Lloyd Melville
Scottish National Party · Scotland
“I thank Patrick Harvie for his generosity in taking an intervention. Like him, I condemn the violence that we have seen in Edinburgh and elsewhere. He might be aware that, in my constituency, fascist and far-right racist disinformation led to a riot on the streets of Arbroath, with police officers being targeted with violence.”
“I think that Reform members expected to arrive here full of drama, as an anti- establishment force to shake things up, but not a word of Reform’s motion would have been out of place in any Conservative Party motion in the past six years, and not a word of it would be out of place in a Times or Telegraph column.”
“It should come with buses that meet shifts, timetables that connect with trains and community transport where a fixed route cannot do the job. As a councillor, I was proud to help to secure a demand-led transport service for some of the smallest rural communities in Angus.”
“Scotland has already made important progress: free bus travel for young people has widened access to college, work and training; concessionary travel protects the freedom of older and disabled people; and new powers give councils more tools to shape services around local need. That is a record worth defending, but we must go further.”
“The test is not just about what the fare costs but about whether the bus fits the early shift, whether it connects with the train and whether it gets someone home again. That is especially important in rural and small-town Scotland. In many areas such as mine, people use cars because that is the only practical option.”
“I refer members to my entry in the register of members’ interests, which states that I am a sitting member of Angus Council. A bus fare is not just the price of a ticket. It can be the difference between a journey made and a journey missed.”
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“I think that Reform members expected to arrive here full of drama, as an anti- establishment force to shake things up, but not a word of Reform’s motion would have been out of place in any Conservative Party motion in the past six years, and not a word of it would be out of place in a Times or Telegraph column. It is as establishment as it gets. Being a low-energy populist is a bit like being a vegetarian vampire—it scares nobody and it will not even keep the audience entertained. I do not want Reform to succeed as a political party, because I think that its values are toxic, so I probably should not be in the business of offering it advice, but here it is anyway. If it wants to play the far-right populist card, it will need to do so with a bit of vim and verve—a bit of personality—which has been entirely lacking so far.”
“I thank Patrick Harvie for his generosity in taking an intervention. Like him, I condemn the violence that we have seen in Edinburgh and elsewhere. He might be aware that, in my constituency, fascist and far-right racist disinformation led to a riot on the streets of Arbroath, with police officers being targeted with violence. I am sure that he condemns that, as I do. Does he agree that everyone in the chamber needs to stand up against that type of disinformation? Patrick Harvie: I very strongly agree. I was not going to try to list every place where there have been riots, but I recognise the importance of the experience of Lloyd Melville’s community. I have urged the Government to develop a disinformation strategy. To be honest, the main thing that has surprised me about Reform since the election is how low key it has been.”
“The fare is the price of the journey, but the value of that journey is what it makes possible: a shift accepted; a hospital appointment kept; a grandparent visited. That is why action to make fares more affordable matters. It puts more money back into people’s pockets and shows a Government that is on the side of passengers. We should be proud of that. A £2 cap can make the fare fairer, but the next task is bigger: not just lower fares, but services that are built around people’s lives.”
“It should come with buses that meet shifts, timetables that connect with trains and community transport where a fixed route cannot do the job. As a councillor, I was proud to help to secure a demand-led transport service for some of the smallest rural communities in Angus. I have travelled on that service and spoken to the passengers who use it. The main phrase that stayed with me was that it “wrapped around” their lives. That is the point. Public transport works best when it fits people’s lives, instead of people being asked to fit their lives around a timetable that does not work for them. Demand-led transport is not the answer everywhere, but in communities where a traditional fixed route will never meet every need, it can be part of the answer. That reminds us what the debate is really about.”
“The test is not just about what the fare costs but about whether the bus fits the early shift, whether it connects with the train and whether it gets someone home again. That is especially important in rural and small-town Scotland. In many areas such as mine, people use cars because that is the only practical option. We should not lecture people out of cars when the bus does not meet the shift, the appointment or the last train home. We have to make public transport a real and practical choice. That requires action from Government, and it requires operators to not only consider passenger numbers and profit but properly listen to the views and needs of our communities. I associate myself with the comments of Mr Rennie in that regard. A £2 cap should not stand alone.”
“Scotland has already made important progress: free bus travel for young people has widened access to college, work and training; concessionary travel protects the freedom of older and disabled people; and new powers give councils more tools to shape services around local need. That is a record worth defending, but we must go further. For working-age adults on low incomes, people just outside existing eligibility and families counting every penny, a fare that is too high does not simply make travel dearer—it can make travel impossible. That is why a £2 cap matters. It gives people certainty before they take the job, book the appointment or visit family. However, price is only half of the promise. A cheaper ticket matters only if there is a bus that people can actually use.”
“I refer members to my entry in the register of members’ interests, which states that I am a sitting member of Angus Council. A bus fare is not just the price of a ticket. It can be the difference between a journey made and a journey missed. For the young worker in Arbroath travelling to Dundee, it might decide whether it is practical to take a job. For the mum in Glamis trying to reach an appointment in Kirriemuir, it is one more cost in a week already stretched. For the older person trying to stay connected, it can be the difference between being part of community life and being cut off from it. That is why fares matter. They are not only about the cost of travel; they are about the practical choices that people make.”
“To ask the Scottish Government what action it is taking to ensure that national health service boards take account of planned housing growth when assessing future demand for general practitioner, dental and other primary care services. (S7O- 00079)”
“I refer to my entry in the register of members’ interests, in that I am a sitting councillor on Angus Council. In recent days, the BBC has highlighted the long-standing issues with empty units on Arbroath high street, which is a key priority for my constituents. What steps is the Scottish Government taking to support Scotland’s high streets, including that in Arbroath, so that they can remain the thriving hearts of our communities?”
“Its outstanding building opened as far back as 1999, but it requires further investment to make it a more sustainable business model. I hope that we can hear a little bit from the minister about what we can do to support that consumption end of the pipeline in a very important sector for Scotland. 18:13”
“Mr Marra and I represent the north-east of Scotland, so we also represent the Chalmers cinema in Arbroath. Does he agree that it is incumbent on all of us who want Scotland's screen sector to progress to support independent cinemas by watching films there as often as possible? Michael Marra: I absolutely agree with Mr Melville, and he is right to highlight the cinema in Arbroath. I also point to the independent cinema in Montrose, which is supported by the local port authority on a sponsorship model; it helps to provide the facilities through the funding that it gives to the cinema. It is a critical hub for the community and for enjoyment. I note that Dundee Contemporary Arts—DCA— has ambitious plans for redevelopment, to build sustainability into its model as part of a longer-term redevelopment plan.”
“We must have not just a country of invention but a country of industry; not just firms that start here but firms that scale here; and not just wealth created in Scotland but wealth held in Scotland. That is how we will create the dynamic, growing economy that Scotland needs.”
“Of course, Scotland does not yet control every lever of the economy. When a £1.5 billion investment in wind turbine manufacturing can be blocked by the UK Government, we are reminded that even Scotland’s industrial opportunities depend on decisions taken elsewhere. Those limits are real, but limits must never become a habit of mind. Devolution gives us tools, but independence would give us the full toolbox. However, no one should mistake the constraints of devolution for an excuse to think small. With the powers that we have, we can put investment behind ambition, make public money work harder and turn buying power into economic strength. The future will not belong to the countries that simply host the transition. It will belong to the countries that build it, and Scotland must be one of them.”
“Government must also become a better first customer. The public sector buys billions of pounds-worth of goods and services every year, and that is not just administration but economic power. When the NHS buys technology, when councils retrofit homes or when public bodies invest in digital systems, we should all be asking how that helps a Scottish firm to prove itself. Every public pound should work twice—once to buy the service that we need and again to build the economy that we want. We must build the places where firms can grow. A company cannot expand without the space, homes for workers and planning and infrastructure to match its ambition. Ardersier, Nigg and Kishorn show what that means in practice: ports, power, land, skills and supply chains that are ready to receive investment and generate growth.”
“Scotland has the resource, the skills and the industrial inheritance to lead the next energy age, but turbines in Scottish waters are not the same as wealth in Scotland’s hands. If high-value work is designed, built and owned elsewhere, Scotland will have hosted the opportunity while others captured the prize. That is why Scotland needs the discipline to capture the economic opportunities ahead. We must make Scotland impossible for investors to ignore. Private capital does not move simply because politicians ask nicely; it moves when firms have customers, revenue and a clear route to growth. Public capital should help us to share risk, give confidence and put larger funds into Scottish deals and we should ask why more of Scotland’s long-term capital—such as that in pension funds— is not backing our long-term ambitions.”
“Scotland’s scale-up firms make up a small share of our business base but, together, employ almost a quarter of a million people and generate more than £60 billion in turnover, according to Scaleup Britain. Craig Hoy: Will the member take an intervention? Lloyd Melville: No, thank you. If we are serious about growth, we cannot ask only how many firms start here; we must ask how many grow here, decide here and build wealth here. A business that begins here in Scotland should not have to leave Scotland to become world-class, and Scotland should not settle for a future of insecure gig work while the real value is owned elsewhere. Growth must mean skilled jobs, secure work and industries rooted here in Scotland. The offshore wind industry shows what is at stake.”
“As the cabinet secretary set out, Scotland has never lacked ideas or ambition. We have world-class universities, skilled workers, energy, science, engineering and creativity. Across the country, people are building things of real value, so the question is not whether Scotland can create but whether Scotland can turn what we create into real growth. Countries that succeed do not leave growth to chance; they choose where they can lead, then build the markets, skills and industrial muscle to make it happen. That is how ideas become industries and ambition becomes national wealth. There is a quiet danger in our economy. Scotland could become a place where new ideas are born but not where their value is owned, a place where companies start and invention happens but where wealth moves elsewhere.”
“To ask the Scottish Government what action it is taking to support farmers, crofters and agricultural businesses in Angus South and throughout Scotland, in light of the reported rising input costs, pressure on farmgate prices, increased employer national insurance contributions and concerns regarding changes to agricultural property and business property relief. (S7O-00026)”
“My apologies, Presiding Officer. I pressed my button in error, thinking that I would have to do that for my general question later on. The Presiding Officer: I realise that everyone is finding their feet, including me. I remind members that they should only press their button if they want to ask a supplementary to the general question that has been asked. Alex Cole-Hamilton has a supplementary.”
“It appears that we are not the only ones who now think in that way, as London’s very own Nicola Sturgeon has fled Scotland’s higher-tax system for an easy life in the shadow of Westminster. We believe that lower and simpler taxes would reward work, encourage investment and make Scotland more competitive for businesses and skilled workers. That would generate more tax revenue for public services. Unlike the SNP, we want Scotland to lead the UK, not leave the UK. For us, that is more than just numbers on a spreadsheet. Alan Brown: On that point, will the member take an intervention?”
“Will the member take an intervention? Thomas Kerr: No. I am not interested in taking interventions. I have already took one from the cabinet secretary. Let me make some progress. That is why—[Interruption.] I appear to be rattling all the right people. I am enjoying this a lot, Deputy Presiding Officer. That is why Reform Scotland believes that we must make work pay again. Our policy is straightforward. We would scrap Scotland’s complicated six-band income tax system and align it with the three-band system elsewhere in the United Kingdom. We would then cut income tax rates to below those elsewhere in the UK, allowing workers to keep more of their hard-earned money.”
“That is how, together, we will renew the promise of the NHS: a public service that is free at the point of need and is strong enough to treat people when they are sick and bold enough to keep them well throughout their lives.”
“That means making sure that our bairns do not go hungry, that homes are warm, dry and safe, and that folk can afford food on the table and a roof over their heads. That is health policy, too. None of that removes the need to treat people who are waiting now. People need appointments, operations and emergency care. They need staff with time, buildings that are fit for purpose and systems that help rather than hinder. However, if we respond only once people have reached crisis, we will always be asking the NHS to do too much, too late. The serious answer is to move care, support and investment earlier—not away from the NHS, but into the services and policies that prevent people from reaching crisis in the first place.”
“As the cabinet secretary has said, the introduction of mental health triage cars in Fife, Glasgow, Dundee and Inverness has shown that a new approach can work, and our commitment to roll those out across Scotland is exactly the kind of shift that we need. That same principle should guide our longer- term health strategy. It is about providing help earlier and closer to home before problems become emergencies. However, prevention cannot stop at the door of the health service. If poverty makes people ill, tackling poverty is health policy. If cold homes make people ill, warm homes are health policy. If poor transport prevents someone from getting to an appointment, transport is health policy, too. The NHS treats illness, but a healthy society prevents it.”
“Early testing, treatment and pre- exposure prophylaxis—PreP—give us a clear route to zero new HIV transmissions. Together, the Parliament could be the one to deliver it. What a legacy that would be. As many other members have touched on, earlier help matters just as much when someone is struggling with their mental health. In my Angus South constituency, the Beacon in Arbroath is already showing what accessible walk-in support for young people can look like. My colleague Heather Anderson set out that, just over the border in Dundee, Hope Point is delivering vital support to anyone who needs it, 24 hours a day. I have seen at first hand the difference that those staff can make and I thank them for it. When someone is in a mental health crisis, they need care, and not a system that defaults to a police car or a hospital admission.”
“For the people who I represent, that means having another route to care, less pressure on existing services, and support before a problem escalates. Our aim should be simple: to have the right care in the right place at the right time. I know from my experience in Monifieth how much pharmacies already contribute to primary care in the community. When pharmacies are fully used, people can get care more quickly, closer to home and, often, without needing a GP appointment at all. That is not a second-best service. It is the NHS using the skills that are already present in our communities. There are not many moments in public health when a country can say that it has the tools to end transmission of a virus, but Scotland can say that about HIV.”
“That is why prevention must be at the centre of our healthcare strategy—I welcome the comments that have been made about that—not just in theory and not just somewhere down the line, but as the practical work of keeping people well, catching illness earlier and protecting the services that people rely on. That means having stronger general practice, because the first door into the NHS must be easier to reach. It means having hospital at home services, because the right care for some patients is not provided in a ward. It means having social care that helps people to leave hospital when they are ready, and it means having GP walk-in centres, because same-day help can prevent pressure from building into an emergency. I welcome the Government’s manifesto commitment to deliver a walk-in GP centre in Angus.”
“I start by welcoming the cabinet secretary’s statement and congratulate her, Maree Todd and Alison Thewliss on their new roles. Access to the NHS came up time and again on the doorsteps during the election campaign. People are rightly proud of the NHS and they value it deeply but, when they need care, they want it quickly, locally and without having to fight for an appointment. That is the test that we must meet. The future of the NHS will not be secured by hospitals alone. Hospitals matter, waiting times matter, and so do operations, diagnostics and emergency care. I thank all the staff who look after us all. As others have touched on, if the NHS reaches people only when illness has become a crisis, it has reached them too late.”
“I remind Lord Offord that his manifesto called for the end of all subsidies to the renewables sector. He is talking about deindustrialisation, so has he had a Damascene conversion or does he still believe that those workers and job opportunities should be put on the scrapheap? Malcolm Offord: I am delighted to answer that, because it will be the last minute of my speech and I have one minute left. We have had massive deindustrialisation, which has blighted our towns and communities across”
“We need the power to build a Scotland where, in the words of Hamish Henderson, “a’ the bairns o’ Adam can find breid, barley-bree and painted room.” However, we need not only poetry but a promise: a promise that Scotland’s wealth will serve everyone who makes Scotland their home; a promise that no one will be held back by poverty, insecurity or decisions made elsewhere; and a promise that this country can become what every good home should be—a place of safety, dignity, opportunity and hope, where we can live well with our neighbours on our shared islands. That is the ambition that we carry and the future that we must deliver. The Deputy Presiding Officer: I call Patricia Gibson for their first speech. 15:11”
“Why is it that Scotland produces the power but too often sees the wealth flow elsewhere? The answer is not that Scotland does not have the resources, skills or ambition. The answer is that we are denied the power to use them. Our wealth is extracted. Our workers are discarded. Our people are told that their wishes do not matter. Scotland can do better than that, and Scotland should not need permission to do better than that. That is why we must have a fresh choice on independence—not because of identity, history or for its own sake, but to improve the lives of the people who live here. That is what this debate is about: power with a purpose.”
“A country with our talent, our resources and our energy should be able to give its people security and opportunity. However, under Westminster, Scotland is too often left doing more with less—paying higher bills on our own energy, watching wealth leave our shores while communities are told to wait and being forced to fit our ambition to choices made elsewhere. That cannot be as good as it gets for Scotland. That cannot be the limit of our ambitions for our country. Independence is not only a slogan; it is the power to put Scotland’s wealth to work for Scotland’s people. Why is it that pensioners in Glen Isla cannot heat their homes in an energy- rich nation? Why is it that people in Arbroath can look out their windows at turbines in the North Sea yet still face bills that they cannot afford?”
“In our towns, villages and glens, I have listened to people tell me about what they worry about, what they hope for and what they want Scotland to become. What people told me was clear: they want a Government that understands daily life, that is focused on improving it and that has an ambition that matches their own. That is exactly what this SNP Government will be—a Government that understands that ambition is not a word in a motion, but what people are trying to build at home, at work and in their communities. It is in the business that is able to grow, in the farm that is able to keep producing, in the family that is able to pay the bills and in the young person who can look at Scotland and see a future that is as ambitious as they are. That should not be beyond us.”
“It begins with young people being able to get to university without getting into tens of thousands of pounds of debt. Our ambition for Scotland should match the talent, wealth and energy of Scotland itself. That means no longer accepting a system in which our resources are abundant but our powers are limited, and in which our people are ambitious but our choices are constrained. The mandate given to this Parliament is not just to talk about ambition but to act on it, in people’s lives here and now. However, a mandate is not just a number on a chart or a line in a motion. It is built from conversations—on doorsteps, on high streets and in schools, community halls and homes across the country. Over the past year, I have spoken to thousands of people across Angus South.”
“This Parliament was an ambition once, too—the ambition to bring power closer to home. People campaigned for it, argued for it, marched for it and voted for it. Now it is here—in the words of the late Winnie Ewing, “a Parliament we can build a dream on”.—[Official Report, 12 May 1999; c 6.] I have not known a Scotland without this place. That is a privilege for me, but it is also a responsibility to ensure that this Parliament lives up to the ambition of those who fought to bring it into being. When we talk about ambition, we so often talk about the destination—the Scotland that we want our children and grandchildren to inherit. However, ambition does not begin at the destination. It begins with bairns waking up for school, looking forward to another day of learning. It begins with parents working hard to give their family a better life.”
“It is a privilege to make my first speech in this debate. I will start, as others have done, by thanking my predecessors—Graeme Dey and, of course, the late Andrew Welsh—who were both formidable voices for their communities and for Scotland. As Angus South’s MSP, it is a real honour for me to represent the beautiful, diverse communities that I know and love. My pledge is to always put my constituents’ voices at the heart of everything that I do in this place. This debate is about ambition, and ambition begins at home. Members may know that the declaration of Arbroath was written and sealed in my constituency. It was a statement of Scotland’s nationhood but also of Scotland’s confidence—of the belief that this country had the right to determine its own future.”
“I, Lloyd Alexander Melville, do solemnly, sincerely and truly declare and affirm, that I will be faithful and bear true allegiance to His Majesty King Charles, his heirs and successors, according to law.”