has waited seven years for reconstructive breast surgery after bravely undergoing a double mastectomy—it is truly heartbreaking. If we do not make profound reforms to our health service delivery model, we will not need to wait 50 years to see the problems that are described by the Scottish Fiscal Commission— they are chapping at our door now. We need to move away from the Scottish National Party’s national sickness service and return to a true national health service.”
“I thank Mr Brian Whittle for bringing the debate to the Parliament and I thank the Scottish Fiscal Commission for its report. As we are in the last six months before this session of Parliament is dissolved, it is a welcome reminder of the long-term implications of the work that the Parliament undertakes. Although the financial implications of demand for health services—bearing in mind the ageing population and lower birth rates—are critical, we must not forget that, when we see the old recipe of increasing demand on health services coupled with the lack of adequate financial planning, it is a recipe for disaster. It is not the service cuts that we see; it is the increasing waiting lists.”
“I join colleagues in calling for a tightening up of the guidance as well as a wider review of early learning and childcare provision. Meghan Gallacher: On a point of order, Presiding Officer. I should have mentioned in my opening speech that I sit on the Pregnant Then Screwed advisory board. I apologise for omitting that. The Deputy Presiding Officer: Thank you, Ms Gallacher. That will be on the record. 17:12”
“That should come at the right time for the child, not at the right time for the vague statutory guidance. There are difficulties with that— recruitment, to name but one—but that does not seem to hinder our European neighbours, who take the issue very seriously and seem to come up with solutions. All of that is before mentioning that 1,140 hours is not even equivalent to a full-time job. I know parents who are on reasonable incomes who find that it is not financially viable to work full-time because the current funded-childcare provision is so difficult, with a postcode lottery on various issues. We need action. I know that this is a complex issue with many parts. However, can we let common sense prevail and fix it?”
“Where local authorities can increase the eligibility for funded childcare, they are doing so, because there is a demand for it. We hear anecdotally about parents putting their careers on hold to have children, but we all know that the majority of those are women, and that there are long-term consequences for their career progression, salary, pension contributions and career fulfilment. That is to say that it is not just an economic issue but a social justice issue. Unequal nursery-place provision across local authorities also reflects the common attitude that nursery is simply childcare while parents are at work, when of course it is a solid pre-school foundation. It greatly helps the child’s development of language, physical development and socialisation by preparing them for the big day when they start primary school.”
“I thank Jamie Greene for bringing this important motion to the chamber. It has been an eye-opener to look into how local authorities differ in their interpretation of funded childcare. For obvious reasons, providing the statutory minimum of the term following a child’s third birthday is fairly common in the west of Scotland, as has been noted, while some authorities, including Glasgow City Council, offer funded places in essence from a child’s third birthday. My constituency in South Lanarkshire is somewhere in between, where there is potentially a huge delay between March and August each year. It is not just a postcode lottery; it is a birthday raffle, too, because provision basically depends on when a child is born.”
“I will vote in favour of the bill as a stepping stone towards something better, and I encourage all members to do the same. 20:57”
“As I said a couple of weeks ago in the chamber, Scotland has 250,000 homes with damp, mould and condensation issues. We have had amendments that relate to how quickly landlords can fix those issues, but the bill should have challenged the reasons why there are 250,000 damp and mouldy homes in the first place. I will close on this point. Post-first world war council house building was incredibly ambitious for the time, with revolutionary ideas—it seems strange to say this nowadays—such as indoor toilets for the working class. I believe that, in 2025, the Parliament of this country ought to be equally ambitious. That ambition should start with the idea that everybody should be able to afford to live somewhere that is warm, safe, dry and energy efficient. The bill combats some issues in the housing sector, but not the issues of housing.”
“For a young family who are looking to guarantee their future and for parents who are looking to help their child to take that big step on to the housing ladder, the bill does nothing. The bottom line is that there is a lack of affordable housing, which is putting strain on councils and registered social landlords alike and driving up rents. That is a key factor in the process. By and large, the most common complaint that I receive from constituents is from families who are stuck in housing that is too small for them. They might be in their parents’ house or their grandparents’ house. In some cases, they leave one of their older children to live with other members of the family. The bill does not solve that issue, but it should have had a plan for that.”
“The big problem with the bill is that, from its outset, it looked to address the symptoms that we see in our housing sector rather than the underlying problems. However, we must acknowledge that the bill will mean some relief for those who are at the sharp end of the rented sector. Clearly there has been too much uncertainty and confusion, as well as loopholes. The bill takes a few steps forward when it comes to evictions, succession to tenancies, the rights of pet owners and homelessness, to name but a few issues, so it has positive aspects. However, although the powers that it provides to introduce rent control areas may sometimes be necessary, they will not be sufficient to stem the tide of rising rents that are affecting the bottom end of the market.”
“The Scottish Government should take the UK Labour Government’s lead and embrace a Canadian-style procurement strategy that not only balances cost and value for money but ensures that partners invest in the local economy, upskill their workers, outsource to Scottish third-party organisations and generally ensure that the benefit of large-scale procurement is felt at home as much as possible and for as long as possible. I hope that every colleague here agrees with most of what I am saying. We have the utmost faith in the hard-working, inventive and industrious people of Scotland. After all, we are team Scotland. We have the resources and the players. We just need the manager—the Scottish Government—to get its act together. 13:07”
“Funded training and industrial placements, and secure, highly paid careers for those involved are the way forward. In addition, there could be increased protection from the globalist economy by ensuring that Scotland has the skills and political will to build its own ships and infrastructure. The Scottish Government might be happy with Chinese steel and buses, Turkish boats and Spanish firms running our power and trunk road networks, but when it comes to our workforce, that is not going to cut it anymore.”
“We are all aware that our NATO allies will be increasing their defence spending substantially during the next decade or so, which presents a major opportunity to our defence industry. With the right industrial strategy and defence contracts, the Scottish Government can embrace that growth area by enabling a suitably funded skills and training programme to rectify any gaps that exist. Sectors and industries throughout Scotland are all in the same position. Members are quite familiar with the lack of specialist tradesmen, technicians and engineers. A sturdy and steadfast industrial policy that could link up defence, green energy and house building—to name but a few— and their common need for highly skilled personnel would achieve more than the lacklustre approach that is being taken by the Scottish Government at present.”
“I thank my good friend and colleague Paul Sweeney for bringing this debate to Parliament. I welcome the news of the £10 billion deal to supply ships to our friend and ally Norway and to our Royal Navy, which will secure more than 2,000 well-paid jobs. The deal secures employment for the next decade and a half, restoring Glasgow’s shipyards to their place as the pride of the United Kingdom and Scotland. This is not only about economic windfall; it is about a show of confidence in the capabilities of our workforce. The Scottish Government must now do the same and show that it has confidence in Scotland’s shipbuilding industry by backing that up with a comprehensive shipbuilding strategy and placing direct orders of any future ships and ferries, and, ideally, that should be backed by a dynamic, aggressive industrial policy.”
“The risk to human life that is associated with having damp and mouldy conditions present in a family home is far too great to leave the protection of families to woolly legislation. Does the cabinet secretary seriously believe that it goes far enough? Màiri McAllan: To frame Davy Russell’s question in another way, I note that the 2023 Scottish house condition survey showed that 90 per cent of homes in Scotland were free from damp, condensation and mould. Do I think that that goes far enough? No. That is why, this week, we have confirmed that we will implement Awaab’s law, starting with damp and mould, across the private and social rented sectors from spring next year. Food Sector (International Exports) 5.”
“I take the issue of damp and mould extremely seriously, which is why I committed to bringing in Awaab’s law across the social and private rented sectors from March 2026. Davy Russell: The Scottish house condition survey, in its most recently published data, found that 10 per cent—that is, 250,000—of the homes in Scotland have damp and mould. For two decades, the issue has been actively monitored. As woeful as that situation is, it is not spread evenly across the population. Low-income families living in rented accommodation are often left to the whim of rogue landlords and big insurance companies, which all too often do not put the householder first. Their tactic is to ignore and delay and to put numerous hurdles in front of the householder so that, they hope, the householder either gives up or goes away.”
“To ask the Scottish Government, regarding its definition of what constitutes “substantial” damp and mould in a home, at what threshold such conditions are considered to require remedial action by social landlords. (S6O-04885) The Cabinet Secretary for Housing (Màiri McAllan): All homes in Scotland are required by law to meet the minimum tolerable standard, which requires housing to be “substantially free from rising or penetrating damp”. The Scottish Government developed guidance for local authorities on the tolerable standard, which includes guidance on assessing damp. Every case is different, and assessors are expected to use that guidance, as well as their professional judgment, to assess on a case-by-case basis whether a house is substantially free from damp.”
“I finish by congratulating, in particular, the young people who got us to this point—those in the Scottish Youth Parliament and those elsewhere who demanded change and forced us to deliver it. The bill provides major change. It delivers what young people and teachers have demanded. Tonight’s vote will be one of the most significant ones in this parliamentary session. The SQA’s abolition will get the headlines, but what is much more important is the far stronger organisation that we are putting in its place—one that will put the voices of young people and teachers at its heart from the start. 20:40”
“It would be honest to say that our current inspection system is not driving improvement. Inspectors often have a similar experience of life to that of the King, because everywhere that they go smells of wet paint. I propose that we move to a system of peer review. That could be done in different ways—we could have teachers who take a week or two out of school each year to take part in a peer review exercise with teachers from another school and another authority area, and we could have three or four-year secondments as career progression opportunities. That would mean that those who conducted inspections always had direct, recent experience of being in a classroom.”
“That poses a question for us: were teachers really overrewarding working-class young people in particular, or do we have an exam system that penalises those young people compared with their colleagues from more middle- class backgrounds? We have an opportunity to balance the system with more continuous assessment, which is a much more accurate reflection of young people’s knowledge and abilities. The proposals that Professor Hayward set out provide an opportunity to do that. They are bold, but they are exactly what we need. We have a 21st century curriculum in Scotland, and it deserves a 21st century qualifications system to match up with it. That is how we can meet the expectations that the OECD review, in particular, has put on us. I ask the chief inspector to be bold, too.”