Bernard Chen
Singapore
“The increase in health expenditure is as inevitable as the sun rises. The major part of this expenditure is on manpower. Doctors and nurses and other operational staff have to be paid at market level wages. They have to compete with other demands for the scarce labour resources.”
“Question No. 12, Sir. Assoc. Prof. Ho Peng Kee (for the Minister for Home Affairs): Sir, investigations into the case are still in progress. When investigations are completed, a Coroner's Inquiry will be held during which the full facts of the case will be presented.”
“Question No. 16, Sir. Assoc. Prof. Ho Peng Kee (for the Minister for Home Affairs): Mr Speaker, Sir, Police is investigating the incident which occurred outside the Kallang Theatre, not at the Singapore Recreation Club, as stated in the Question. Investigations are in progress.”
“If you can license dogs, what is the difference for licensing cats? Dr John Chen Seow Phun: If something is not necessary, why do you want to create that machinery and system, just to do something which some people want. SINGLE SESSION SECONDARY SCHOOLS (Adjustment to reporting time) 5.”
“Although cat is not my problem, I am asking on behalf of somebody else. If the Minister of State is in agreement that we should control cats, why do you not license them so that at least we do not shoot the wrong cats, to begin with, and whoever is the owner will have a responsibility in making sure that the cat does not stray around, but…”
“I agree with the Minister on the need to retain flexibility. I think we should leave it to the patient. But can the Minister confirm that the rates that the patients are paying to the specialists are, in fact, market rates so that there is no subsidy by the Government on all these consultations and there is no impact on the cost efficienc…”
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“In order to go after the same scarce resources the private sector will have no choice but to respond by way of increasing wages to match those in the public sector. Again, it is a difficult issue. Perhaps one answer to this would be for the Government and the public sector as a whole to increasingly switch its remuneration system to one of performance related, as in the private sector. In this case there will not be a substantial across the board increase which will drive up wages in all sectors of the economy, rather the better performers will get better rewards as should be the case. And if the private sector were to go after the same resource, then they have to pay for it. But the overall wage level can be maintained at tolerable levels. Sir, I myself for that matter have not got a real solution to this labour problem. All I can suggest to the Minister is perhaps, being in charge of the economy of Singapore, he can find some ways and means of making the ends meet. In other words, try to have the cake and eat it at the same time. But I think seriously it is a problem that we all face and I hope that the Ministry will allocate some priority in examining the solutions possible.”
“The question is, what is too many or how much is too many? We may also have to look seriously into how to induce the underemployed members of the workforce, in particular females, and put their services into the main labour force. In particular, we should also look at how best we can improve the dialogue between the Government and the various industries and service sectors which have a peculiar demand for labour. Because not everybody in the private sector uses labour the same way. There are certain constraints and there are other ways of making ends meet. In short, I would like to stress that the labour shortage problem and its consequential higher cost is a major problem that we will have to face in the coming years. There is also a problem related to the public sector. The public sector, just like the private sector, have the same demand on labour resources as well as other resources like land, utilities and the competition for these resources will be yet another challenge for us. While generally speaking, in the private sector there is a discipline in maximizing the use of these resources because excessive use of these resources will impact on the cost and profits. One wonders whether the same discipline applies to the public sector where the method of accounting and accountability is quite different from the private sector. The question to pose is whether the public sector is also playing a part in ensuring that these resources are maximally utilized. One recent example is the wage increases proposed for civil servants. While we have no objections - in fact, we support increases for wages for civil servants - we cannot ignore the effect that it may have on the private sector and on the economy as a whole.”
“Since then, however, with higher growth achieved in the last two years there are signs that the competitiveness may be eroded once again especially with the withdrawal of some concessions introduced during 1985 and the introduction of some new measures which to a large extent affect labour. This has been accentuated by a severe shortage of labour in all sectors. Sir, when we want to target lower economic growth rate in a free economy like Singapore, we can face several problems. First, who is to say who should grow faster or who can grow slower? In the private sector, everyone wants to grow faster than the others, implying that if you grow fast enough you make more money. How can we allocate labour to the various sectors? The allocation involves not only foreign labour but also local labour as well. Secondly, in the scramble for these workers, wages will be driven up beyond desired levels. With the levies and statutory contributions imposed on labour usage, the wages may be driven even higher. Thirdly, the cost increases as a result of this increased cost of operations will be reflected, firstly, in reducing our competitiveness in both local and export markets, and indirectly the increasing cost of goods and services will be passed on to the consumers which, of course, then will have an impact on inflation. I realize it is a difficult problem when we come to the allocation of labour. It is not easy to play God as to say who should get more than the others. I think the issue facing us at the moment is really how do we find a way to prioritize the various demands on labour, and hopefully at the same time achieve a limit on the use of foreign labour. We recognize the diverse impact posed by too many, foreign labour.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, I beg to move, That the total sum to be allocated for Head V of the Main Estimates be reduced by $100. Sir, the Finance Minister in his budget speech this year stated that Singapore is likely to have lower economic growth in the longer term because of constraints of various resources. The long-term economic growth at a lower rate depends very much on how the allocation of the scarce resources can be made to the various sectors. The nature of the Singapore economy has been one of diversification. This was the result of economic strategy programme which was launched in the early 1970's. The major sectors involved were manufacturing, commerce, which includes tourism, transport and communications, finance and business and construction. The intention of this diversification was to minimize the fluctuations that could come about when one sector grew faster than the others. There was hope at that time that with a well diversified economy we could still continue to grow despite ups and downs. The years of high growth following this programme came to an end in 1985 when all the sectors declined at the same time. One of the primary causes for the major downturn was because of the loss of competitiveness of our industries of which the main cause was high cost caused by high wages and at the same time labour shortage, which in turn forced up wages beyond acceptable levels. The Government through the Economic Committee implemented measures which to a large extent corrected these problems and our competitiveness was restored and remained quite stable for the last few years.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, there will be a debate on civil servants' salaries later in the week. I just like to ask the Minister a few clarifications. First, on the recruitment of Administrative Officers. My question is: have the standards of recruitment been raised? Because much depends on what standards PSC set. If you set very stringent standards, then of course recruitment will be reduced. The second question is: when exactly do these Administrative Officers leave? The Minister has said that for the scholars, they leave after eight years. What about those who are non-scholars? If these officers leave much earlier on in their career, then the move to compensate them before they leave is a good one. Do they leave before the CEP is made? In fact, are they aware of what degree of CEP they are going to get? The third question is on the performance bonus to be given by Permanent Secretaries. Are the Permanent Secretaries the sole deciders in whether this performance bonus should be made? Or are they subject to PSC or some other bodies? Otherwise given the best intentions, the Permanent Secretary may not feel generous enough. The fourth question relates to a matter of detail in Annex C where the monthly incomes of the private sector officers are included. The question is whether these benefits include cars and housing allowance. For some of the categories, especially bankers, profit-related bonuses are also included. And the treatment of profit-related payment is very different from salaries. They may have, in fact, the effect of jacking up the monthly income.”
“I think perhaps if I may suggest to the Minister that in the coming year we can enter into a more detailed dialogue with the industry and services because it is only through this dialogue discussion where we can determine the peculiarities of industries as to their labour requirement and in toto we will be able to come up with a labour policy that is flexible enough and yet serve both the requirement of the Government and that of the private sector. On this note, may I congratulate the Minister for a happy budget and look forward to more pleasant ones to come.”
“Because knowledge is never perfect. Industries have different competitors, are in different competitive positions, and each and every one of them will have to adapt its own way of doing business in accordance with the general Government policy. In the absence of exact knowledge, I think it may be discreet to allow these cost increasing measures to be spaced out over time so that industries have a longer time to prepare and absorb the effects. There is no doubt that the current budget is a happy budget despite some reservations on the measures which I mentioned just now. But I think the key to survival in the long term for the private sector is really that they must be put in the position where they can improve their own businesses vis-a-vis competitors in the region without having to fight on the home ground and to find ways and means of absorbing these increases at the risk of blunting their competitiveness. The question of labour shortage has been mentioned by many a Member in this House yesterday, which is probably the main cause of the problem that we are facing in the private sector today. The shortage of labour not only restricts the amount of labour but also increases the cost of labour in doing business. Frankly speaking, I do not have the answer. I am not too sure whether the Government has the answer too as to how to allocate the scarce labour resources to the industries and services on the one hand and on the other hand to balance the maximum number of foreign workers that we will allow.”
“Hence, the main aim of the Government must be to enable the private sector, in whatever 0investments they are in, in whatever industries or services they are engaged in, to achieve a satisfactory return on its business. The high cost of doing business through levies of one kind or another will eventually erode these returns and the private investor, after suffering such erosion, may have no choice but to redirect his investment to other countries that yield better returns. There is nothing wrong in the private business making money or achieving a satisfactory return on investments. But in the past few years it seems that there is a perception, that is, when the Government sees that some of the industries are recovering from the doldrums of the recession, the Government thinks that perhaps this is now the time to make sure that the private business does not earn too much money, and therefore soaks up some of the profits by way of levies and statutory contributions. (I must declare my interest because I am also in the private business.) I think this is the perception that many people in the private sector seems to harbour, and the pulling back of these measures within so short a period of time after the recession cannot but give the private sector an indication that in bad times the measures will be effected but as soon as there are signs of recovery this will be taken back. I think we can take this short term view if our industries are in Singapore for short term purposes. But if the private sector is to stay here on a long term basis, then Government policies which affect their well-being must of necessity be also of a long term nature. One possible solution is perhaps to tamper the increases of these levies or the restoration of these levies by spacing them out.”
“In the Economic Committee's Report in 1985, there were many measures recommended and subsequently implemented to revive the Singapore economy. And we are all pleased to say that all these measures have the desired effect. We are once more competitive. But in the euphoria of high growth in the last two years, there has been some concern expressed, especially in the business sector, that the Government may be pulling back a bit too fast in withdrawing some concessions that were introduced in 1985 and introducing new ones, such as increased levy on foreign workers, additional contribution of CPF, the latest being the first signs of consumption tax being levied. If we look at the growth rate in the first quarter of this year, as the Minister has also pointed out in the budget speech, there are already signs that we may be slowing down. The question that we want to ask ourselves is whether, in having to absorb some of these new measures, our flexibility would be reduced. And if external demand falters, whether we will be in a position to get a fair share of our export market. One has to note that some of these measures, the ones on CPF, foreign workers' levy and the ratio of foreign workers to domestic workers, once introduced are not likely to be pulled back easily. If we cannot do a turnabout in the space of one or two years, we will find that we will be at a disadvantage once again. And, as against other countries in the region, we will not have other balancing factors to improve our competitiveness. Sir, the economic growth of a country like Singapore depends very much on the private sector and its initiative to promote industries and services and, in particular, to be in a position to export.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, in the Budget speech, the Finance Minister stated quite clearly that the high economic growth that we have achieved last year was due to a surge in external demand. Indeed, if we look back over the last 10 years, apart from 1985, economic growth for Singapore has always been dependent on the degree of external demand that we can meet. Similarly, in the next 5-10 years, our future growth will have to be dependent on our ability to meet this external demand. We must therefore remain competitive vis-a-vis other countries which are fast catching up. We have to compete with Hong Kong, Korea and Taiwan. Of late, Thailand has come into the picture, and even Malaysia, after its downturn in the last several years, is showing signs of revival. Compared to Singapore, these countries are much more flexible in being able to adapt to external factors, mainly because their resources, whether in manpower, land or other infrastructural support, are far more abundant than those we have in Singapore. Their costs of doing business because of these relatively cheaper resources are at most times lower than ours. We in Singapore have not got this flexibility. If we look at the causes of our recession in 1985, we will see that one of the major factors why we had not done well that year was because of our high costs, in particular labour. It was only through some severe measures of curtailing wages that we were able to restore our competitiveness vis-a-vis other countries. The question is how long can we carry on in this way. If external demand does fall and if we are not flexible enough to adapt ourselves, we will lose the market to other countries in the region.”
“All right. I withdraw the amendment under protest. Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.”
“We still have lots of time. The guillotine is at 3.50 pm.”
“Sir, can I be allowed two minutes just to make one point? The Chairman; No. We have exceeded the time already. Sorry.”
“On the other hand, each individual case put forward by commercial developers may have to be examined on its own merits and that some flexibility can be allowed. The to-ing and fro-ing of discussions between developers and the fire officers as to how best to comply with the regulations have to my knowledge caused a lot of heartaches, a lot of pains and also a lot of costs. I was wondering whether the Ministry could consider a way in which this bargaining and this interpretation can be reduced to the minimum, and whether, in fact, the Ministry has provided a recourse for appeal for developers who genuinely feel that they have a good case to ask for flexibility in the interpretation of these regulations. Because if the fire officers in the Fire Safety Bureau insist that the regulations are complied to the letter, then the end-result would be a delay of projects. Proverbially, the best thing to do is to have a set of regulations that will ensure no fire, that means - have no buildings, therefore, there will be no fire. I do not think that is really what we want, neither do I think that is what the Ministry wants. I hope the Ministry can see a way of getting this passed through and perhaps extend to the officers of the Fire Safety Bureau a certain degree of flexibility. As in the case of the Building Control Department in the Ministry of National Develop- ment, depending on circumstances of the case, certain exceptions and certain flexibility are allowed so that the projects can go ahead at least cost to the developers. But at the same time this ensures that, at least, the maximum possible fire safety regulations can be complied with.”
“Sir, I beg to move, That the sum to be allocated for Head Q be reduced by $10 in respect of Code QE 1000 of the Main Estimates. Sir, I would like to just touch on the subject of fire regulations. As members of the GPC (Home Affairs), we received quite a number of representations on difficulties encountered by developers of commercial properties in complying with fire regulations. We had a series of briefings from the Ministry in which we were told that all the regulations were, in fact, in order and there was nothing to worry about. We are thus in a kind of quandary as to determine who is right and who is wrong. The problem of compliance with fire regulations is a costly one. For example, if a design has to be changed to comply with some fire regulations, it may mean a change in some of the basic infrastructure, for example, fire sprinkler system which can cost up to millions of dollars. It may require construction of fire walls. It may even involve construction of extra staircases. Sometimes the revision of the design in order that it complies with the regulations can result in a complete change of the design, causing very long delays for the developer. We have looked at the problem in some detail and our view is that it may well be the problem of interpretation of these regulations rather than the regulations themselves. When these regulations are promulgated, they look innocuous. People think that they can comply, but when it comes to interpretation by the fire officers in the Fire Safety Bureau, that is where the difference of opinion arises. If I may suggest, the safest course for the fire officers in the Bureau is to stick strictly to the letter of these regulations, allowing for no variations.”
“Sir, I beg leave to withdraw my amendment. Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.”
“In the case of heroin addiction, more severe methods can be used because a large proportion of these addicts would have reached 21 years old and they know what they are in for. The teenagers, sometimes because they got mixed up with bad companies or they themselves are not sufficiently matured to realize the implication of inhalant abuse, would have to be treated quite differently. The legislation regarding glue-sniffing was passed sometime in the course of last year. I would just like to find out from the Minister whether any progress has been made in the implementation of these measures that the Ministry of Home Affairs has announced, whether the incidence of inhalant abuse has deteriorated or whether some of the provisions provided in the law are adequate to cope with the problem and whether the campaign to educate the public, in particular, the parents of these inhalant abusers, have had any success so far.”
“Sir, on the problem of drug abuse, I would just like to draw a parallel between the heroin drug addiction that we are used to face in the past decade and the growing incidents of glue-sniffing that they are encountering in this decade. The three major cornerstones to the success of our anti-drug drive in the last decade have been really the following. First, a very effective deterrent against drug trafficking to the extent of mandatory death sentence for people who carry more than 15gm of heroin. The second being a constant monitoring of the drug addicts, including regular urine tests and inspection of the haunts that they frequent, and the third being a very intensive rehabilitation programme which has at least achieved a rather high success rate. I am afraid to say that in the case of glue-sniffing these three conditions that have been applied rather successfully to heroin addiction may not apply to the same extent. Firstly, on trafficking. As against heroin, glue-sniffing is different in that there are many forms of inhalants that one can buy in the streets. Many of them are being used commercially for other purposes. It is extremely difficult to isolate or even more difficult to restrict the sales of these inhalants as against the sale of heroin. Secondly, the profile of addicts is somewhat different from those of heroin. In the case of heroin addicts, I understand the average age of these addicts is somewhat higher whereas in inhalant addicts they are mostly teenagers, sometimes even down to the 15's and 16's and it is difficult to keep track of these people, even harder to educate them on the follies of inhalant abuse. Thirdly, the rehabilitation efforts that apply to heroin addiction may also have to be different.”
“Sir, just now the Minister mentioned the problem of equating the reduction of manpower as part of Government policy and automation and computerization. I just want to add one point. In respect of the Police Force, it is not just good enough to have graduates who are good planners and enforcers. Sometimes it is hard for a graduate Police officer to apprehend a crook somewhere in the streets. We have in the Police Force a core of very dedicated junior officers, sergeants maybe, or corporals even, who seem to have a good sense of who the crooks are and where they are. It would be a pity if, in the course of trimming manpower, we let this category go. In the case of the Police Force, I think we should not just go on the basis of qualifications. I think we should go for the special qualities that some of these Police officers have. I think many Members of the House who have experience with some of these dedicated junior officers will agree with me that we need to retain, if not look after, this particular group of people because with the kind of crooks and rascals that we have, we need people who are better than them to apprehend them. I hope the Minister will consider this point.”
“In our visits to police stations and the other establishments, GPC members are quite impressed that with proper equipment, up-to-date equipment, the efficiency of the Police Force can be enhanced quite tremendously. This point cannot be over-emphasized because as we improve efficiency, we will always be behind somewhat - the crooks and the rascals who have also access to equipment and facilities that are probably few years ahead of us. The question about bookies is a good example. We had a briefing and we saw some of the equipment that they used and I must say that their equipment I think are probably better than the ones we have in the Police Force. You cannot catch crooks that way if they are better off than you are. The third area which I would like to comment really is with the legislation and better methods of policing and the complement of equipment facilities, amenities, the remaining component really is that of people. With the more sophisticated method of policing, one would imagine that we need more planners who can bring their minds to bear on how the changing environment, changing conditions will require a change in policing methods. They would need to know how best the more sophisticated criminals and crooks can be dealt with and how loopholes can be plugged. We cannot rely all the time on traditional policing methods that may have been good in the old days but are no longer relevant to the modern needs.”
“In particular, we heard of computerization of records to enable Police to retrieve information rapidly, be they on duty in the stations or in mobile police cars. And with the fast response and better communications, one would imagine that the Police would be able to perform their duties more efficiently. If we look at the Police Force and other statutory boards, a question may well be raised - whether the Police Force as a department has the same access to funds and resources that other statutory boards enjoy. For example, it is quite well known that Telecoms is providing first-class service to clients, both domestic and internationally. The Public Utilities Board, the PSA are doing the same. These statutory boards have more or less direct access to funds in their own respective organizations. The Police Force, under the Ministry of Home Affairs, has to go to the Ministry of Finance. Lest Members of the House think that we are speaking on behalf of the Ministry of Home Affairs to get more money from the Finance Ministry, it remains that the criteria for justifying some of these services are easily met or more easily met in the statutory boards than the Finance Ministry. If the guidelines are more flexible, one would imagine that the Police Force would spend more of their time enforcing law and order rather than fighting with the Ministry of Finance to get the necessary financial resources to upgrade their equipment. In the recent past there are already signs that the Police Force has been able to perform much more efficiently if they are given the wherewithal.”
“The penalties imposed by the law are often inadequate to fit in with the seriousness of the crimes and many a time we seem to let the situation get a bit out of control before Parliament considers revisions to the Acts that would reduce the severity of these crimes. I would like to raise with the Minister whether, in fact, we can have a more systematic review of some of the legislations regarding the work of the Police Force with a view to seeing whether the provisions of the legislations are keeping up with the times, especially in areas where rapid economic and social developments have made some of these provisions obsolete. My GPC and members of the Resource Panel are more than happy to see in what way we can contribute to examine some of these legislations in depth and to arrive at a situation where the provisions are improved and adapted to the changing situation before they deteriorate. Because without adequate provisions of the law and legislation, the Police Force would be hampered in the carrying out of their duties. Let me now move on to the enforcement by the Police themselves. As we have read in the press through the years, the mode of policing has been changing quite rapidly, and rightly so, as it responds to changing times and the movement of people to high-rise housing estates. So we see the police going from foot patrol to bicycle patrol, mobile patrol, Division headquarters, and lately the implementation of Neighbourhood Police Posts. All these changes are in keeping with the changing lifestyle of the people. The question to ask is whether, in fact, such changing policing lifestyles have been accompanied by the provisions of facilities and amenities to enable the Police to perform their duties more efficiently.”
“Sir, I beg to move, That the total sum to be allocated for Head Q of the Main Estimates be reduced by $100. Sir, with your permission, I would like to go over generally some of the functions carried out by the Singapore Police Force. The other members of my GPC would go into the details. Sir, Singapore as a metropolis has enjoyed rather low crime rates compared to other cities in the world. Through the years, despite rapid economic development and social progress, Singapore has been able to keep these crime rates relatively to a minimum compared with other big cities in the world. But as in all things, times change, and we have to change along with them. The first aspect that I would like to comment on is the kind of legislation that we have in force that enables the Police Force to implement or enforce law and order effectively. These legislations have to be refined, tightened and revised as times change. In the past two decades we have had occasions to do some of these major changes. For example, in the '50s and early '60s when kidnapping was rampant, we tightened the law considerably, and as a result kidnapping is now virtually a thing of the past. In the '70s we had the occasion to tighten our legislation on armed robbery and vandalism. And in '80s with more traffic, more cars and more serious accidents, we had also revised legislation on drunken driving and other offences on the roads. The latest, of course, is something that we have talked about, that is, the tightening of legislation on fireworks or discharging and procuring of fireworks. Sir, one of the features of all these changes has been that we seem to move after the event rather than anticipating the manifestation of these adverse developments.”
“I suggest to the Member that he read the Commission of Inquiry's Report more thoroughly.”
“None surfaced. "Momentous" is not very different from "massive". Let us remind ourselves that the Government has come clean right from the start without prompting from other parties, much less the Member for Potong Pasir. The Commission of Inquiry called for by the MP for Potong Pasir merely confirmed findings concluded much earlier on, which findings had already been revealed in Parliament. It speaks well of the Government and the administration that we are prepared to uphold the integrity of our system even though it may involve very painful and difficult decisions as the case before us has demonstrated. The Government's total impartiality is to be commended. I support the Report of the Commission.”
“Please let me finish. He could have said all this at the Commission and then it would have given the Commissioners a chance to rebut. Instead he chose the easy way out by saying it here where he has got protection. This does not speak well of Members of Parliament. All this evasiveness shows that the Member for Potong Pasir actually stands on very shallow and unsteady ground. He cried, "Wolf", but no wolf showed up. He alleged wrongdoings of a momentous scale ---”
“Let me continue with my statement, please. As I said just now, he has bypassed the opportunity to examine the so-called shortcomings of the system used by the Ministry of National Development and other related companies which he had himself inserted as a term of reference for the Inquiry. In his statement this morning in Parliament he has covered grounds that have been dealt in great detail by the Commissioners. It is disappointing as an MP to see a fellow Member of Parliament casting aspersions on the character and calibre of the Commissioners of this Inquiry who are all notable professionals in their own right. It is even more amazing that he has not said this at the Commission but rather choose the opportunity ---”
“If you cannot understand my answer, there is no point saying yes or no.”
“Mr Deputy Speaker, Sir, the Government has no need to call for an inquiry because it has done its full investigations and made the facts public.”
“Second, there were no other instances of corruption apart from the two specific instances mentioned. The Member for Potong Pasir in insisting for an open inquiry was not talk- ing of suspicion but of actual wrongdoing. He said in Parliament: 'If we dig deep enough, then we will find the evidence.' He has himself agreed to the terms of reference which he helped to draft. What do we find in the Inquiry then? The Member for Potong Pasir, after repeated questioning, has to admit that he has no evidence. If he had accepted the Prime Minister's statement at the outset, there would have been no need for such an inquiry. Having failed to produce evidence, the Member for Potong Pasir has resorted to technicalities to get out of involvement in the Inquiry. Playing on words, he got off from having to prove the allegations and accusations he levelled at the Government in Parliament earlier. He has, as the Commissioners said in the Report, to their surprise, given up the opportunity even to probe the CPIB officers.”
“Without this independence and commitment to act regardless of pressures, wrongdoings will be covered up and corruption will slowly become insidious in the entire administrative system. The Singapore CPIB has an enviable reputation. It is well-known for its thoroughness in its investigations. It is often said that it is less than pleasantundergoing a CPIB investigation. Unless one is innocent of all wrongdoings, one would be hard-pressed not to buckle under the intensity of the probe. The safeguard, fortunately here, of course, is that innocent parties need have no fear because investigations, although thorough, will be fair. I am pleased to note that the Commission of Inquiry has covered this second aspect in great detail. It has concluded that the CPIB has been most thorough in its investigations despite the seniority of the suspect. It gives us comfort that our system is able to uncover all corruption practices should and when they occur. The Commission of Inquiry's finding that the Minister has acted alone also helps to reinforce the integrity of the administration. All rumours and speculations of involvement by other officers can now be laid to rest. In an open society like Singapore it is not difficult to understand why such rumours spread so rapidly. The only way to counter this is to be open about the findings of the investigations so that all speculations can be laid to rest. Let me now come, Sir, to the stance taken by the Member for Potong Pasir. As the Minister has pointed out, it was the Member for Potong Pasir who called for the Commission of Inquiry. This was despite assurances given by the Prime Minister in Parliament that, first, the CPIB has concluded in its investigations that the late Minister acted alone and that no other officers were involved.”
“Mr Deputy Speaker, Sir, the Commission of Inquiry on investigations concerning the late Mr Teh Cheang Wan has done a very comprehensive job in dealing with a very complex and painful matter. It is not often that Ministers have been involved in corruption charges. The last one was in 1976. The investigations show that the integrity of the Singapore civil service remains intact as the Minister acted alone in the two cases investigated. Similarly, investigations on other allegations have shown that they are without basis. One of the cornerstones of Singapore's success in both economic and social spheres is the incorruptibility of the Government and the civil service. In a period of rapid economic and social progress, there are many temptations which would test the mettle of Government leaders and civil servants alike. There are really only two ways to guard against corruption. The first is the calibre and integrity of the individual in Government. He must have the basic qualities of honesty and commitment to do a good job. Our Government can be justifiably proud that the incidence of errant officers involved in corruption, is few and far between. It may have something to do with the moral values that we have inculcated in our population through our education programme and, more important, through the personal examples set by our senior leaders. However, human nature being what it is, when temptation becomes too great, it is inevitable that some will fall. It is here that the second element comes in. We must have a totally impartial agency such as the Corrupt Practices Investigation Bureau which is prepared to bring the investigations to the last detail and to the highest level.”
“I understand that some parents have, in fact, approached the Ministry to see whether their children can undergo voluntary supervision or rehabilitation. Perhaps more of this can be done voluntarily because if it is done this way then at least the youngsters themselves would not develop the kind of anti-establishment or anti-society feelings as has been the case when we talk about the hard drugs. Finally, I think the implementation of this law will require very careful attention on the part of the Ministry officials. The key is that these young people are not criminals, as has been stated by many of my colleagues here. They are young people who probably have not found a way to release their energies. If we can assure them that there are better ways to live their life than fall into this habit, then I think we should be able to achieve the final aim of this legislation. On that note, I support the Bill.”
“I see this as potentially more serious than the drug problem that we have seen in the last 10 years. Firstly, because inhalants are more easily accessible. It is an everyday product that people can buy. It is cheap and therefore it is within the means of most of these youngsters. And given the influences from the media, from peer pressure and so on, it will be a difficult task to minimize this problem in the foreseeable future if we only depend on the Government and the law to take its course. This is a problem for every one of us, whether we are parents, members of the public, or Government officers in enforcing the law. This problem has surfaced itself since 1980/81 and successive years have shown that it is getting more serious. I think we should perhaps reinforce the various campaigns we have on inhalant abuse in terms of exhibition and counselling. But more important, I think we must draw the attention of the parents of these young abusers to the role that they have to play in ensuring that their children do not fall by the wayside. There can be only so much that the law can do, especially in this case where the law will never be precise enough to identify the culprits, the suppliers of these inhalants and the preventive measures are, at best,half successful if the parents do not play their part. Given the young age, I think it would be much easier and much more effective if parents start the education at home. After all, it is their own children they are looking after. Rather than depending on the law itself to provide all the answers, I think we should ensure that the parents themselves are given adequate means to prevent their children from developing this habit.”
“Mr Deputy Speaker, Sir, my colleagues in the GPC for Home Affairs have elaborated on some of the provisions in the Bill. I would just like to touch on a few of the provisions not covered by my colleagues. First, on the supply of inhalants under clause 4, there is difficulty in defining what exactly inhalants are. As the Minister has said just now, it involves household products which can be bought anywhere any time. There may be a temptation on the part of those who enforce the law to be a bit more generous with an interpretation of this category of products. There could be undue alarm on the part of those who supply these products in thinking that they are breaking the law. I was wondering whether we can arrive at a more precise definition of what these inhalants are and, hopefully, if we can get a list of these products, the suppliers will have the confidence that they are not, in fact, treading on soft ground. The other provision relates to supervision orders. I am not too clear how different this supervision of the inhalant abusers would be compared to the normal supervision orders against, for example, criminal law detainees. Bearing in mind that many of these offenders would be young persons, we should perhaps have a slightly revised supervision system. For example, can we have officers who are supervising these inhalant abusers to be specially trained to handle this category rather than using the same officers who have been supervising drug addicts, because the nature of the offence is different, the people are different, and they probably need a different approach. As the Minister has stated just now, most of the offenders are young, below 19, and the pressures of society have been probably added on to make them turn towards the easy way out.”
“I am confident that the Government will be able to deal justly and fairly with the release of these detainees as and when they are ready. Hence, my proposed amendment supportingthe Government's intention that they should be released as soon as they are rehabilitated and are unlikely to resume their subversive activities.”
“As against the old Communist/Marxist who could be identified by his Chinese education background, hiding in the jungles, the modern day Marxist is primarily English educated with impeccable behaviour. They may look harmless but they could cause harm if allowed a free hand. Now that the members of the group have admitted openly and freely their complicity in the conspiracy, it is for the Government to weigh the gravity of each offence having regard to the role that each member plays. The Government, in its release on 20th June this year, has stated that those whose involvement was more serious would have detention orders issued against them. Others, whose involvement was less serious would have to be rehabilitated so that they would not revert to their old activities. Once the Government is satisfied a detainee is unlikely to resume subversive activities, he or she will be released. I believe that this is a just course of action and will ensure that justice is done to all. It will allay the fears of those who think early release may encourage others to perpetuate subversion knowing that they can just regret for what they have done and get away without punishment. The Member for Potong Pasir has said just now that since they have admitted their guilt, why do you not let them out? It is somewhat equivalent to say that when you arrest a person who has murdered somebody and say the guy has confessed and said, "I am sorry for what I did." Surely, it is not human justice to let him go. The Government should decide on the release only after a very careful evaluation of the person's potential for continuing to be a threat, and whether that person is likely to resume his or her activities.”
“However, religion combined with politics can be a very explosive mixture. Given free rein, Vincent Cheng's tactics could have whipped up sentiments that would be hard to arrest. There are far too many examples in other countries, in the recent past especially, where religion has been used to perpetuate political ends, all leading to disastrous results. It is gratifying that the evidence shows clearly no involvement by the Catholic church. The Archbishop has publicly confirmed that the Government's action has nothing to do against the Church. The Vatican Radio, in reporting all the measures that were taken subsequently to put matters right, had confirmed the official position of the Church. Let us, however, be aware that the Communist/Marxist underground will continue their work despite this setback. It may have been the Catholic Church today. It may be other organizations and they would be equally vulnerable. It is therefore incumbent upon the Government to remain vigilant against these constant attempts at subversion from developing into open conflicts. Some Singaporeans have observed the seemingly innocent and harmless behaviour of members of the group arrested in this conspiracy. For example, Vincent Cheng was said to be a hard and conscientious worker. He was, in fact, a nice guy. Surely, if one were to win the support of the organization, one must be behaving well to earn the trust of the members of the organization. This has been a hallmark of Communist/Marxist infiltration. It has, in fact, worked well in other countries. In the case of the present group, it has become more difficult to tell the difference between a social/religious worker and a Marxist.”
“Vincent Cheng, the mastermind of the network here, has stated publicly without coercion that their plan would start with peaceful protects, escalating to mass events "leading to public disorders and maybe even rioting, bloodshed and violence". These are not empty words uttered by innocent intellectuals. They are part of a very dangerous and deliberate plot to destabilize the country. The Government would be failing in its responsibility to the people of Singapore if, despite the discovery of such threats, allow them to develop into actual action. Some Singaporeans have naively believed that the Government is making a mountain out of a molehill and is greatly exaggerating the issues. The MP for Potong Pasir thinks it is a big joke. I can tell him that this is no joking matter. The comprehensive evidence before us shows that the Government has recognized the seriousness of the conspiracy and has acted speedily to stamp it out. Yet another manifestation of the seriousness of this plot is the instrument with which this group chose to perpetuate their work. The Catholic Church in Singapore has a considerable following; I being one of them. It has a long and cordial relationship with the Government. Members of the Catholic Church have enjoyed a total freedom of worship, similarly extended to all other Christian denominations and other religions. The presence of many mission schools and the work in welfare services attest to the role that the Catholic Church has played in promoting the well-being of Singapore. It is precisely because of this strong bond between the Church and State that Vincent Cheng and his group have tried to exploit. It would have given them a very good cover and a large base to work with.”
“Mr Deputy Speaker, Sir, since the uncovering of the Marxist conspiracy in May this year, the Government has disclosed very detailed evidence through the media, TV interviews, and ministerial statements, which prove conclusively the existence of this plot and the complicity of those who were arrested for their involvement. The Minister for Home Affairs has also replied to protests by organizations overseas. The extent to which the Government has gone to provide the irrefutable proof publicly may be considered to be unprecedented. It reflects the Government's willingness to stand by its policies and justify its action in the interest of the people of Singapore. Several key conclusions can be drawn from this episode. It is clear that despite the relative prosperity of Singapore, the threat of Communist/Marxist subversion is still very much alive. Many Singaporeans, including professionals, graduates, young intellectuals, and we can see from the discussion just now, the MP for Potong Pasir also, have been lulled by our economic success into believing that we have become immune to subversion. The high degree of political stability in Singapore did not come about accidentally. It is, in fact, the result of painstaking efforts by the Government in taking pre-emptive action to nip potential troubles in the bud before they are allowed to take root. It was not too long ago that the Government had to take similar action on other groups who planned to undermine Singapore stability. Each of these cases, if allowed to develop unimpeded, and as has been advocated by the MP for Potong Pasir, would have led to serious troubles involving riots which would have disastrous consequences.”
“Mr Deputy Speaker, Sir, I beg to move, as an amendment, to leave out all the words from "House" to the end and there to insert, 'supports the prompt action of the Government in arresting those involved in the Marxist conspiracy and supports the Government's intention to release them as soon as they are rehabilitated and are unlikely to resume their subversive activities.'”
“We must jealously safeguard the integrity and dignity of this House through our own action. Members of Parliament are expected to conduct themselves with great propriety. They enjoy a freedom of speech that is not extended to the general public. They must however subject themselves to the code of conduct expected of Members of Parliament and behave properly so as not to betray the trust of those who have elected them. There cannot be a free licence to unsubstantiated allegations and rumour-mongering in this House. It is a measure of the former MP for Anson that in today's sitting there are three matters of abuse of privilege, all referring to the Member. It may be added that all these three issues have come from the Member's reckless action. There was no question of the Government going after the Member. We should all put a stop to this flagrant abuse of privilege if we were to maintain the highest standards that our Parliament has enjoyed all these years. I would therefore support the Committee of Privileges' findings and recommendations.”
“Indeed the former MP for Anson has been accorded not only the opportunity but the time for him to speak his mind. One only needs to refer to the Hansard to see that the time given to the former MP for Anson has been rather disproportionate, considering that he is only one Member out of a total of 79. However, we would expect that a Member of this House would at least do his homework before making serious allegations. The former MP for Anson was not faulted for not having investigated, in his words, the details of the case. As he said it quite rightly, it was not his job to do so. He was asked why he did not at least verify with the person who claimed that he was arrested. It is incredible that for some four months he did not even bother to contact the man. It is odd that he ascribes such importance to the seriousness of his allegations but did not even bother to verify this simple fact with the victim. As I said earlier, we should not be too surprised with the former MP for Anson, as he has done this before. However, there is a more serious aspect to the current issue. When Mr Lim's arrest was discussed in the House on 30th July last year, at the MP's own volition, he merely offered the address of Mr Lim. He failed to inform the House that he had in fact been given the information that Mr Lim had fabricated the whole story. Herein lies the much more serious suppression of information. The former MP for Anson, far from having the grace of admitting that he was misled, has opted to hide the truth from this House for reasons best known to himself. It is an act of dishonesty that cannot be condoned. The Parliament of Singapore should never be reduced to an open House of rumours and unfounded allegations brought by its own Members.”
“Mr Deputy Speaker, Sir, the Committee of Privileges in considering the complaint of unsubstantiated allegations of wrongful arrest and detention of Mr Lim Poh Huat has made two conclusions: (1) that the former Member for Anson was guilty of abuse of privilege when he made serious charges without verifying basic facts even though he has ample opportunities to do so, and (2) that he deliberately suppressed important information already in his possession although this information would have thrown light on the whole issue. I must say that this sounds rather familiar. Since his entry to Parliament in 1980, the former MP for Anson has been in the habit of bringing to this House rumours of all sorts. Very often, based on such rumours, he has levied grave and serious charges against persons and ministries. Yet when he was challenged to produce facts to substantiate his allegations he has been unable to do so. When pressed, he would resort to his often-repeated defence that he is entitled to ask any question on any matter under the sun and that it is the Government's duty to provide answers. His position is tantamount to saying that he should be given the right to purvey rumours of all kinds in this House without having to be responsible for the consequences that it may have on the people who may be adversely affected by such rumours. The former MP for Anson has categorically stated during the Committee's hearing on this case that he can ask questions based on, and I quote here: 'Hearsay evidence on information that is given to me and which I considered to be not inherently improbable.' Any Member, be he in their position or on the Government side, can speak freely in this House.”
“Economic Development Assistance Scheme (7) That the sum to be allocated for Head V be reduced by $10 in respect of Subhead VE-01-8201 of the Development Estimates.”
“Sir, I find the argument that we cannot deploy our women workers from week day to a Sun- day rather unconvincing. We do that in the industries every day and I do not see why it cannot be applied to civil servants.”
“Singapore Civil Defence Force (10) That the sum to be allocated for Head Q be reduced by $10 in respect of Subhead QD-01-1210 of the Main Estimates. Encik Zulkifli bin Mohammed: Singapore Civil Defence Force (11) That the sum to be allocated for Head Q be reduced by $10 in respect of Subhead QD-01 of the Main Estimates.”
“Sir, I beg leave to withdraw the amendment. Amendment, by leave, withdrawn. The following amendments stood on the Order Paper Supplement:”
“Mr Chairman, I beg to move, That the sum to be allocated for Head Q be reduced by $10 in respect of Subhead QB-01-1210 of the Main Estimates. Mr Chairman, this follows up from some of the Minister's answers just now. The efficiency of policing requires manpower no doubt, but they must be supported by adequate equipment and facilities, especially, to enable them to react quickly and respond fast to calls by residents and citizens and at the same time to enable accurate retrieval of records for the purpose of detection and resolution. I understand the Ministry embarked on a programme of computerization in the early 1980s. And the computerization programme encompasses all the major departments in the Ministry, especially in the field of policing. I understand that some of the computerization projects cover the operational requirements of the Police Force. I would just like to know from the Minister whether the programme has been implemented on schedule and whether these equipment have been made available to help the Police in their work, have there been any savings on manpower and/or, to the worst, whether the Ministry of Finance has in fact stopped giving money for such projects. If the Minister can elaborate on these, I would be grateful.”
“I thank the Minister for his reply. I beg leave to withdraw my amendment. Amendment, by leave, withdrawn. The following amendment stood on the Order Paper Supplement -”