Claire Baker
Scottish Labour · Scotland
“Motion, as amended, agreed to, That the Parliament condemns xenophobia, racism and hatred in society, including recent instances of intimidation, violence and disorder; further condemns the actions and language of those who seek to stoke such sentiments and division; agrees that such beliefs and actions do not reflect those of the vast ma…”
“The UK Government has updated its planning policy, and there is a clear strategic approach to where data centres are sited, which is what members are calling for in Scotland. On the question around environmental impact assessments, at the moment, it is not mandatory for local authorities to carry out such assessments.”
“The Presiding Officer: The next question is, that motion S7M-00461, in the name of Neil Gray, on the National Security (State Threats) Bill, which is United Kingdom legislation, be agreed to. Are we agreed? Members: No. The Presiding Officer: There will be a division. Please cast your votes now. The vote is closed.”
“We need to be clear that climate change is an emergency that affects communities across the world and increasingly here in Scotland. We are seeing more extreme weather events, increased flooding, risks to biodiversity, pressures on food production, and growing risks to public health and infrastructure.”
“The Scottish National Party Government will go even further, putting in place the £2 bus fare cap across the whole of Scotland by the end of this session of Parliament. Climate action is improving the quality of our lives.”
“As I have made clear, collectively across the Parliament, we have agreed that we need to make progress on the targets, which are also legally binding by an agreement made here, and the committees have an important role to play. However, ultimately, the Government has to show leadership on the issue.”
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Every one of 360 lines we hold for Claire Baker, in date order, each linked to its source. Free to read, in full, without an account. Page 2 of 8.
“I apologise for forgetting to put my card in. I thank the cabinet secretary for advance sight of the statement and for the accompanying documents. The Child Poverty (Scotland) Act 2017 put a legal requirement on the Scottish ministers to meet the 2030 target. The Scottish Government was committed to meeting the target, regardless of international events or decisions made at UK level. There were no conditions attached to that target. Last year, it was confirmed that the interim target had been missed, after many warnings that that would happen. Although any reduction in child poverty is to be welcomed, the reality is that there will be a reduction of 1 per cent in 20 years in relative child poverty. Given the lack of progress in the past 10 years, does the cabinet secretary believe that meeting the 2030 target is still credible?”
“I believe that they are considering the options very carefully, and I have committed to them that they can come to me with options to be considered and I will consider each of them and what the Scottish Government might be able to do to provide support.”
“Is the cabinet secretary able to give any indication of whether financial support will be available for Fife Council or a housing association, if it is needed, to facilitate the purchase of those properties? Màiri McAllan: The situation that has emerged and the background to it are regrettable. My heart goes out to the tenants who are affected by it. I understand that many of them have been in that area for a very long time and that it is a very close- knit community. None of us would want to see that disrupted. That is why I have sought updates from Fife Council officers on this matter since the moment that it arose.”
“I have committed to Fife Council that I will remain engaged with it as it supports the affected tenants and as it considers what options might be available, and it intends to report to me on those options. Claire Baker: In 2007, Wemyss estates disposed of properties in Coaltown of Wemyss. After a focused campaign, along with support from the Scottish Government, the properties were eventually sold to Kingdom Housing Association, which resulted in continued tenancies. Does the cabinet secretary share my disappointment that that option was not pursued on this occasion and that, instead, the properties were sold to the private company Torah Capital, which has subsequently issued eviction notices?”
“To ask the Scottish Government whether it will provide an update on any recent discussions it has had with Fife Council regarding a solution for households in West Wemyss and Denbeath that were issued with eviction notices, following the sale of their tenanted properties by Wemyss estate to Torah Capital last year. (S6O-05608) The Cabinet Secretary for Housing (Màiri McAllan): I understand that this is a very difficult time for those who are affected, and I am concerned about the significant impact that could arise for them and their community. I am being updated by officers from Fife Council, and I met them and the council leader on 11 February. I also met David Torrance, the constituency MSP, on 29 January.”
“Will the cabinet secretary clarify how many families in Scotland are impacted by the benefit cap? One of the main drivers is high rents, and most of the people who are affected by it are concentrated in the south of England. Shirley-Anne Somerville: One of the issues that particularly impact people with high rents is the freezing of the local housing allowance by the UK Government. That is another area where the Scottish Government is having to do the UK Government’s job for it and support people to keep them in their homes. We are doing that alongside our mitigation of the bedroom tax, which, again, the UK Labour Government has decided to keep. New-build Housing (Adaptations) 5.”
“Community organisations should be enabled, not hindered, in their work, and they should be able to dedicate the funds that they raise to community benefit, not to the bolstering of bank profits. 17:58”
“The UK Government has responsibility for banking regulation, and I believe that it should engage directly with banks—not to ask them, but to require them to provide protected, fee-free basic accounts for registered charities and small not-for-profit groups. The UK Government should ensure that conditions linked to past or on-going public shareholdings reflect the need for a social obligation on the part of banks. In addition, the Financial Conduct Authority could review whether the cumulative impact of charges and branch closures—as has been mentioned—is creating barriers to fair access to essential banking services for the third sector, and it could consider producing guidance that recognises the distinct nature of micro-charities and volunteer-run groups. Those are practical steps that I believe should be taken.”
“On that basis, it is entirely reasonable to question whether it is appropriate for those same institutions to seek to recoup revenue from the very community organisations that hold our social fabric together and the very communities that funded the stabilisation of the banks almost two decades ago. We should be looking for social return from the banks. Jackie Dunbar made the reasonable point that it should not be too much to ask that banks provide that form of social return. I agree with that, but I think, more fundamentally, that they should be told to provide it. We can cast it as a moral obligation, as Mercedes Villalba and Liam Kerr did in their exchange, but there are practical steps that can and should be considered.”
“Jamie Hepburn: I am not sure that I would have given way if I had known that the member’s intervention was going to be an advert for the Co- operative Party, but I take her point. Banking hubs have an enormous role to play, and I was very pleased to see that Kilsyth will be getting such a hub in due course. I want to pick up on a point that has been made in the debate. Jackie Dunbar’s motion refers to the circumstances in 2008 when public funds were used on what was an unprecedented scale to stabilise the banking system. Taxpayers stepped in to protect financial institutions and the wider economy.”
“Will the member give way? Jamie Hepburn: Yes, of course. Claire Baker: I just want to point out that, while I completely agree that we should be critical of the banks that apply these charges to local groups that do so much work, we should recognise that some banks do not do so. At this point, I should say that I am a Co-operative Party member. My understanding is that the Co-operative Party runs a banking system that does not charge fees for charities. We have also seen the expansion of banking hubs to make it easier for local groups to access banking where there is a shortage of branches, which helps them to access a variety of different types of account. The Deputy Presiding Officer: I can give you the time back, Mr Hepburn.”
“I hope that that gives assurance on the points that Claire Baker has rightly raised.”
“However, it is important that we have an understanding of the evidence base. As I said in my statement, as the Education, Children and Young People Committee heard this morning, and as continues to be the case, the evidence base on this issue is disjointed in some areas, and the ways in which organisations record some of this type of behaviour and criminality is not consistent across the board. The work of the inspectorates is fundamental in that regard, but, in response to Claire Baker’s point, the terms of reference are also key. As I set out in my statement, the Scottish child abuse inquiry also has a locus with regard to historical cases, so we need to develop terms of reference that respect the Scottish child abuse inquiry and do not in any way overlap with its responsibilities. We will continue to work with Alexis Jay on that.”
“Inquiries are often held after an event. However, the cabinet secretary said in her statement that this inquiry will focus on the potential prevalence of group-based abuse now and in the more recent past. How will the inquiry manage reports of abuse that is happening now? Our lack of understanding of the extent of the problem feeds into whether the abuse is historical or whether it is happening now in Scotland. Jenny Gilruth: Claire Baker raises a hugely important point. To my mind, we will have to identify and respond to those issues through the terms of reference that we will develop with Professor Alexis Jay. We have heard media reports about a variety of issues in recent times. I am loth to raise any individual cases in the chamber—I would not do that as cabinet secretary.”
“Our focus now needs to be on providing certainty, co-ordination and opportunities for the workers of Mossmorran and on ensuring that commitments to a just transition are delivered in practice. 16:40”
“The loss of high- value jobs is a significant blow, but that blow might have been mitigated by better planning for those workers’ futures. By lacking a transition plan, the Scottish Government has broken and not acted to fulfil the commitment that it made to workers at Mossmorran. Fife Council is doing work regarding the supply chain and the potential impact that the closure will have on the local high streets and communities. We should work with local employers to maximise opportunities for skills and apprenticeships. Having recently visited the Navantia yard in Methil, for which the UK Government did a huge amount of work to ensure that it stayed open, I know that some workers have taken up opportunities there.”
“It means aligning environmental ambition with industrial strategy and putting workers first. The task force is now developing a master plan for the site, which should inform any future funding and economic support, including the £9 million over three years from the Scottish Government and the forthcoming support from the UK Government. We should maximise opportunities for apprenticeships, retraining and new investment, so that the skills that have been built in Fife are not lost. This moment demands seriousness from both Governments. The UK Government acted quickly and responsibly. It engaged with ExxonMobil for months ahead of the closure, but, despite its best efforts, there was no viable option for securing a long-term future for the site. The warning signs were clear to see. That is why a just transition plan was needed.”
“That is tangible support for skilled workers. Fife College has already stepped up by engaging quickly to support affected workers, many of whom trained locally and built their careers at Mossmorran. I recognise the cabinet secretary’s announcement of accelerated funding in that area. Fife Council is assessing supply chain impacts and the consequences for local high streets. That matters in communities such as Cowdenbeath, Lochgelly and Kelty, where Mossmorran wages supported families and sustained local businesses. Fife knows all too well the cost of industrial decline without a plan. Too many communities were scarred by the closure of coal mines without adequate transition or investment. We cannot repeat that mistake. A just transition means planning ahead, not scrambling after the fact.”
“Instead, we had a reactive response to an unmanaged collapse. That is not what a just transition should look like. I am pleased that both Governments are clear that their focus is on supporting the workforce and that, through the task force, they are working to manage and oversee the local response. Immediately after the closure was announced, support was committed through the DWP’s rapid response service, which will help workers into new jobs. Bringing together Fife Council, both Governments, trade unions, Fife College, local businesses and community organisations in the task force is the right approach. It is co-ordinated, practical and focused on delivery. Our amendment recognises and welcomes the task force and “the commitment that workers will be guaranteed interviews at the UK Government-backed Grangemouth cracker”.”
“The company extracted decades of productivity and profit from Fife, but, when the asset no longer suited its global portfolio, it walked away. We should be clear on where responsibility for the decision lies. However, we should also be honest about the context. The Mossmorran plant is more than 40 years old—twice its intended lifespan—and the wider chemicals sector is facing significant global pressure. There were indicators as to what was coming: there were contractor redundancies over the summer, press reports suggesting that the site was up for sale and long-standing concerns about the plant’s future viability. The Scottish Government had committed to delivering a just transition for Mossmorran, but, when the closure was announced, no transition plan was in place for the workforce.”
“It will be regrettable if this debate becomes a proxy argument about oil and gas policies, about the efficacy of the action that is taken to tackle climate change or about blaming either Government for the situation. My focus, and the focus of the Parliament, must be on the workers affected by the closure of the plant at Mossmorran—more than 300 people will no longer be employed at the site come April—and on the wider impact on families, supply chains and communities in Fife and across Scotland. The decision to close Mossmorran was taken by ExxonMobil. It was a commercial decision by a multinational corporation that, only days before the announcement, reported distributing more than £27 billion to shareholders.”
“The cabinet secretary will be aware of the horrendous case of Rab Thomson, who was jailed for life in 2008 for murdering two of his children at their home in Buckhaven. More than 1,000 people have supported a petition to change the process of eligibility for parole, which would limit applications in extreme cases. Is the Scottish Government giving consideration to changes to such eligibility? Angela Constance: As the member may be aware, a consultation on parole was carried out at the end of last year. There were, in essence, two parts to it: one was about the efficiency of the parole system and how it supports progression, and the other was about how victims can relate to the parole process. We are currently analysing responses to that important consultation.”
“To ask the Scottish Government how it is working with local and national bodies to maximise the cultural and economic potential of the Adam Smith heritage in Kirkcaldy. (S6O-05516)”
“It is about prevention and enforcement, knowing who the repeat offenders are and knowing the young people who might be diverted from trouble. We must also look beyond policing to improve the justice system, so that officers are not tied up in court for extended periods, and ensure that our mental health services have the capacity to respond effectively, so that responsibility does not always fall on police officers. Our police officers work extremely hard. They want to be out in communities, preventing crime and keeping people safe. We owe it to them and to the public to make sure that that is where their time is spent. 16:37”
“Good local work is taking place, but police simply do not have the capacity to respond as quickly or as consistently as they would like, leaving people who report those activities frustrated at a perceived lack of response. Community policing—where officers are embedded in their wards, know the people in those places and work with partners to intervene early— is one of the most effective tools that we have to reduce harm before it escalates. A new divisional commander, John Anderson, recently took up post in Fife. He has spoken of the shift to an operating model that moves away “from reactive policing to prevention and problem solving”. Having dedicated community and crime prevention officers would make that shift. Community policing works when officers are visible, accessible and able to act early.”
“It is no comfort to victims to be told that a crime is low level when it affects their livelihood and contributes to a wider sense of disorder. I am a member of the Union of Shop, Distributive and Allied Workers, and during USDAW’s freedom from fear week, I spoke to retail workers in my local co-operative and heard about the daily challenges that they face. In Mid Scotland and Fife, there is also the long- standing issue of off-road bikes and quad bikes, which I have raised many times with the Government. The vehicles are used in ways that threaten pedestrians, intimidate families in their local parks and disrupt daily life. Unfortunately, that is a persistent issue in Fife, and it has recently been raised with me again in Methil.”
“In 2024, Chief Superintendent Derek McEwan, former divisional commander of Fife, said to local councillors that most of the work was now non-crime related. Every hour that is spent on such duties is an hour not spent on preventing crime, building relationships or reassuring communities. I hear regularly from constituents about persistent antisocial behaviour, including in bus stations, on high streets and in parks. Local community safety partnerships are working hard with Police Scotland, but the scale of demand remains acute. Vandalism, deliberate fires and hostile behaviour are not minor nuisances but the daily lived reality for many families and businesses, and they come with clean-up and repair costs. Shoplifting and retail theft are another source of concern. They have a particular impact on small and local retailers.”
“We know that officer numbers have fallen and that in many areas stations have been closed or had their hours restricted, eroding the visible local footprint that is a key part of community reassurance and confidence in policing. The reality is that reductions have fallen hardest on local divisions, leaving fewer officers available for front-line roles. Although benefits from the centralisation of policing exist, we cannot ignore the impact on people’s confidence and on the prevention of crime. Officers are expected to cover far more than core policing work. They respond to mental health crises, spend hours in A and E— because other services are simply not available— and backfill gaps that are caused by systematic delays elsewhere in our justice and health systems.”
“We know that people want to feel safe in their communities. They want to know that, when they call the police, they will come, and they want visible officers on their streets who know their neighbourhoods, know the issues and can act early to prevent harm. When people tell us that they no longer feel comfortable walking after dark, and when surveys show that the sense of safety is at its lowest recorded level, we must listen. The issues that are raised in our motion today are the concerns that people are bringing to us: local shops are being repeatedly targeted; parks and community centres are being damaged by vandalism; and there is a sense that visible policing in their communities has thinned out.”
“When he talked about the censorship of his film, the director wondered whether a society with cultural sensitivity could be suppressing discussion or recognition of those issues. The lack of women in politics contributes to the lack of discussion and awareness of issues that impact directly on women and girls. Bhutan is not alone in its underrepresentation of women in politics, and I was encouraged that the challenge has been recognised. This is a short debate, and it is not possible to discuss the range of shared opportunities and learning exchanges that exist for Scotland and Bhutan, but I hope that today will be the start of a relationship that this Parliament and Government may wish to explore fully. 18:45”
“An economic model that is built around co- operatives would also have the benefit of strengthening democracy by encouraging people to engage more directly in their future, and it would increase knowledge of democratic structures. I will finish on a more serious note, as our trip did. The Bhutanese Parliament is predominantly male, and women are underrepresented. We had a number of discussions about barriers to women’s participation, including the perception of politics, caring responsibilities, language issues and the level of education that is required to be a parliamentarian. A screening of the film “The Red Phallus” on our last evening raised questions about sexual violence in silence. It raised questions about how a socially conservative society deals with sexual violence and child abuse.”
“We have faced similar challenges with Gaelic, and we could share our experiences of measures that we have taken to sustain that language. Michelle Thomson talked about the Bhutanese economy and the gross national happiness index. We had excellent engagement with entrepreneurs and the Loden Foundation, which encourages and supports entrepreneurship. As well as being a Labour MSP, I am a Co-operative Party MSP, and I note that Bhutan could benefit from engagement with co-operative, mutual and social enterprise models. I think that those models are a good match with the values of Bhutan, and they would have the benefit of empowering employees and giving them a stake in businesses.”
“Although the national language, Dzongkha, must be spoken in Parliament and in films, children in school are taught in English and they increasingly consume English-language media. The ability to speak English is very high, and it is important to the Bhutanese economy. The expectation is that children will learn to speak Dzongkha at home. However, I am aware of the risk of losing it as a spoken language. Sonam Nyenda shared concerns with us not only about the extent to which English is spoken, but about the fact that its phrasing and expressions are very different from those of the official language, which is diluting understanding. I would be concerned that the daily use of native languages could diminish quite quickly in the next generation.”
“In some ways, that echoes the early ideals of the Scottish Parliament, which has, however, developed into a more oppositional Parliament. Although the co-operation in Bhutan is positive, it does raise questions about scrutiny and transparency, and the prominent role of the king in the political system further complicates the issue of scrutiny in decision making. However, we must be careful, because it can be too easy for us to forget that this is a very new democracy, and it is not one that the population particularly called for. The first democratic elections were held in 2008, and that process was driven by the monarchy. I had several discussions about Bhutanese languages, recognising that there is more than one. There are reportedly two dozen languages spoken in Bhutan.”
“I note that, although Kenneth Gibson said that other colleagues plodded up to the Tiger’s Nest, I reached it more quickly than anybody else. [Laughter.] With the help of donkeys and ponies, I got to the top. Bhutan is a largely Buddhist country, and faith is at the centre of its society and its politics. In comparison with the UK, the economy is narrowly focused, and tourism plays an important part. Most visitors come from India, and Bhutan applies a substantial daily visitor levy as a means of fostering sustainable tourism, which helps to protect its natural environment. Our meeting with the leader of the Opposition of the National Assembly of Bhutan was fascinating. The high levels of integration and co-operation between the two parties lead to government by consensus.”
“I thank Michelle Thomson for securing this evening’s debate and for her excellent introduction to our discussion. I, too, welcome our guests to the gallery, both of whom were so central to our positive experience. Opportunities for back-bench MSPs to engage with parliamentarians from other countries and take part in cultural and economic exchanges are not particularly frequent, and I thank the Tam O’Shanter Trust for taking a delegation of MSPs to Bhutan last year. I was very fortunate to be part of that experience. Bhutan is a fascinating country. It is breathtakingly beautiful, with clear rivers and spectacular mountain ranges. If you hike high enough, you can see the Himalayas. You can also see what is the world’s highest unclimbed mountain, as there is a height restriction on hiking in Bhutan.”
“If, at the next stages, work could be done on definitions and the management of practical impacts, it could deliver strong safeguards for children while supporting staff. For those reasons, I support the bill’s principles and its progression. 15:25”
“The recording of incidents and the provision of high-quality training in physical intervention for teachers are important measures. We know that part of the reason for the bill was the inconsistency that exists across local authorities in recording and communication. The guidance in this area would need to ensure a balance between consistency and practicality. My colleague Daniel Johnson has been clear that not everyone in the profession would require training in physical intervention. The bill would require the Scottish Government to publish statutory guidance on the training of staff— something that has already been done on a non- statutory basis—and for it to maintain an up-to- date list of approved training providers. The bill is all about achieving clarity, consistency and child protection.”
“It is always worth underlining the vital role that teachers and their educational staff play, and the consequences for individuals in the teaching profession of the increasing workload demands that they continue to face. The lack of sufficient time, staffing and resources in teaching is a recurring issue that is much broader in scope than that of the bill. We know that investment in education is needed. I accept that the legislation could introduce some additional workload on recording and reporting requirements, but there seems to be an acknowledgement that that is necessary and achievable. Wider failures in resourcing education cannot be used as a reason for avoiding necessary reform of pupil safeguarding measures.”
“To be clear, placing existing guidance on a statutory footing is about achieving consistency, clarity and accountability, so that the guidance is consistent across local authorities, is clear to pupils, teachers and parents, and is in line with the promotion of positive relationships and behaviour and of early intervention. The bill aims to underline the preventative approach while providing clarity around processes that should be followed. All those principles are already in the current guidance. The impacts of additional training and the recording of incidents have also been highlighted, including the implications for workload and training for staff who are already under significant pressure.”
“Some teachers in my region have raised practical concerns, particularly around unintended consequences and staff confidence. They are right to highlight the pressures that the profession already faces. The EIS is clear that restraint and seclusion should be measures of last resort. It is concerned that proposals to introduce statutory guidance could negatively impact the need for open discussion of intervention, which could lead to a culture of fear and anxiety for teachers and staff who are worried about potential consequences.”
“However, I note that the Education, Children and Young People Committee has scrutinised the bill and is in unanimous support of its general principles. I also welcome the briefing from the Children and Young People’s Commissioner Scotland, which sets out its support in line with the UN’s recommendations. I know that the member in charge of the bill has indicated that he will be happy to work with the Scottish Government and others to reach agreement on a definition of “restraint” that is suitable without encompassing everyday interactions. I also welcome the fact that work is being undertaken to develop a human rights law- compatible definition that would apply across education, care and health service settings, so that we can ensure a consistent legal framework.”
“The background to the bill has been well set out this afternoon by Daniel Johnson, and I congratulate him on its reaching stage 1. The issue of restraint and seclusion has been a topic of discussion for some time. Like other members, I have met parents and campaigners and heard why they feel that legislation is necessary. I have listened to their concerns about incidents of inappropriate restraint, and I recognise that many of them have shared personal and upsetting stories of their children’s distress in order to inform the bill’s progress. As Daniel Johnson did, I acknowledge the roles of Beth Morrison and Calum, who represented other families and their children in the pursuit of this legislation. I recognise that some people, including in the teaching profession, have concerns about the bill, which I will come on to.”
“However, following the SPCB Supported Bodies Landscape Review Committee’s report, the majority of the committee members were not convinced that the criteria had been met. In conclusion, I support the progress of the bill to stage 2 and believe that the issues that have been raised can be addressed through amendments and further discussion. However, if that is not to happen, what is the alternative? Weaknesses have been identified. I am not confident that the committee as a whole is convinced that any alternatives that are on offer at the moment will meet the bill’s admirable aims. 15:07”
“The committee also recognised the lack of policy coherence across public bodies. Although the majority of the committee members were not convinced that the bill is the answer, they did say that it is unclear how the Scottish Government intends to address the issue. There was a general lack of confidence in the national policy framework, and the need was expressed for a review of the framework to provide clarity and drive forward the agenda. With regard to the creation of the role of a commissioner, Sarah Boyack could hardly have chosen a worse time to reach stage 1 with this bill. There was widespread support from witnesses for the idea that a commissioner would be a positive addition, with the role being described as an opportunity to drive forward the aims of the bill, shift institutional behaviours and foster joined-up thinking.”
“The Scottish Government argued that the national performance framework, which is currently under review, will deliver similar aims to the bill, and shared the view of other witnesses that the bill did not add value to existing plans. However, alternative views returned to the frustration at the lack of “clear statutory duties linked to a shared long-term vision”, as described by Dr Max French, co-author of the Carnegie UK options paper for Scotland, which was co-commissioned by Oxfam Scotland, Scotland’s International Development Alliance and the Wellbeing Economy Alliance Scotland. Although the majority of the committee members did not support the bill, they did, throughout the report, recognise the weaknesses in the current policy framework and call for the duty in the Community Empowerment (Scotland) Act 2015 to be strengthened.”
“There was a discussion about the definition of a public body, the definition of “due regard” and whether it was strong enough, how the outcomes would be measured and how the statutory definitions of wellbeing and sustainable development could be agreed and understood. Sarah Boyack argued that some of those definitions were already in use and understood, that the role of the commissioner would support those definitions, and that they would have investigative powers that could be used to improve accountability and compliance. There was a lot of discussion about how the bill would relate to a host of existing public sector duties and whether it would complement or duplicate them.”
“That is for the benefit of all communities that will be impacted by the journey to net zero, to increase the positive impact of that change and to shift the focus away from short-termism to embedding a direction and policies that go beyond the electoral cycle and focus on future generations. Public Health Scotland described the bill as a golden opportunity to place wellbeing and sustainable development at the centre of everything that the public sector does, saying that it would assist the necessary move away from short-termism to long-term thinking. Once the committee got into the detail, several issues were raised and explored. Definitions became a thorny issue.”
“The summary of consultation responses shows that 92 per cent supported the proposals, with 78 per cent of those expressing full support. Many respondents stated that the key reason for support was the establishment of a commissioner post, and Wales was often given as a positive example of what can be achieved through the creation of such a post. The bill has an ambitious aim. It recognises that, although progress has been made towards Scotland meeting its climate change targets, much more needs to be done in embedding sustainable development and wellbeing at the heart of things.”
“I became a member of the Social Justice and Social Security Committee just before Christmas, so, although I was a member when the report was agreed, I was not involved in the committee’s evidence sessions. Thankfully, the stage 1 report provides an exploration of the arguments and the views expressed, so I feel that I can provide comments on the member’s bill and the committee’s work. Sarah Boyack has outlined the twisty tale that has brought us to this point. Her description of false starts, assurances given but not delivered, and the Government’s rollback on legislation in this area encapsulates her frustration at the likely outcome today. She has shown commitment to the proposal in the bill, outlining forcefully why it is the right course of action, and she has been tenacious in her pursuit of it.”