Jamie Greene
Scottish Liberal Democrats · Scotland
“In reality, our end-of-life choices are not always truly choices—do not resuscitate, nil by mouth, morphine, let nature take its course—but the one thing I cannot get out of my head is this: what if? What if palliative care can do nothing more for me? What if, in excruciating pain, I lose my dignity and control?”
“If we vote against the bill and it falls, I believe that I would wake up tomorrow and regret it, and I think that others in the chamber might, too. I could not look someone in their eyes in their dying days and tell them that I denied them that choice. I will sum up in the words of Diane, who wrote to us all on Saturday afternoon.”
“I think that I sit somewhere in the middle, because there is always risk when making law. Our task is to weigh up that risk and mitigate it where we can. No bill is perfect, so the question we must ask ourselves is not an abstract one. If I or someone I love want that choice at the end, will it be there?”
“I thank Lorna Slater for that speech—that was beautiful. I think that, tonight, we have heard some of the most profound and powerful speeches I have ever heard in this place, and I thank all members for that.”
“I fear a painful death more than death itself, so the dilemma that I have grappled with is simple. God forbid the day ever comes when I need that choice, but would I rather it was there or not? Members must ask themselves the same question—there or not? If I want that choice at the very end, I must offer that choice to others.”
“Can Stephen Kerr elicit which parts of the bill, as amended to date, relate to reserved matters? My understanding is that those have all been removed from the bill. If he could point to some such parts of the bill, I would be grateful. Stephen Kerr: I accept what Jamie Greene is saying. I am speaking to amendment 249.”
The complete record
Every one of 457 lines we hold for Jamie Greene, in date order, each linked to its source. Free to read, in full, without an account. Page 9 of 10.
“The figures for 2023 show that 33,000 tonnes of salmon died that year, and that the use of antibiotics was still going up at that stage—in fact, according to the Veterinary Medicines Directorate, there has been a 24 per cent increase since 2017. The industry will say that the level went down the following year, but the issue is that, overall, the use of antibiotics is still rising. Let us look at the figures from 2024. Mowi lost 600,000 fish in the first nine months of the year, and it was closely followed by Bakkafrost, which lost 543,000. A huge amount of fish is being lost, and I do not believe that there should be any excuse for it. I am a farmer so I know what it is like: I know that, where there is breeding and where farming goes on, there is also a certain amount of dying.”
“[Made a request to intervene.] Edward Mountain: I will give way to my colleague Jamie Greene, who I think was on that committee. Jamie Greene: I was keen to listen to today’s debate, and I indeed sat alongside the member during the deliberations on that report all those years ago. I am still surprised to hear that many of the report’s recommendations have not been implemented or fully addressed. I find that deeply disappointing. I hope that the Government will respond to that in the closing speech. Edward Mountain: I share the member’s disappointment. If I had known where we would be today, I would have joined those committee members who called for a moratorium in 2018, because that would have made the industry pay attention. I will explain why we need it to do so.”
“Fifthly, the Government should get on with the investment to upgrade Ardrossan harbour, lest Ardrossan lose the Arran route to Troon for good, which would be devastating. Sixthly, we need a statement to the Parliament about the future of Ferguson Marine, because we must never forget that our islanders are suffering. If we get all that right, surely we might have a chance—a smidge of hope—that our island communities will have some faith restored in the Government and the Parliament. I support the amendment in Sue Webber’s name. 15:47”
“Ten per cent work in the transport and storage sectors. Ardrossan’s economy was built on and predicated on the ferry. The local economy of Ardrossan is paying the price of endless dithering and delay. As Willie Rennie put it, the whole thing is simply an embarrassment. I do not have much time. However, although I am often accused of coming to the Parliament to complain about ferries, here are some solutions. First, phase 2 of the SVRP should be awarded to a Scottish yard. Secondly, if the Government insists on owning a shipyard, it must give it some work. Thirdly, the Government should return said yard to the private sector when it is feasible to do so. Fourthly, there should be a reform of the Government’s arrangements for our ferry network’s procurement, ownership and management—we should get on with that reform once and for all.”
“None of it is a ringing endorsement of Scotland’s ferry-building business, as Paul Sweeney rightly pointed out. Those of us who were in the Parliament at the time hark back to Derek Mackay’s famous claim that he was the minister who had saved the Ferguson’s yard. Do members remember that press release? For the sake of people in Inverclyde, I hope that Fiona Hyslop does not go down in history as the minister who oversaw the yard’s demise. What about Ardrossan harbour? Katy Clark mentioned it. Again, as far back as 2018, there was a promise to upgrade it. Seven years later, there is no upgrade and there are no sailings and no ferries. I ask the cabinet secretary: where has that strategy gone? Twenty per cent of Ardrossan’s workforce work in the wholesale and retail sectors. Members should think about how they are affected.”
“Have a think about that before you make apologies for the failures of your Government. The Deputy Presiding Officer: Always speak through the chair, please. Jamie Greene: Thank you. I will do that. I will start with the shenanigans of the past week: Ferguson Marine’s interim chief executive has quit. Again, that news was snuck out on a Thursday evening. He is the third chief executive who has left the yard in the past couple of years. I do not blame him at all. He must surely have been given a heads-up about the news that landed on us on Monday—the shocking decision to build seven new small electric ferries in Poland instead of Port Glasgow, which came straight off the back of the Government’s awarding of contracts to Turkey. None of that is mentioned in the Government’s amendment.”
“There have been delays in awarding the CHFS contract due to legal back and forth, and there have been the promises to rearrange the governance structures of the tripartite alliance between CMAL, Transport Scotland and CalMac. None of those issues is particularly new. In fact, since I joined the Parliament, I have asked 115 questions on ferries—116 if you include today’s debate. That is a symptom of a catalogue of endless embarrassments, failures, cancellations and delays. All that comes at a huge cost to the island communities. Mull, Iona and Arran are all suffering economic loss to the tune of millions of pounds in lost revenue and lost tourism. I say to Bob Doris that, over the past five years, non-weather-related cancellations on the CalMac network have increased by 237 per cent.”
“This is another short but sweet debate on ferries—and another one in Opposition, not Government, time. I have only four minutes today, but I would need four hours to go into great detail about the issues that have been raised this afternoon. In my nine years as an MSP, ferry services is the issue that has caused the greatest amount of upset to my island constituents. Ariane Burgess summed it up best when she said that constituents are sick of being treated like second-class citizens. I agree with that sentiment. There have been the endless delays to and cost overruns of the Glen Sannox and Glen Rosa. There is the endless time out of service of the MV Caledonian Isles, which has had a year out of service due to its age.”
“That brings me to Monday and the issue of the small vessels. Last night, at the cross-party group on maritime and shipbuilding, which Paul Sweeney chairs, Kevin Hobbs gave a presentation about what happened on Monday, with a focus on the 65 per cent and 35 per cent split. As I said in the chamber yesterday, the management and the board need to listen to their workforce and engage with them because, if they do not, the yard will struggle. The workforce have a lot of the answers, and it is up to the board and the management to listen and engage fully. 15:25”
“He supports Ferguson Marine remaining open at Port Glasgow, with Inchgreen dry dock in Greenock operating at the same time. I do not disagree with Mr Sweeney on Inchgreen, because it has been sorely underused for many years, so we are on the same page on that. However, his initial proposal to move the yard from Port Glasgow would have decimated Port Glasgow town centre and taken 300 jobs from the community. It would also have gone against the Scottish Government’s 20-minute neighbourhood proposal. I have undertaken a lot of work with the local shopkeepers, and one shopkeeper in particular said to me that, if the yard leaves Port Glasgow—whether under the proposal that was made or due to the yard being shut because it did not have work—the town would be like it was in the 1980s all over again.”
“Will the member take an intervention? Stuart McMillan: Sorry—I only have four minutes. They were rightly doing what they thought was right for their constituents, but I am doing what is right for my constituents and my community. I do not think that the 50 jobs leaving Port Glasgow and going to Gourock is the right thing. During one of the project Neptune briefing sessions that Jenny Gilruth offered, more than 10 MSPs were in the room, including Kenneth Gibson, Jenni Minto, Katy Clark, Paul Sweeney, Edward Mountain and others. Paul Sweeney proposed to close Ferguson Marine and move its operations to Inchgreen dry dock in Greenock. To say that I found that objectionable would be charitable, to say the least. Mr Sweeney now appears to have tempered his view.”
“Kate Forbes: I find this conversation incredibly frustrating because it is not about how I feel; it is about supporting Ferguson Marine to be as competitive as possible so that it is able to secure work through a fair and open procurement process. That is the reason for the £14.2 million investment. The commercial strategy would never rely on one contract alone. The point is that it is competing for a number of different opportunities and it has already secured some of that work. I therefore stand here reflecting on the talents and skills of the workforce in having secured work already. We will back them to be as competitive as possible with that investment in additional support.”
“The Deputy First Minister’s hubris is outstanding. Ferguson Marine has been let down not by the board but by members on the SNP front bench and the Scottish Government. If Ferguson Marine is supposed to compete on price with companies in Poland and Turkey, how on earth will it ever win any contracts? The workers of Ferguson Marine and the people of Inverclyde want to know why the Scottish Government and its agencies have lost confidence in our ability to build ships in Scotland. The Deputy First Minister has an opportunity right now to look into the camera and tell those people why that is the case. Kate Forbes: I do not need to look into any camera—I have been at the yard, and I regularly speak directly to the workers. Jamie Greene: Tell them! The Presiding Officer: Members!”
“To ask the First Minister what steps the Scottish Government is considering to further support Scotland’s universities, in light of reports that the University of the West of Scotland reported a multimillion pound deficit in the last financial year, with other universities across Scotland in a similar financial position. (S6F-03906)”
“In January last year, the divisional commander for Renfrewshire and Inverclyde attended Inverclyde Council’s police scrutiny panel to discuss the details. I am sure that members will be kept informed on those important matters. ADHD and Autism Assessments (NHS Forth Valley) 7.”
“I endorse Mr McMillan’s comments. Two years ago, Police Scotland wrote to me to say that it was considering a replacement for Greenock police station. A replacement is now needed more than ever. Last year, in the Inverclyde area, common assault was up by 10 per cent, violent crime was up by 7 per cent and domestic abuse was up by 20 per cent, so surely the cabinet secretary can see the need for quick action on the issue. Angela Constance: I assure Jamie Greene that no decision has been taken on the future of Greenock police station at this time. It will be considered as part of the delivery of the wider Police Scotland estates master plan. I am aware of the important consultation that has been held with respect to services in Greenock. That consultation has now closed, and its results remain under review.”
“However, I also ask members to be honest with the world and to put their hand up if they question Israel’s very right to exist. 15:47”
“Let us be honest with one another—the motion is deep rooted in the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions Movement; the masks slipped early on in some of the contributions that we heard. The motion says, “let us not do business with Israel on arms,” but what it wants to say is, “let us not do business with Israel at all.” Let us not pretend otherwise. [Interruption.] I do not know why you are applauding, Ross Greer, because it is that sort of movement that led to the situation in 1930s Germany and the Holocaust, and you should be ashamed of it. The Deputy Presiding Officer: Members. Jamie Greene: I close by asking members to put their hand up if they are uncomfortable with what has happened and with the actions of the IDF in the past year and a half. I will be the first to put my hand up.”
“Whether we like it or not, the defence industry exists, not just in Scotland or the UK but across Europe and the world. It is a £100 billion industry in the UK. What does the Green Party want to do about it? What is it suggesting? Is it the mass expulsion of all those companies—Leonardo, BAE, Babcock, Raytheon and Thales? Does the Green Party want to simply shut down the arms industry? If that is the case—if that is its ideological view—that is fine. However, if that is the case, as has been mentioned, how do we arm Ukraine? How do we arm our partners? We cannot have selective morality when it comes to the arms industry and pick and choose the political campaigns that we do or do not support. We must be honest with people on that. I will make this final point.”
“I have made myself clear in the past, but if I was not clear enough, I will do so again. I am neither pro-Israel nor pro-Palestine, as many would hope me to be. I am pro-both. The reason for that is that I am pro-peace. I believe that we are all human. No one chooses to be kidnapped from their homes, just as no one chooses to have their child shot by a sniper. The fact that successive UK Governments— Conservative and then Labour—support Israel’s right to defend its very existence, to the tune of less than 1 per cent of Israel’s entire defence imports, is something that is up for valid debate, whatever our views on that. Let us be honest—the United Kingdom shares some responsibility in this whole sorry saga, which stretches way back to before the Balfour declaration.”
“In the past seven days alone, six babies have died from the conditions that they found themselves in. Night-time temperatures are plummeting in Palestine, and the tiny hearts of those babies gave up. That is no surprise, as they are living in tents and the healthcare system has collapsed. They are added to the grim total of 50,000 killed in Gaza. What do those people have in common? They are children, they are innocent, they did not elect Netanyahu and they did not join Hamas, but they are all dead. Today’s debate might be an economic one, but nowhere in the motion is any of that horror acknowledged. There is no call for peace. There is no acceptance of the horrors of 7 October. Fundamentally—but unsurprisingly— there is no mention of Israel’s very right to exist at all. One has to question that.”
“Two events in the past week say more about the conflict in the middle east than any speech or motion today does. The first was the sickening sight that was paraded on our television screens of the tiny black coffins of Kfir and Ariel Bibas, who were nine months old and four years old when they were kidnapped and murdered by Hamas. Their lifeless bodies were paraded around the streets by gun-toting masked men. How very brave of them. How very brave of those men, brandishing their guns and covering their faces— they were too afraid to show the world what a monster really looks like. The deaths of Kfir and Ariel, along with that of their mother, Shiri, added to the number of 1,200 Israelis killed on or after 7 October 2023. They say that the smallest coffins are the heaviest—how true. The coffins are even smaller and heavier yet in Gaza.”
“The panel must be fully independent and must consider all options, including, in particular, the voices of victims. In the cabinet secretary’s opening remarks, I do not think that I heard the word “victims” once. I will check the Official Report, but I hope that that approach can be amended. Surely putting victims at the heart of any penal reform—putting them first—is what matters. All the representatives of victims organisations to whom I have spoken share that concern. I will end on this note. Whether we like it or not, the perception is that the balance of the justice system in Scotland has moved towards those who have erred and have been convicted, not those who have been harmed. That might be a perception or it might be true, but, in either case, we must fix that and put victims at the heart of any reform. 15:57”
“We have seen a huge surge in the backlog of cases of serious crimes, including those involving historical sexual crimes, serious organised criminal activity and, of course, convictions as a result of new legislation that we have passed. Here is the thing: the Government cannot, on one hand, laud itself for clearing the backlog of court cases and, on the other, lament the fact that the by-product is that more people are going to prison. The cabinet secretary cannot have it both ways. What of the review that is the subject of the motion? Angela Constance: Will the member give way? Jamie Greene: I do not have time. I have great respect for many of the individuals who have been named on the new review panel, but I fear—I hope that it is just that—that the panel will simply tell the Government what it wants to hear as an outcome.”
“As Pauline McNeill said, the answers have been obvious and staring us in the face for two decades. Our remand population currently sits at nearly 2,000 prisoners, which is a quarter of the prison population. If we were to speed up processing the backlog of court cases, many of those people could perhaps come out of prison. We could reduce prisoner numbers overnight if there were no remand population. That surely would address overcrowding. At the moment, those involved in 23,000 cases in the system are still waiting to have their day in court. Some of those prisoners have been waiting for up to three years to have their cases dealt with. Such delays affect victims as well as accused persons.”
“We were hoodwinked into thinking that the ruse of allowing automatic and emergency early release would somehow make for safer prisons— forgetting that it might not make for safer streets, which should surely underpin any sentencing policy. I suspect that the Government is not willing to say what it thinks, which is that judges are sending too many people to prison. The cabinet secretary will not say on the record which crimes for which people are currently sent to prison would not be under potential review in future. I do not have a problem with review of the penal system—or, indeed, sentencing—but the public expect honesty from the Government and the Parliament on their understanding of what would happen as a result. Many times, I have stood in the chamber and recounted my thoughts about why our prisons are full.”
“All that is against the backdrop of a system in Scotland in which there is already a presumption against short sentences of less than two years. There has already been a considerable rise in the number of non-custodial alternatives being handed out by judges. There has been a considerable rise—20 per cent—in the electronic tagging of offenders, and there have been sweeping changes to the sentencing criteria for under-25s. The Government assured us that all that would reduce our prison population, but quite the opposite has happened. In 2022, the prison population was just over 7,400. Last year, it was 7,850 on average, and it hit 8,300 just last week.”
“It was not long ago that we debated the Bail and Release from Custody (Scotland) Bill. The Scottish Conservatives argued that the bill would do very little to reduce the prison population. The Government argued very much to the contrary, saying that our burgeoning prison population was the very reason why we had to think about remand and release. It argued that extraordinary times called for extreme measures. We were told that, although such measures would be unpopular with the public, we would just have to suck it up, because otherwise there might be mass unrest and disorder in our prisons. It was the same again last year—we were asked twice to release prisoners early due to overcrowding and, again, the Government asked us to consider automatic early release after just 40 per cent of a sentence had been served.”
“We have the opportunity to think differently, strategically and over the long term about how we achieve the goals that, ultimately, all members share: less crime, fewer victims and safer communities. I move, That the Parliament notes that Scotland has one of the highest proportions of prisoners in Western Europe; recognises the action that has been taken to establish a sustainable prison population and shift the balance between the use of custody and justice in the community, while protecting the public from harm; acknowledges the need for an independent review of sentencing and penal policy to consider how imprisonment and community interventions are used; further acknowledges the key role that the third sector can play in the effective delivery of justice services that reduce reoffending, and support rehabilitation and reintegration into society; agrees that there is a need for strong partnership working and co- ordination between third sector organisations, justice social work and the Scottish Prison Service to provide support and improve outcomes for those leaving prison, and believes that the Parliament has an important role to play in discussing the use of imprisonment and the best means for addressing offending behaviour, by both effective prevention and appropriate rehabilitation, and for reducing crime and keeping communities safe.”
“The Government has shown a clear commitment to strengthening alternatives to custody and ensuring that imprisonment is used only when appropriate by taking decisive action such as introducing electronic monitoring for bail and community payback orders, introducing the presumption against short prison sentences and removing all our children from prisons. However, significant and sustained progress in that area is not readily or easily achieved. It involves balancing urgent responses with long-term societal and cultural change while respecting the operational independence of our justice partners. It is clear to me that this is the time for us to be bold as a society and rethink our attitude to how we deliver justice and reduce offending.”
“We took the difficult but necessary step of emergency early release. The Prisoners (Early Release) (Scotland) Act 2025 came into force last week and brings a new release point for most prisoners serving short-term sentences of less than four years. In 2024-25, we increased further the funding for community justice further by £14 million to £148 million in total. I confirm to Parliament that the new bail test and the Bail and Release from Custody (Scotland) Act 2023 will come into force on 14 May 2025. The reforms to the bail law recognise the negative impact of short periods of imprisonment while ensuring that public and victim safety are at the heart of the court’s decision making.”
“More individuals have been kept out of prison entirely through alternatives such as suspended sentences, electronic monitoring or fines in countries such as Germany and the Netherlands. Sweden and a number of US states are focusing on rehabilitation, drug treatment and housing support. The international evidence tells us that a whole- system approach is required, not just for the criminal justice agencies but for health and welfare partners. To achieve that, we need strong political support and cross-party consensus, building on a shared recognition of the challenges and the commitment to solutions. We have taken many steps to ensure that we have a sustainable prison population and we will continue to do so. The Scottish Prison Service has taken steps to optimise the use of home detention curfew.”
“It is clear to me that there is scope for the review to set out a transformative approach to sentencing and penal policy, and I ask that members in other parties engage with and support that process. As we all know, Scotland has one of the highest uses of custody in western Europe, but there is nothing intrinsic about our country that means that it should not and could not have a penal policy that stops us being an outlier. Although we cannot import our solutions wholesale from elsewhere, we can learn from what other countries have done differently to reverse the trend of a growing prison population. Countries such as Sweden, Finland and the Netherlands have made long-term investments in non-custodial options. Finland introduced tighter regulations on the available sentence range.”
“I am grateful to them all for taking on this significant and vital task. The review will consider how imprisonment and community-based interventions are currently used and how changes to that use might contribute to our having a sustainable prison population. I have asked the commission to focus initially on community sentencing, bail, and remand and release from custody. I have also asked it to provide detailed and actionable recommendations for improvements by the end of the year, with an interim report in autumn. In carrying out its work, the commission will engage with stakeholders, victims and those with experience of the justice system on how best to respect and protect the interests of victims, while maintaining the rights of those who are accused of crime.”
“In addition to his work at the SPA, he has a wide range of experience in the voluntary and public sectors and has chaired successful commissions and inquiries across the United Kingdom and Ireland. He will bring the same level of dedication, professionalism and expertise to the review as he has done to his past work. Mr Evans will be ably supported in that by five members of the commission, who collectively bring a great deal of expertise and experience to the table. They are Catherine Dyer, CBE, chair of the board of Community Justice Scotland; Dr Hannah Graham, senior lecturer in criminology at the University of Stirling; the Labour Minister for Justice between 2003 and 2007, Cathy Jamieson; Sheriff David Mackie; and Lynsey Smith, chair of Social Work Scotland’s justice standing committee.”
“The evidence tells us that those sentences are more effective than short prison sentences at addressing underlying causes of offending behaviour and, ultimately, at breaking the cycle of reoffending. Yet, so often, those sentences are referred to as soft justice. Among all of us in Parliament, there needs to be a shift in our mindset that prison is the only effective punishment for people who commit offences. Last year, I indicated that I would establish an independent review of sentencing and penal policy. I inform Parliament today that we have established the commission to conduct that review. I am pleased to announce that Martyn Evans, the former chair of the Scottish Police Authority, has agreed to chair the review.”
“Therefore, it is incumbent on me, not to act as judge or jury, but to do everything that I can— which I am doing, and will continue to do, through investment—to continue the increase that we are seeing in community payback orders. Ultimately, I believe in accountability and in reparation as much as I believe in rehabilitation. We know that prison can, by its very nature, disrupt the factors that can help to prevent offending. Imprisonment can have damaging effects through the breakdown of family relationships, cause housing instability and homelessness, negatively impact on employability and lead to job losses, and weaken other societal ties and support networks. I urge members to be willing to think differently and progressively about community-based sentences and to acknowledge their clear benefits to our society.”
“I am sorry to pre-empt what may come next, but there already is a presumption against short sentences in Scotland. The cabinet secretary is dancing on the head of a pin on that issue. What I and the public want to know is this: what crimes for which people are currently incarcerated does the Government believe that people should not be incarcerated? Angela Constance: There is indeed a presumption against short-term sentencing in Scotland. This Government took that very decisive action. I know that that has had success, in that the proportion of sentences that are short term has reduced by 10 percentage points, but there is still a high use of short-term sentences in this country.”
“To ask the Scottish Government what discussions it has had with the Scottish Environment Protection Agency regarding how it will address any environmental concerns that arise from new waste incineration sites that have already received approval. (S6O-04330)”
“He will know that the deterioration of the port will require more funding than was originally proposed. The on-going discussions will, I hope, reach a conclusion sooner rather than later, but I cannot give a date for that. However, I can reassure Jamie Greene that I treat the issue as a priority, as I have always done as Minister for Transport and now Cabinet Secretary for Transport. Breaking a logjam to allow investment is something that I hope he will welcome and vote for.”
“The Scottish Government’s ears must have been burning this morning, because the front page of the Ardrossan & Saltcoats Herald is on precisely that issue, with the headline of “Missing: have you seen our ferries?”. It does not really matter who owns the port, because this Government promised to upgrade it seven years ago. In fact, the former First Minister himself, Humza Yousaf, promised to upgrade it. Irrespective of the negotiations with Peel Ports, why does the Government not just get on with what it promised? Fiona Hyslop: It is clear that ownership of the port does matter. Jamie Greene will be aware that it was his party that privatised ports some time ago. He will also be aware of the subsidy control measures that, again, were brought in by his Government and which restrict the amount and percentage of funds that are required.”
“However, I will ask the Cabinet Secretary for Transport to provide him with more information. Across the public sector—whether that is local government, the Scottish Government, ScotRail or Network Rail—right now, everyone is assessing the cost of the damage. However, the priority remains our people, including the 2,500 people who are offline. That is the focus. Once we have served our people, we will all have to count the cost and work through that cost collectively.”
“Given the extent of damage to many public buildings, has the Government had any conversation with the Convention of Scottish Local Authorities regarding particular support packages that it could offer local councils as they seek to repair and reopen many vital public services? Angela Constance: I am sure that all members across the chamber wish to express their condolences, like Mr Greene, regarding the loss of Calum Carmichael, who was only 19 years old and who lost his life in a road traffic accident associated with the storm. Given Calum’s status as a student at one of the west coast colleges, the Cabinet Secretary for Education and Skills led the condolences at Cabinet this morning. Mr Greene’s point about Ardrossan is a wider point about provision and is not related to the storm.”
“I pay my condolences to the family of young Calum Carmichael from East Ayrshire, who was tragically killed during the storm. I cannot imagine the pain that his family must be experiencing. I am sure that the whole Parliament will share my thoughts on that. The west of Scotland was hit particularly hard by the storm—and I am sure that we have all seen the viral video of Helensburgh leisure centre’s roof. That is how bad things were. I am relieved that some services are getting back to normal, such as rail services to Largs, Gourock and Wemyss Bay, which will reopen tomorrow or the day after, I believe. It is unclear, however, whether services to Ardrossan will reopen—so I could perhaps ask about that, first of all.”
“To ask the Scottish Government, as part of the cross- government co-ordination on islands, including island connectivity, what discussions the rural affairs secretary has had with ministerial colleagues regarding the impact on islanders of the relocation of the Arran ferry service from Ardrossan to Troon. (S6O-04219)”
“Reform will be an on-going and iterative process— sometimes painful and faltering—but our vision is clear. It is a vision of a future where policing is truly for the benefit of all, not only those of privilege; where wrong can be redressed; and where justice for all in Scotland is an active reality. The Presiding Officer: Members will wish to know that we have a little time in hand. 17:21”
“We need to change cultures and attitudes both within Police Scotland and in our wider society, and that will not be easy. Can police officers maintain their camaraderie and concern for one another’s safety and welfare without the secrecy, impunity, prejudice and misogyny that too often accompany them? Can our media, our educators and we ourselves dare to shine a critical light on police institutions and activities while still recognising the good to which the vast majority of officers aspire? Can individual police officers speak out when their consciences require it, without being intimidated or ostracised? As I suggested back in the stage 1 debate, if we were starting from scratch, we might create something very different from today’s police forces. However, this is what we have now, and it is the system with which we must engage.”
“Policing by consent, which has been discussed by the cabinet secretary, Liam McArthur and Jamie Greene, cannot mean mere public toleration but must mean active relationships of trust, communication and responsibility. That responsibility must include acknowledgement when mistakes are made and apologies to those who are harmed. In her evidence to the committee, Stephanie Bonner said: “The system is absolutely designed to break you.”— [Official Report, Criminal Justice Committee, 17 April 2024, col 8.] Presiding Officer, it is now time for healing. I reiterate Scottish Greens’ support for the bill. It is an important step in making Scotland’s policing more sensitive, just and accountable, but the bill alone, as many witnesses have testified, will not be enough.”
“Secondly, our response must address police culture, dismantling the “wall of silence” described by Stephanie Bonner and the toxic assumptions that enabled Wayne Couzens and others to abuse their power so horrifically. That requires a code of ethics that is not only disseminated but adhered to and internalised, with robust duties of candour and co-operation that are universally understood and enacted. I am sure that Sharon Dowey’s amendment will go some way to ensuring that. Thirdly, our response must ensure that complaints are taken seriously and investigated properly, independently, swiftly and comprehensively with respect and humanity. That means having systems that are accessible, fair, trauma informed and appropriately transparent.”
“Those are not random tragedies; they are deadly intersections of harm by individual officers with institutional, cultural and systemic patterns of prejudice, misogyny and intimidation. That is why, to make effective change, our response must be threefold. First, it must address the individual, making sure that serious inquiry is made of all police officers and anyone who applies to join. That means scrupulous, robust and repeated vetting. I am grateful that the issue has been well discussed this afternoon, and I have no doubt that there will be on-going scrutiny of it and related issues in the coming months and years, because nothing that the police do is more important than ensuring that they are not the cause of serious harm.”