A. Rahim Ishak
Singapore
“Now that health science, including the study of food constituents, has been left out of the school curriculum for a considerable number of years, thus rendering our younger generation less if not completely uninformed about food facts, the very least we could do for our children is to ensure that they be provided with nutritious food in o…”
“However, as realists let us also not forget that although we have succeeded in convincing the majority in the international community, these successes should not be exaggerated. The Vietnamese are tough nuts to crack. They will not easily give in. For this reason we must be prepared for a long and sustained struggle.”
“Yes. Sir, it is not because of the lack of interest in the welfare of students who are pursuing courses of study overseas. But there have been attempts to streamline expenditures with a view to saving on expenditure in the way of direct mail and other literature which are meant for their reading while overseas.”
“Sir, I was looking to my right to see if the hon. Member for Geylang West was present, but he is not here. Incidentally, the Member for Geylang West has already served in the foreign service. I am unable to say who will be the future ex-Members of Parliament to serve in the foreign service.”
“Mr Deputy Speaker, Sir, the Minister for Labour is not here to give the Member for Potong Pasir an answer which probably will satisfy his question and interest. The ILO has direct relations with the Ministry of Labour.”
“The agreed cost of an approved project will be shared equally by member-countries. However, in cases where certain countries derive a greater share of the benefits, the Foreign Ministers may decide on the proportion of the cost to be borne by member-countries.”
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“Now that health science, including the study of food constituents, has been left out of the school curriculum for a considerable number of years, thus rendering our younger generation less if not completely uninformed about food facts, the very least we could do for our children is to ensure that they be provided with nutritious food in our schools for their physical nourishment. Lastly, Sir, there will, of course, be parents and guardians who would prepare or have prepared some substantial easy-to-carry food which their children and wards can take to school for lunch. But for the majority of our school-going population, many with working mothers, I believe the solution would still be with the provision of upgraded nutritious food catered in our full-day schools.”
“I see the danger of bringing up a whole generation of fast-food consumers who will subsequently look to canteens and hawker centres for most of their meals. Even closer to where I am speaking from, I see some adults too going for fast-foods almost every day. Thus, to implement the full-day school, it is imperative that improvements be made to food items sold in the school tuckshop. To a child, meal-time should and must be a source of pleasure. Hence, it is important that the tuckshop should be clean, spacious and airy with proper adequate seating facilities. This, I believe, is already the case with most of our schools. Tuckshop vendors need to be reorientated and educated in the whole process of preparing wholesome food. Besides occasional briefings on food hygiene and handling, correct cooking procedures and time in cooking is equally vital, as over-cooking will deplete and destroy the nutritive value of food, especially minerals and vitamins. They will have to discard old steadfast habits of putting lots of starch in favour of more animal proteins and vegetables. To keep control over the quality of school tuckshop food, I wish to propose to the Hon. Minister the setting up of a team of nutritionists to go round all schools to oversee and advise the vendors. I am not suggesting that the food items now provided at our school tuckshops be completely substituted with new ones. This would be too drastic a step. In any case, it would be impractical to do so as our children would still prefer food items which they are used to taking. What is needed is the introduction of, for example, more proteins and other nutrients presently lacking in the existing items. In any event, a team of nutritionists would, I am sure, be quite capable of looking into the details.”
“These are the vulnerable years because deficiency or excess of the five groups of nutrients, namely fats, carbohydrates, proteins, minerals and vitamins, needed for physical well-being could lead to malnutrition or, at the other extreme, obesity with all its attendant illnesses. Recently, I requested a school principal, a friend who works closely with me in Siglap constituency, to look into this matter. A recent survey on the breakfast habits of our pupils in the morning session revealed that about 11% (38 out of 332) of our pupils do not take any breakfast at all before attending school. Of the remaining lot, about 90% take breakfast consisting of a cup of beverage with milk, bread or cakes or porridge or noodles and an egg occasionally at home while about 10% take breakfast consisting of only a hot drink and/or bread at school. 3.30 p.m. To supplement their meagre breakfast, most of our pupils have a drink and snack during recess at the tuckshop. Besides hot or cold drinks, our tuckshop vendors sell mee siam, mee goreng, noodles with soup, fried beehoon, rice broth, Malay cakes, bread, cakes, kachang puteh and a whole host of other kachangs, packaged tit-bits like krupuk, etc, preserved fruit and fresh cut fruit. A study of the food available shows that they are made up mostly of starch with very little greens and minimal high-quality proteins in the form of a thin slice of egg or meat. Such food if taken regularly as lunch will, I think, definitely impair the health of active growing children who need a well-balanced diet. Children by nature are playful and it is likely that most will rush through or may even forgo their lunch so that they can have more time for boisterous play with their peer groups.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, I wish to thank you for giving me the opportunity to speak on the main head of the Ministry of Education. With the implementation of full-day schools, the question of food would be foremost in the minds of any thinking and, I think, all concerned parents. Ideally, parents would expect an overhaul of the school tuckshop not only in terms of physical layout and facilities but also the proper preparation, handling and quality of the food served. At present, in most primary and secondary schools, the tuckshop is just a place for drinks and quick snacks. I believe, to most school-going children, breakfast is a skimpy meal of a cup of beverage, bread with jam or butter or margarine and an egg or two in more affluent homes, unlike the nutritionally balanced Western breakfast of fruit juice, cereal, egg, meat, whole milk, bread with jam and butter and tea or coffee and the like. The only substantial meals of a Singaporean child are lunch and dinner where the staple rice is often served with soup and accompanying dishes of meat and vegetables, rounded off perhaps with fruit. With full-day schools, a child would have to take lunch in school for five days a week for at least 40 weeks in a year. The food he eats in school then would be of vital importance as his health can be damaged by eating too much of certain favoured foods low in calories and proteins but high in animal fats and carbohydrates which is typical of most fast-foods. The period from birth to adolescence is one of vigorous mental and physical growth in an individual.”
“However, as realists let us also not forget that although we have succeeded in convincing the majority in the international community, these successes should not be exaggerated. The Vietnamese are tough nuts to crack. They will not easily give in. For this reason we must be prepared for a long and sustained struggle. We must be as patient and tough as our adversaries if we are to continue to score moral victories to reach a political settlement in Kampuchea and from there on ensure peace and stability in Southeast Asia. If Vietnam does not want to be increasingly isolated in the international community, she should quickly heed the views of the majority in the world for her to withdraw from Kampuchea and allow the people of Kampuchea themselves to determine their future. Mr Speaker, I support the Motion to thank the President for his speech in opening the Fifth Parliament. 4.18 p.m.”
“The Non-aligned Movement was conceived as a reaction to the emergence of bi-polarism as represented by the United States of America and the Soviet Union. The Non-aligned Movement denies that the world's nations must be identified or aligned with these two giants. Members of the Non-aligned Movement accept the fact that the Movement is neither ideologically nor politically monolithic. Yet steered in the course it had charted for itself, the Non-aligned Movement can maintain substantial unity of purpose and solidarity in political action. Singapore had sufficient faith not to believe that the Movement need be lost to one or the other superpower. That is why we regretted Burma's withdrawal from the Movement at the Havana summit meeting. It is this faith that led to the victories at the 34th and 35th United Nations' sessions. We believe that the natural ally of the Non-aligned Movement is the spirit of independence and nationalism which motivates it. Vietnam which fought for its independence so valiantly for 30 years against the Japanese, French and Americans will have to concede sooner or later that the nationalism of the Kampuchean people is equal in ardour and courage to its own. Vietnam's mistake is that after her glorious victory over the USA in 1975 she believed that certain difficulties in her relations with China and the situation in Kampuchea gave her the right to transgress international boundaries and violate the sacred independence of sovereign states and that with the support of the Soviet Union she would get away with impunity, her violation of traditional norms and universally accepted laws affecting nations.”
“At some point the Vietnamese will seek a political solution. When this scenario has emerged, there will be greater hope for a settlement. The most positive achievement of the meeting in New Delhi is that for the first time the Non-aligned Movement has recognised the existence of the Kampuchean problem which arose from Vietnam's aggression and occupation of that country. Hitherto, Vietnam had insisted that there was no Kampuchean problem and that the presence of 200,000 Vietnamese troops in Kampuchea was the internal affair of Kampuchea, as Mr Harbans Singh believed. The call in the Non-aligned Movement Communique for Vietnam to withdraw its forces from Kampuchea clearly exposes the myth that Vietnam had sent in troops into Kampuchea at the invitation of the Heng Samrin regime. Hitherto Vietnam has attributed international condemnation of its action to Western imperialists and hegemonists. Vietnam will from today find it difficult to refer to a majority in the Non-aligned Movement as agents of the Western imperialists and hegemonists. Therefore, Sir, it would be wise for Vietnam to take heed of world opinion which has called for an international conference. ASEAN has neither a quarrel nor any problem with Vietnam. ASEAN has merely rejected Vietnam's violation of a fundamental principle in international law. As and when Vietnam rectifies its errors, ASEAN will be the first to cooperate with all the states in Indo-china in launching an era of peace and stability for which our continued development and their reconstruction cannot do without. As we closely monitor developments in the Kampuchean situation, let us not lose sight of the international scenario in the context of super-power rivalry.”
“Today, a change is beginning to take place in the Kampuchean situation which has already sent shivers down the backs of the authorities in Hanoi. A radical change will emerge as nationalist forces in Kampuchea rally round non-communist leaders, including Mr Son Sann, Prince Norodom Sihanouk and others including those possibly led by the Khmer Rouge to broaden the national united front to resist Vietnamese occupation of their country. It has taken more than two years for these nationalists and patriotic personalities to realise the need to sink differences to bring about a change in Kampuchea. This will be the response to the call for Kampucheans to solve Kampuchean problems. Kampucheans inside and outside of Kampuchea will begin to determine their own destiny. The emergence of a non-communist government in Kampuchea will pave the way for greater support from non-communist countries around the world for a neutral Kampuchea. Singapore has already made its stand clear that she does not wish to see the return of a government led by the Khmer Rouge forces. The vast majority in the international community would also want a political solution to the Kampuchean problem which will bring about a government in Phnom Penh which is neither hostile to Vietnam nor controlled by China. It will take a couple of years for the nationalist forces in a coalition led by the non-communist leaders, including Prince Sihanouk and Mr Son Sann, to establish themselves as a credible force. Support for their movement, I believe, will grow. The people of Kampuchea now under Vietnamese domination will show support for them by refusing to cooperate with the Heng Samrin authorities and the Vietnamese armed forces all over the country. Resistance to the invaders and their puppets will increase.”
“By this, of course, Vietnam maintains that the regime it has installed in Phnom Penh under Mr Heng Samrin by force of arms should be the sole arbiter of all problems in Kampuchea. Mr Speaker, Sir, permit me to digress a little on a subject which is related to the one I referred to. In the recent general elections, out of the more than 100 candidates who contested in them, only one, as far as I am aware, thought that Singapore should not interfere in the internal affairs of Kampuchea, i.e. the Kampuchea now ruled and propped up by the regime headed by Mr Heng Samrin who was installed with the help of 200,000 bayonets of the Vietnamese armed forces. The candidate is from the United People's Front. His name is Mr Harbans Singh. Sir, I am not suggesting that the UPF was roundly trounced because of this single reference to Kampuchea. I know there are many other reasons for them to have lost so badly. But I have often wondered whether some of the things uttered by this person were done in jest or were said in seriousness. On Nomination day, 13th December last year, I heard a report in the media that when asked how he would topple the government party by putting up only 14 candidates, Mr Harbans Singh replied that this was only the beginning. Sir, there is nothing wrong with that. It only shows that this man possessed hope and confidence, even if somewhat misdirected. [Laughter] When asked where his 14 branches were, because he had put up 14 candidates, he replied that some of them were in coffee shops, some of them were along the streets, some of them were along five-foot ways and some were under the trees. I thought at least if he had said some of his branches were on the trees, he would have been nearer his target. [Laughter] However, Sir, let me continue with my speech.”
“It is because we believe that the passage of time should in no way diminish the need for the international community to seek political solutions in international conflicts, such as the one in Kampuchea, that we have been able to win over the non-aligned members of the Movement to call for the withdrawal of foreign troops in Kampuchea. Singapore laid bare fundamental divisions which appeared at the commencement of the Non-aligned Movement Conference when it asked whether Cuba could honestly claim to be non-aligned. Singapore and the other ASEAN countries were in the vanguard leading a clear majority in New Delhi to reassert a more neutral definition of non-alignment. We have succeeded in the mission we had set out to achieve in New Delhi because we were clear about our objectives. We reject Vietnam's aggression against an independent and sovereign state as much as we object to Vietnam's attempt at imposing sub-regional hegemony. Both are dangerous precedents for peace and stability in Southeast Asia. For the time being, of course, Vietnam will continue to ignore the consensus adopted at the Non-aligned Movement Conference. We have, however, to continue reasserting the principle that invasion by an outside power is an illegal and unacceptable way to change a government, however bad that government may be. We shall do this in other international forums in the months and years ahead until Vietnam realises that a way out for her is to heed the United Nations General Assembly resolution passed at the 35th session. Vietnam has repeatedly claimed that the problem in Kampuchea must be settled by Kampucheans themselves.”
“To us in Southeast Asia it is strange that Vietnam, despite an ailing economy and presently the threat of famine because of widespread food shortages, continues its policy of militarisation. One reason why Vietnam is taking this dangerous path is because of the financial and military aid coming from the Soviet Union. The communique issued at the Non-aligned Foreign Ministers' Conference in New Delhi which calls for the withdrawal of foreign troops from Kampuchea will not for the time being be heeded by Vietnam. The consensus on Kampuchea arrived at the Non-aligned Movement Conference will not substantively change the situation in Kampuchea. Vietnam can be expected to ignore the call for her to withdraw her armed forces. Indeed, even before the conference was over, the Soviet Union announced that she would extend aid and assistance amounting to more than US$70 million to Kampuchea. This and the continued financial grants to Vietnam were obviously aimed at encouraging Vietnamese obstinacy and intransigence. In the Addendum to the Presidential Address at the opening of the First Session it is stated that "so long as we concentrate on fundamental principles to meet realities, however unpleasant, Singapore will ride through what looks like the most turbulent post-war decade." In the context of the conflict in Kampuchea, Singapore's clear-cut stand vis-a-vis Vietnam's occupation of Kampuchea has paid dividends. Singapore has never equivocated nor has it been deterred by the obduracy of those who ignore international opinion after having committed intervention by armed aggression into smaller or bigger and weaker states.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, I thank you for giving me this opportunity to speak today on the Motion to express our thanks to the President of our Republic for the speech which he delivered on behalf of the Government at the opening of the First Session of this Parliament. Sir, I limit myself to the subject of foreign affairs. Had it not been for the single-minded determination and firm adherence of a majority of members of the Non-aligned Movement to call a spade a spade, Vietnam's armed intervention and continued military occupation of Kampuchea would have been treated in New Delhi at the recent Non-aligned Foreign Ministers' Conference in the same way it was handled at the Non-aligned Summit in Havana in 1979. As at the United Nations General Assembly in 1979 and 1980, ASEAN members and others were never at any time woolly-headed over this issue. Vietnam had blatantly violated a major principle enshrined in both the UN charter and the Non-aligned Movement by her interference and intervention in the affairs of an independent sovereign nation. To Singapore and other countries in ASEAN, the issue was one of a fundamental principle which had been transgressed. Any attempt by others who were prepared to accept Vietnam's military occupation of Kampuchea as a fait accompli either because they consider it was Vietnam's right to sub-regional hegemonism among the former Indo-chinese states or because they accepted what Vietnam described as an irreversible situation in Kampuchea would have played into the hands of aggressors who believed their actions would go unchallenged because of their superior military strength.”
“Mr Deputy Speaker, Sir, the Minister for Labour is not here to give the Member for Potong Pasir an answer which probably will satisfy his question and interest. The ILO has direct relations with the Ministry of Labour. As far as the Ministry of Foreign Affairs go, I think it is more in the way of the maintenance of our officer and his small mission in Geneva. In fact, our man in Geneva is not wholly attending to ILO matters. He is there more to represent us on the matters of trade and commerce and the promotion of our economic interests.”
“As I have said, in the process of streamlining the expenditures, a slight decrease has come about.”
“Yes. Sir, it is not because of the lack of interest in the welfare of students who are pursuing courses of study overseas. But there have been attempts to streamline expenditures with a view to saving on expenditure in the way of direct mail and other literature which are meant for their reading while overseas. There have also been savings in the honourary student advisers' honorarium and entertainment allowances, for example. Financial assistance for student associations in Australia, New Zealand and the United Kingdom has also been looked into while amenities like newspapers, journals, recreational facilities and subsidy to students in the United Kingdom have also been considered. Lastly, there is the question of financial assistance and amenities to other students overseas of other students' associations. In the course of budgeting for the subheads, I have mentioned, there would appear to have been some savings which the Member for Potong Pasir has questioned about. The Member was wondering why there has been a decrease, Is that right? Mr Ivan Baptist: Yes.”
“If I heard the Member for Potong Pasir rightly, he raised the question on the increase in transportation, travelling and communication.”
“The increase in the scale of assessment of Singapore's contribution to the United Nations regular budget will also affect our annual membership contributions to the UN specialised agencies, including the International Labour Organisation, the World Health Organisation, the International Atomic Energy Agency and the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation. By being a member of international organisations, Singapore derives advantages from some of them, while others involve responsibilities without corresponding benefits. For example, as a Member of the International Civil Aviation Organisation (ICAO), Singapore is in a position to safeguard and promote its interests in all matters relating to civil aviation. Our membership in the International Postal Union (IPU) ensures the smooth and expeditious delivery of all mail destined for Singapore. Apart from contributions to these organisations, Singapore has certain obligations and responsibilities to discharge, including training programmes. However, Singapore also voluntarily offers training programmes and other forms of assistance. For 1976-77, we offered 134 places ranging from banking to public works under the ASEAN training awards scheme. The number of awards under the Colombo Plan increased from 300 in 1974 to 1,000 for the period 1975 to 1977. Another example is that Singapore as a member of the Commonwealth Fund for Technical Cooperation also offers training schemes to nationals of the other member countries. From 1974 to June 1977, 78 of these training courses were taken up. That would give an idea of the reasons for our contributions and benefits we have derived. The Member for Potong Pasir has asked about transportation, travelling and communication.”
“He wanted to know whether there has been an increase in Singapore's contribution to some of these organisations. What benefits are derived from these organisations? What are Singapore's responsibilities in these organisations? I think it is not very well known that Singapore is a member of 73 international organisations and their related bodies. These are listed in an Annex which could be obtained on request. Singapore's scale of assessment for contribution to the United Nations' regular budget for the triennum 1977-79 was revised from 0.04% to 0.08% in 1976 by the United Nations Committee on Contributions. This represents a 100% increase in our scale of assessment. In monetary ,terms, this amounts to an increase from $319,000 to $716,000. The expenses of the United Nations are apportioned according to each member country's capacity to pay. The computation of the scale of assessment is based on a rough and sketchy formula. So the 100% increase in our scale of assessment was based primarily on the increase in our GNP, though in our view other factors such as lack of natural resources, high dependency on world markets, are also factors which should have been taken into consideration. We were dissatisfied with the drastic increase in our scale of assessment and representations were made by us to the Committee on Contributions to revise our scale downwards. Unfortunately, our appeals were not successful.”
“Mr Deputy Speaker, Sir, the Member for Bukit Merah has asked about the increased emphasis on ASEAN cooperation and understanding and, in that connection, why the Ministry of Foreign Affairs has not increased the provision of ASEAN training awards among other things. ASEAN training awards have been offered annually by Singapore to all ASEAN countries since 1972. As at February 1978, a total of 134 nationals from ASEAN countries have been trained in Singapore under this scheme. These awards are made in areas where Singapore has considerable experience and expertise. Since 1972, both the number of courses and awards have increased. Consequently, the cost of the scheme has also increased. In 1972, we offered a total of 13 courses, 41 places at a cost of $133,055. The corresponding figures for financial year 1977-78 were 03 awards, 202 places with a total value of $202,325. Although there has been an increase in the number of awards taken up by the ASEAN countries, it has not matched the rate of increase in the offers made by the Singapore Government. As a result, budgetary provisions have always been less than the total value of awards. However, should all awards be taken up in FY 78, Singapore will meet the total cost as offered. We hope, of course, to attract more trainees from the ASEAN countries by increasing the choice of the areas of training. For 1978-79, Singapore is offering a wider range of training courses to meet the changing needs of other ASEAN countries. A total of 74 courses with 279 places have been offered. The value of awards, if fully taken up, will total $296,030. In monetary terms, this represents an increase of 41.4% over the previous year. The Member for Kolam Ayer asked about the international organisations Singapore contributes to.”
“Sir, the Member for Delta is still an hon. Member, so the question does not arise. If the Member for Potong Pasir's implication is to be accepted, then he was aspiring to be one.”
“Sir, I was looking to my right to see if the hon. Member for Geylang West was present, but he is not here. Incidentally, the Member for Geylang West has already served in the foreign service. I am unable to say who will be the future ex-Members of Parliament to serve in the foreign service. So it is too early for me to answer this question. Other than the Member for Geylang West, there have been a few who have served in the foreign service, including Mr K.M. Byrne, who was an ex-MP. It cannot be said that no ex-MPs have served as Ambassadors. A precedent has been created.”
“As the hon. Member knows, ASEAN is dedicated to economic, social and cultural cooperation amongst its members as enunciated in the Bangkok Declaration of 1967. Subsequently, organisations have been established in addition to the economic, social and cultural objectives of ASEAN. One of these is the ASEAN Inter-Parliamentary Organisation. Having survived for more than 10 years it would only be natural that ASEAN should develop outside its sphere of objectives, which are economic, social and cultural cooperation. I think the first ASEAN Inter-Parliamentary Organisation meeting was held about three or four years ago in a place near Bugor, Indonesia, where it was decided to form the ASEAN Inter-Parliamentary Organisation. Subsequently, two or three other meetings have been held, the last one being in Manila. Judging purely from the development of regional organisation elsewhere in the world and taking note of the development of the European Economic Community, one cannot envisage, other than economic cooperation taking place in ASEAN, that the establishment of the ASEAN Inter-Parliamentary Organisation would be a natural offshoot of ASEAN itself. But how fast it will develop and what shape it will take would depend, in my opinion, on how ASEAN, as devoted to economic, social and cultural cooperation, develops. I would say that priority would be given and all five members of ASEAN would agree to the original objectives of ASEAN as declared in 1967 in Bangkok.”
“When Members of Parliament return after an absence abroad, the experience that they would have gathered and the broader views they would have developed will add greatly to their store.house of knowledge, and experience of the House as a whole. Similarly, academics, civil servants and businessmen, after a stint of working for Singapore in foreign countries, bring to their respective areas of activity keener and broader perceptions which they could not have acquired had they only worked at home in Singapore. At the moment, five of the 17 Heads of Missions are held by Parliamentarians and I do not think that as a result their respective constituencies have been neglected, simply because other Members have taken on the responsibilities of their absent colleagues. The Member for Delta also touched on the subject of ex-MPs being given a chance to serve as Ambassadors. I do not see any reason why due consideration should not be given to them, but I would rather leave this question to the general consideration of the Cabinet as a whole. The Member also touched on the question of the ASEAN Inter-Parliamentary Organisation. I remember he asked if there was any activity or any use of this Organisation. Mr Yeo Choo Kok: No, Sir, I did not ask that. I asked in what way can it do better than other ASEAN bodies. We do have other ASEAN committees and the ASEAN secretariat.”
“The records show that the constituencies of the MPs concerned were hardly affected in their absence or since their return. Indeed, in their absence other MPs acting for them had done very well indeed. One criterion can be seen in the results of subsequent elections held while they were still abroad or after they had returned. Then also, it should not be forgotten that some of the MPs serving as Ambassadors have been accredited to more than one country. For example, our High Commissioner to India, as in the past, has been accredited to Bangladesh. Sri Lanka, Iran, Nepal and latterly Mauritius, all for one salary. Ambassadors from among Members of Parliament posted to Indonesia have been accredited to Papua New Guinea. I also recall that the then Member for Hong Lim, while serving as Ambassador in Egypt, was accredited to at least four other countries including Yugoslavia, Lebanon, Ethiopia and Pakistan. I might have missed one or two other Members. I have not the slightest doubt that the hon. Members for Pasir Panjang and Queenstown, who are now absent in this Chamber, would similarly perform their duties with the excellence and ability as Ambassadors as they would be as Members of Parliament. The Member for Katong is now in the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and from our records he is doing an excellent job promoting relations between Singapore and the Soviet Union. He is also accredited to at least four or five other countries in the Eastern European bloc. 7.15 p.m. Sir, on the other hand, when a businessman is appointed Ambassador, his services are lost to his enterprise for the duration of his absence. So too are members of the University and the civil service when appointed to missions overseas.”
“Mr Deputy Speaker, Sir, I do not quite agree with the Member for Delta in his statement because it shows a somewhat narrow definition of the role and responsibilities of a Member of Parliament. As I see it, a Member of Parliament must serve not only his constituency but, even more, his country as well. And for a small country like Singapore, living in an inter-dependent world, we have to enlist the goodwill and active interest of other nations, particularly in the fields of trade and industry. This is what an ambassador does or is supposed to do - to win friends and open up economic opportunities in the country to which he is appointed. This requires special skill and aptitude and I would hate to think that Members of Parliament who possess these attributes should be denied the opportunity of serving Singapore by strengthening bonds between us and other countries. It is true that this would entail a Member of Parliament being away from his constituency for a few years. But this does not mean that his constituency and its interest are neglected for that duration. Other Members of Parliament take over a Member's responsibilities during his absence. The Member for Delta will recall that the Member for Kampong Ubi, Tuan Haji Ya'acob, who is currently Singapore's High Commissioner to India, was once, before that, posted to the Philippines as an Ambassador. The Member for Ulu Pandan, Dr Chiang Hai Ding, was once the High Commissioner to Malaysia and he will soon proceed to Bonn as an Ambassador to the Federal Republic of Germany. The Member for Braddell Heights, Mr Lee Khoon Choy, was away for a total of 6 1/2 years, first as an Ambassador to Egypt and later to Indonesia. Coincidentally, Mr Deputy Speaker, Sir, the Member for Siglap, was posted to Indonesia as an Ambassador.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, I wish to take the point raised by the Member for Telok Blangah first. He mentioned about the small increase in the number of heads of missions, and asked whether or not more posts should be created. The practice has been to create posts of Ambassadors only when a decision is taken to establish a mission in a foreign country. The adoption of this practice is to ensure that the Estimates correctly reflect the position projected for the next financial year. The projection is generally based on performance over the last three years. In 1973, the missions in Paris and Bonn were established - not one, but two. The two posts I mentioned have been entered in the Estimates to regularise their creation by Establishment Warrant last year. Also, I should like to invite the attention of the Member for Telok Blangah to subhead BA 2901 entitled "Staff and expenses for New Missions Overseas". The purpose of this subhead is to provide for the emoluments of home-based officers, including Ambassadors, and the cost of running new missions as and when it becomes necessary to establish such missions in foreign countries. Therefore, the creation of more posts of Ambassadors really depends on the necessity to establish more missions abroad. If this decision is taken, then there is no difficulty in creating the additional posts, including those of heads of missions. As to the Member's question regarding the number of Honorary Consuls we have abroad, the answer is two. There is an Honorary Consul in Sweden and another in Zurich, Switzerland. Sir, the Member for Telok Blangah also wanted to know when new appointments are to be made.”
“The agreed cost of an approved project will be shared equally by member-countries. However, in cases where certain countries derive a greater share of the benefits, the Foreign Ministers may decide on the proportion of the cost to be borne by member-countries.”
“For 1973, our contribution will be US$100,000 per country, thereafter increasing by 20 per cent per annum. Then there are contributions to the Fund by member-countries. The Fund totalling US$5 million is made up of contributions of US$1 million from each member-country. As for benefits - direct or indirect - to Singapore from participation in the projects, it would be really difficult to measure the extent of benefits in anything which is cultural by nature. But if this will satisfy the Member, I can say that the ASEAN theme music will be used to introduce joint-ASEAN radio and T.V, programmes and at ASEAN functions whenever they are held. It will serve to give the Association of South-East Asian Nations a regional identity of its own. Project tours of civil aviation experts, telecommunications experts, international telephone operators and satellite earth station engineers and technicians were organised to carry out a survey of operational and other facilities available in each country with a view to co-ordinating the services among member-countries. It is envisaged that their findings would result in better services within the region. Singapore's participation in the Jakarta Fair is in support of the decision of member-countries to promote trade and commerce of member- countries jointly. As for tourism marketing plan, it is a follow-up of the "Visit ASEAN Year" held in 1971 for publicity and promotion campaigns and is expected to boost tourism in the region from Europe, the United States of America, Japan, Australia and New Zealand. The Fund may be used only for the purposes of implementing projects which have been approved by the Foreign Ministers of ASEAN and, in accordance with the rules governing the control, disbursement and accounting of the Fund.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, the Member for Changi has asked why and how the ASEAN Fund is expended. Since the setting up of the Fund in December 1969, Singapore has committed itself to an expenditure totalling US$67,735 on six projects. To-date, Singapore has spent US$3,782 on two projects. The details of commitment and expenditure on these two projects are as follows: (1) ASEAN Theme Music Competition. The commitment per country is US$1,275 and the amount expended by Singapore is US$1,153.33. (2) There were four project tours of civil aviation experts. The commitment per country is US$4,260 and the amount expended by Singapore is US$2,629.15. It will be observed that, in the two projects I have mentioned, Singapore spent less than the amount budgeted for by the ASEAN countries. (3) There is a joint participation in the ASEAN Pavilion at the 1971 Jakarta Fair held in Indonesia. It was decided that Singapore's cost of participation of US$2,000 would be drawn from the ASEAN Fund and the rest of the cost, estimated at about US$18,000, would come from other sources. The statement of accounts for this project has not been finalised. Then there were project tours of telecommunications experts, international telephone operators and satellite earth station engineers and technicians. The estimated cost of the project per country is US$5,940. While the statement of accounts for the project has not been finalised, the actual cost to Singapore is expected to be substantially less than what I have given. Another four project tours of civil aviation experts have been planned with a budget of US$4,260 per country. A tourism marketing plan has been planned for 1972 with a budget of US$50,000 per country.”
“It would in our opinion, be as if a new and powerful neighbour has come to do business in the old neighbourhood. 3.03 p.m.”
“China is a big power, as said on 30th July, 1971, and Singapore cannot influence international events. There will be no change in Singapore's attitude towards what is called the "important question" issue on the entry of China in the United Nations. Singapore has always supported China's entry into the U.N.' WQ abstained on the Albanian resolution previously because the first part of that resolution, in our view, needed to be decided first before the second part could be decided upon. We believe that once China is admitted, the possibilities are that she will take her seat and automatically become a member of the Security Council. Singapore's attitude is that as a small power our policy is to adjust to big realities created by the big powers. Singapore does not want to be under the influence of one power. There are, in any case, many powers around us which want to pursue their economic and other interests. The competition amongst the big powers is for markets and security' interests which are in fact legitimate objectives to pursue. Essentially, the competition is of an economic nature, Most countries in Southeast Asia are interested in economic development, and one more power, in this case China, which could help in this field, would be welcome. The economic competition in Southeast Asia is made all the more complex by two factors, namely. China coming in with a market of 700 million people will increase the competition with other big powers. This naturally will increase attention by the United States to her economic interests when the Vietnam war is over. Therefore, there will then be a new situation with new vistas for all to watch and make the necessary adjustments.”
“More than 20 years ago America was the victor in the war and she was then the only super-power in the world. And she considered the Soviet Union as her No. 1 enemy. The United States believed herself to be lighting the Soviet Union in China. Korea, Vietnam and elsewhere. But over the years. the United States has realised, albeit belatedly, that what, ever policy China is conducting is on her own behalf and for her own interest. This has become all the more evident to her since China breached with the Soviet Union, it would appear that the United States is moving towards an accommodation with China as an increasingly strong independent power, just as she has been seeking accommodation with the Soviet Union to reduce conflicts. For China, her policies are also changing. The United States is no longer regarded as the No. 1 enemy in interstate relations, although what she calls "American imperialism" might still be considered its ideological adversary. This is indicated clearly in speeches and broadcasts made by the leaders of the People's Republic of China. During the last five to six years China has become a nuclear power. This is an important factor to consider as China cannot from now onwards conduct diplomacy like when she was just a military power. From now China has to conduct power politics by the normal, international channels and the best way for her to do this is to join the United Nations. To this extent, China could be' considered sincere in her desire to join the. U.N, a:; she gradually picks up the old Leninist slogan of peaceful co-existence and peaceful competition between states with different social systems. China's entry into the United Nations is inevitable.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, the story is told of the President of Ireland. Eamon de Valera. that he was once arrested in the middle of what the authorities considered a subversive speech and sentenced to a year's imprisonment. On his release, being a true Irishman of American and Cuban extraction, he returned to the same spot where he was arrested and began his speech with the words: "As I was saying when I was interrupted...". Mr Speaker, Sir,I can assure you that as a true Singaporean of Malay extraction. I was not arrested and imprisoned between 4.30 p.m, on Friday and noon today either for any political or criminal offence. [Laughter] Although I was at Changi during the week-end, it was nowhere near what the Minister for Home Affairs calls "Moon Crescent". [Laughter] I simply wish to continue with the speech I made last week. President Nixon's move as announced on the 16th of July will, I think, lead to the establishment of relations with the People's, Republic of China. This development is historically inevitable. The United States can no longer ignore the political and legal existence, of China, just as China `has to recognise that she is living in a big world with two super-powers and other big powers. And although the latest American move has partly to do with the American position in relation to the war in Vietnam, it has in fact taken place because the policy the United States formulated for itself vis-a-vis China 22 years ago is becoming less relevant as the world has changed much since then. It was the United States which formulated this policy of recognising the Republic of China under Chiang Kai Shek and it is the United States which now wants to undo this policy.”
“Therefore, to force ourselves on to the world stage without really understanding the aims and objectives of the producers and directors of the current play being performed, would mean breaking our backs and seriously injuring ourselves. Events in the Middle East, Indochina and other parts of Asia and Africa have persistently shown that the big powers want us to declare that we are on their side in big power conflicts. This we have refrained and must refrain from doing in the future. President Nixon's move as announced on the 16th July will, I think, lead to the establishment of relations with the People's Republic of China. This development is historically inevitable. The United States can no longer ignore the political and legal existence of China, just as China has to recognise - 4.30 p.m.”
“This is to create a progressive, dynamic and successful society, by registering successes in our own internal development programmes and thereby influencing other states and societies by sheer force of example. At the same time, our growing prosperity and continued viability will ensure a self-confidence generated by our capacity to solve our own internal economic and social problems. With this, we hope to be a positive force in the international sphere in the hope that we would be freer to order the kind of life, which we think, is best for our people. In other words, we hope that non-interference in the affairs of other nations, which we believe in, will similarly be practised by others in their attitudes towards us. From experience in international politics, we know that in many cases if the big powers want to solve international problems, irrespective of whether they are in the Middle East, Indochina or Africa, they can solve them. But, all too often, it appears as if the big powers sometimes have an interest in not solving them, or in delaying their solutions. In this regard, it is clear to us in Singapore that the big powers in many cases want to make use of small states as weights in the international daching. Where we are convinced that the big powers are so motivated, we shall, to the best of our ability, avoid any kind of involvement. But where we feel that such activities are detrimental to our own national interests, we shall counter any moves, which will compromise our independence and integrity. Although we have been independent for only six years, we have learned the bitter truth that it would be disastrous for small countries to act like major powers on the world stage, particularly if they do not have the capacity to do so.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, as 1971 comes to a close five months from today, Singapore, for the first time in its history, will no longer have the defence umbrella to which it has grown accustomed for the last 150 years. We shall, despite the Five-Power Defence arrangement, have to be more self- reliant. As was stated in the Addendum to the Presidential Address at the opening of the Second Session of the Second Parliament on the 21st of July, Singapore's foreign policy in the years ahead will have to be more outward-looking than it has hitherto been, because, among other things, external developments will be more directly felt by us. Singapore, by virtue of its size, cannot expect to influence international events. And precisely because of our small size and our inability to influence world events, we might have become inward-looking as well as insular in our concept and practice of diplomacy. With the rapidly changing international scene in the Pacific and Indian Oceans, we have to develop the capacity to play our role in international affairs by involving ourselves in intra-regional or sub-regional developments. We can no longer think of our own individual and national interests as the powers and super-powers around us make new moves, and take on new alignments. We are realistic enough to know that international politics on a global scale is the art of the possible. And in line with this view, we shall participate in international politics wherever and whenever it is judicious and possible to do so, bearing in mind our own interests and those of our immediate neighbours. Regardless of the above, there is, however, one contribution Singapore can make in a positive way in international relations.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, I beg to move. "That the Bill be now read a Second time." Sir, the Diplomatic and Consular Officers (Oaths and Fees) Act, 1968, empowers our overseas missions to provide consular services and to receive fees for the performance of these services. The rates for the levy of fees are set out in the Diplomatic and Consular Officers (Fees) Order, 1970, which was published in the Gazette on 2nd October, 1970. The consular services performed overseas are similar to those provided in Singapore under a number of legislative measures. The schedule of fees chargeable overseas follows, therefore, the schedules which are applicable to Singapore. The Singapore schedules of fees can be amended or varied by individual Ministers under the respective legislation and such changes become effective by publication in the Gazette. However, under the Diplomatic and Consular Officers (Oaths and Fees) Act, 1968, it is the President and not the Minister for Foreign Affairs who is empowered to amend or vary the schedules of rates. This amending Bill, therefore, seeks to provide for uniformity by giving the Minister for Foreign Affairs similar powers exercised by other Ministers in respect of fees. Sir, I beg to move. Question put, and agreed to. Bill accordingly read a Second time and committed to a Committee of the whole House. The House immediately resolved itself into a Committee on the Bill. - [Inche Rahim Ishak]. Bill considered in Committee. [Mr Speaker in the Chair] Clause 1 -”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, unless the Member for Punggol wants to split hairs and discuss the meaning of the word "distribution", I do not see the purpose of his question, except that, as I said earlier, some students get copies of the Mirror directly as they are sent direct by the Ministry of Culture. Some get them in their hostels or dor mitories or in the reading-rooms of our missions abroad and in other places where they get together. SCHOOL CHILDREN (Production of documents at beginning of school year) 3. Inche Rahmat Bin Kenap asked the Minister for Education why school children who have been attending a school for a few years are required to produce documents such as birth certificates, parents' identity cards and citizenship certificates at the beginning of each subsequent school year.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, here is a straightforward answer to a straightforward question. It could have been before or after 1969. As to the second part of the question by the Member for Punggol. I think he has not yet returned to be an overseas student; he is still a Member of Parliament.”
“In the United States of America, 82 copies of the Mirror are distributed. For the information of the Member for Punggol, all our missions issue the Singapore Newsletter twice a month, except those in Kuala Lumpur, Jakarta and Manila.”
“Mr Speaker. Sir, as the Member for Punggol has asked for this information, he will get it. The number of copies of the Mirror distributed to students in Australia is 180. This distribution started in 1969, and copies of the Mirror are distributed by the Ministry of Culture. This is the alphabetical order of distribution, in Cambodia, as no students are registered with our Embassy there, we do not send any copies of the Mirror. In Canada, 89 copies. In Hong Kong, no students are registered with the Singapore Commission there, so we do not send them any. In India, 12 copies of the Mirror are distributed, and these copies are shared among the students, as the mailing list of 200 has to include Government offices in India and diplomatic missions. In Indonesia, no copies are distributed, although 11 students in Soerabaya and Jogjakarta have recently registered with the Singapore Embassy and they will be receiving the Mirror in due course. In Japan, 51 copies of the Mirror are sent directly by the Ministry of Culture. Figures are not available for Malaysia. In New Zealand, 214 copies of the Mirror are sent, and this figure includes some New Zealand and Malaysian students who want them. In the Philippines, there is no circulation because no students have as yet registered with the Singapore Embassy In Thailand, there is no circulation. Publications available to students registered with the Singapore Embassy: the United Arab Republic, no circulation. Until January 1969, the Mirror was distributed in that country but now it has been replaced by the Singapore Newsletter issued by our Embassy in Cairo. In the United Kingdom and Eire, there are 387 copies of the Mirror in London alone and 391 copies in the other provinces in the U.K., giving a total of 778 copies.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, unless the Member for Serangoon Gardens has forgotten what T have just said, it will be clear that I did not categorise or mention any country which is supposed to be unfriendly towards Singapore. With regard to the comments made by the Member for Ulu Pandan, they are like his reference to what you were supposed to have done, Sir, on Friday night. Similarly, in the last statement which I made when the House resumed. I did not mention what the Member was supposed to have said. On Friday night he said that we were no longer non-aligned and, if I am not mistaken, we were going to the Right in our foreign policy. I can only ask him to support his own statement that we are not non-aligned or that we are Rightists in our foreign policy.”
“I have already mentioned that our foreign policy is closely related with defence and that the more successful we are in carrying out our foreign policy, perhaps, with due respect to the Minister for Defence, the less he will have to spend on defence.”
“Yes. This is where silence is not only golden but very much more precious than gold. As to the comments made by the Member for Crawford just now, it was rather late in the evening when the Member raised the question of Vietnam. I can well remember that he was trying to race against time and I hope he has not become too involved in the question that he has put. I think that over the week-end he must have discovered that the question he had asked might not have been relevant to the issue. The incompatibility and inconsistency are, of course, anybody's guess. As to the last point -”
“Sir, the Member for Bras Basah asked who were the unfriendly nations to which I referred, I think it should be clear to him that one way of making enemies is to mention who they are. For that reason, it is best for us not to mention the names of the unfriendly nations.”
“By adhering to intelligent and realistic policies, I am confident we and other small countries can still live and work together for mutual benefit. 3.15 p.m. Finally, Mr Speaker, Sir, the Member for Delta raised a question concerning our posts in Johore Bahru and Rangoon. As for Johore Bahru, the original proposal was to have a consular post there with the appointment of an officer of the rank of Third Secretary, to deal primarily with the issue of visas and related matters connected with facilitating travel between West Malaysia and Singapore. Unfortunately, the response to this from Malaysia has not been favourable in view of its interpretation of our request as being that of our desire for establishing a visa office, tantamount to establishing a branch of the Singapore Immigration Department in Johore Bahru which is foreign territory. While the establishment of such an office would have in fact been more beneficial to Malaysians wishing to travel to Singapore, in view of this response the matter was not pursued further. However, the provision still remains and as soon as it is convenient to establish a consular office in Johore Bahru with a wider range of functions, a fresh ap proach will be made to the Malaysian Government. In the case of Rangoon, it is not possible to say categorically when this post will be set up. All I can say now is that it has to be fitted into an amended time-table taking into account various new missions which have to be set up in the course of the next year or two.”
“The policy of non-alignment cannot be a policy of non-com mitment in the literal sense of the word. It could never be so, because in carrying out a policy of non- alignment, we aim for the achievement of certain definite objectives. For that matter, no policy can be considered as uncommitted because every policy we decide upon and execute implies action and has certain definite objectives for the achievement of which it is engaged. So the last thing that the policy of non-alignment can mean is to have permanent enemies or permanent friends. This it cannot be. The Member for Crawford also touched on the changing scene and power shifts in Asia and he made reference to the emergence of a strong Vietnam, once the present conflict is over As I said in the general debate on the Budget, small countries like Singapore will always be in the shadow of more powerful nations. But just because they are powerful, it should not be taken to he synonymous with any suggestion that they have any hostile intentions towards us. For that matter, not only will Vietnam be a strong nation, as the Member for Crawford has said, but there are many other stronger nations than Vietnam, as he knows. Judging by both the pronouncements of policy and their actions, the Member should rest assured that whatever the strength of countries like Vietnam, our policy of friendship with all, regardless of ideology or systems of government, is intended to show that just as we do not wish to interfere in their internal affairs or the way they run their government, we also respect them for according us the same treatment. In brief, we cannot allow ourselves to be perpetually living in fear of our surroundings simply because there are large super-powers, much stronger nations in the world.”
“Our foreign policy is, briefly, in a sense, a most forward "defence" policy that can be conceived, since it endeavours to secure the maximum of friends and ensure their friendship with us at all times and under all circumstances, whatever their own attitudes and reactions to other nations, in a way, our policy of friendship towards all nations indirectly supplements our security. On our non-aligned policy as brought up by the Member for Crawford, Sir, I already spoke at length last Thursday on this topic and I would not like to burden the House by unnecessarily repeating it all over again. However. I would again stress that our non- aligned policy is anchored to safe and unexceptionable premises which are beyond dispute and contradiction. I should also like to explain - as there appears to be some confusion about this - that non-alignment does not mean rigid neutralism in dealing with specific issues. This distinction must be understood, otherwise we may be unjustifiably and mistakenly represented by the misinformed or the mischievous that we follow one bloc or another in making known our stand on certain important issues from time to time. When we express our conviction and our opinion on any specific issue, we do so purely on the merits of the case and in the light of our national interest first and foremost, and not because we follow one power bloc or another as such. Our non-aligned policy does not, in fact, preclude us from expressing our own conviction on specific issues based on our own experience and circumstances, and our own judgment on the effect it would have on our international relations, itself resting on our basic premise in wanting to be friends to all and enemy to none.”
“Thirdly, Sir, I do not think, as the Member for Crawford might be anxious about, that the Vietnamese people after more than two decades of suffering, harassment and war, would want anything more than to enjoy the blessings of peace and to rebuild their economy and get on with the business of a normal peaceful existence once the war there is officially and technically over. I should like also to stress the point that it is of the utmost importance that while we make progress internally in strengthening our economic and defence sinews, internationally we should also make the maximum progress within our limited resources to seek and maintain the friendship of other nations, both big and small and whatever their ideology and systems of government. If by our defence policy and defence arrangements we can ensure that other nations would not be predisposed to be aggressive towards us, then to that extent we will feel assured of a basis for friendly relations, upon which we can further seek to enlarge by continuing to pursue a forward-looking policy. Since we extend the hand of friendship to all nations alike, there is also the need for us to maintain friendship even with those nations that may not be as friendly, in the hope that over the years they too will appreciate our gesture of friendship and discard any hostility or dissatisfaction which they may hold against us. The hard reality of international life is that today's foes can be tomorrow's friends. After all, governments are made up of human beings whose policies are subject to change depending on what is in their own respective interests.”
“And as the Member for Crawford puts it, the possibility of shifting balance of power within the region arising from the possibility of an early end to the Vietnam war and the emergence of a well-tried, well-organised military organisation in Vietnam larger than that of our members of the region. In the first place. Sir, I do not see any incompatibility between our defence build-up, which will cost us some $350 million in next year's budget, and our non-aligned policy. There is neither in consistency nor incompatibility, it is an inevitable concomitant of our independence that we develop and exercise our muscles for defence purposes, and, as far as we are concerned, for defence purposes only. It is like members of the fair sex deciding these days to take up karate or judo. I am sure these precautionary measures are for defence and not for offence. For while the intention in such cases where the fair sex is concerned is to be equipped to defend herself against any attack against her modesty, it does not, of course, preclude her from giving way to temptation and using it for other non-defensive purposes. Secondly, Sir, there is no doubt in my mind that our regional effort in defence is inseparably bound up with our neighbour Malaysia and tied to co-operation and assistance from our Commonwealth partners, the United Kingdom, Australia and New Zealand. But we need to establish credibility and a sort of creditworthiness ourselves, so that our part of the bargain in the total set-up is not wholly insignificant or negative.”